Participate and Evaluate

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Chapter 1

Discovering Social Psychology

1.1 What Is Social Psychology?

1.2 Where Did Social Psychology Come From?

Social Psychology Before 1950

Social Psychology Since 1950

1.3 How Do We Do Social Psychology?

Observa�onal Method: What Is Happening?

Correla�onal Method: What Might Happen?

Experimental Method: What Causes That?

Sta�s�cal Measurement

Ethics in Research

Spencer Grant/age fotostock/SuperStock

Learning Objec�ves

By the end of the chapter you should be able to:

Define social psychology

Describe the history of social psychology

Describe the scien�fic method

Discuss the observa�onal method and explain when that method is most appropriate to the research ques�on

Discuss the correla�onal method and explain when that method is most appropriate to the research ques�on

Discuss the experimental method and explain when that method is most appropriate to the research ques�on

Define terms associated with the experimental method including independent and dependent variable, experimental group and control group, random assignment and random sampling, internal and external validity, generalizability, experimental and mundane realism, and demand characteris�cs

Understand the dangers of hindsight bias

Chapter Outline

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Chapter Summary

* * *

One in every seven people on Earth is registered on Facebook. The site added the 1 billionth user in September 2012. Each U.S. user has an average of around 260 friends (Sta�sta, 2012; Vance, 2012). In 2011 there were an es�mated 181 million blogs by people from around the world (Nielsenwire, 2012). On its sixth birthday in March 2012, Twi�er reported an average of 340 million Tweets a day, with a 140 million users (Twi�erblog, 2012). What can we conclude from this informa�on? Human beings are intensely interested in and regularly seek out interac�on with other human beings. Social psychology is a field that is also interested in human beings. Social psychologists study people—in par�cular, people interac�ng with one another.

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Chris�n Gilbert/age fotostock/SuperStock

Humans use social networking websites to stay connected and interact with other people.

Characteris�cs of a social psychologist.

Becoming a Social Psychologist

Cri�cal Thinking Ques�ons

According to Dr. Christenfield, what are the two skills needed to thrive as a social psychologist?

Which of these skills is easier to train, and why?

1.1 What Is Social Psychology? Social psychology is the scien�fic study of human thoughts, feelings, and behavior as humans relate to and are influenced by others. However, many academic disciplines are interested in human thoughts, feelings, or behavior. If you were to take a literature course, you would find yourself contempla�ng the thoughts of Ishmael in Moby Dick or the ac�ons of Lady Macbeth in Macbeth. In an art course you might work on transla�ng a par�cular feeling into a sculpture or a pain�ng. What makes social psychology different is the method it employs to study humans. As with other science-related fields, social psychologists use the scien�fic method to learn about human beings, a method that employs careful observa�on and empirical evidence to come to conclusions. The focus of social psychology, however, is on the thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of people, rather than the physical pieces that together make up a person like DNA, cells, or muscles, and cons�tute the focus of natural science fields like biology. Social psychology, as a branch of psychology, focuses on how individuals are affected by others; and, as related to sociology, social psychology looks at a person's social se�ng within the dynamics of the social system.

Social psychology is o�en paired with another branch of psychology, personality psychology. One of the largest organiza�ons for social psychologists, the Society for Personality and Social Psychology (SPSP), includes personality psychologists. Social psychologists emphasize how different people act in similar ways in similar situa�ons, documen�ng how outside forces affect behavior. Personality psychologists focus on differen�a�ng people from one another, observing how forces inside the person affect behavior. For example, to explain why your friend Stuart joined a cult, a social psychologist might look at the persuasive techniques the cult used to convince all of their converts to join. In contrast, a personality psychologist would focus on how Stuart's tendency toward following those in authority makes him, but not someone else, par�cularly vulnerable to cults. Because situa�onal forces interact with personal characteris�cs, explana�ons for

behavior must address both. Social and personality psychologists therefore largely address both in the work they do.

Social psychologists study a wide variety of topics, including views of the self, persuasion, a�rac�on, and group processes. In general, social psychologists are interested in how people relate to and influence one another, but there are many facets that do not fit this defini�on. Social psychology is a large, unwieldy, and largely disjointed field of study. In a history of the field of psychology, science writer Morton Hunt (1983) aptly summarizes the issue: “The problem," he writes, “is that social psychology has no unifying concept; it did not develop from the seed of a theore�cal construct . . . but grew like crabgrass in uncul�vated regions of the social sciences" (p. 397). Welcome to the study of crabgrass.

Large, unwieldy, and disjointed as it may be, social psychology offers the student and the scien�st a way of answering the ques�ons that haunt our daily lives. How do I understand who I am and my capabili�es? What should I do in this new situa�on? Is that person interested in da�ng me? Does that infomercial really convince anyone to buy the product? How do I get my school or work group to work be�er together? The diversity of topics found in social psychology also allows for wonderful interconnec�ons with other areas of psychology. Both social psychologists and cogni�ve psychologists are interested in decision making and a�ribu�ons. Social psychologists and developmental psychologists are both interested in a�achment and roman�c rela�onships. The special exper�se and focus of the different areas means we know more about these topics than we might if they were studied in only one field of psychology.

Test Yourself

Given the preceding introduc�on to the field of social psychology, which of the following ques�ons would best be answered by social psychology? Click on each ques�on below to reveal the answer.

What happened in Ge�ysburg in July 1863? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

While the answer to this ques�on might involve human behavior, it is a ques�on be�er answered using methods found in studies of history than social psychological methods.

Does playing violent video games cause people to behave more aggressively toward others? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

This ques�on is well suited to social psychology; it focuses on human behavior in rela�on to others and can be studied using the scien�fic method.

Can playing hard-to-get make a person more a�rac�ve to others? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

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This ques�on is well suited to social psychology; it focuses on human behavior in rela�on to others and can be studied using the scien�fic method.

Is there a God? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

This is not a ques�on appropriate to social psychology. Social psychology is the scien�fic study of human thoughts, feelings, and behavior, and this ques�on would be difficult or impossible to study scien�fically.

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Associated Press

Kurt Lewin, an important early social psychologist, emphasized the importance of theories and methods.

1.2 Where Did Social Psychology Come From? In 1898, Norman Triple� published an ar�cle posing a ques�on about bicyclists. He wondered why cyclists seemed to race faster when in the presence of other cyclists than when racing against the clock alone. To explore the effect of others on individual ac�on, Triple� developed a few hypotheses and then tested them using the scien�fic method. For this reason, Triple� is considered by many social psychologists to have conducted the first social psychological research study (Allport, 1954; Jones, 1998; though there is some disagreement, see Danziger, 2000 and Haines & Vaughan, 1979). Triple� found that, in general, par�cipants in his study were able to perform ac�ons more quickly when in the presence of others.

The other study o�en cited as one of the first in the field of social psychology was performed by Max Ringelmann, a French agricultural engineer. He carried out his work in the 1880s and published his findings in 1913 (Kravitz & Mar�n, 1986). In his research, Ringelmann asked par�cipants to pull on a rope either alone, in a group of 7, or in a group of 14. He then assessed how hard the par�cipants pulled. He found that in the group of 14, the average per person force was much less than the average per person force when par�cipants were pulling alone: 61.4 kg of force versus 85.3 kg of force. In a later study where par�cipants pushed a cart in pairs or alone, he also found less individual exer�on of force when par�cipants were working with others. Both Triple�'s and Ringelmann's studies used the scien�fic method to be�er understand how an individual's performance is affected by others, the essence of social psychology.

Social Psychology Before 1950

If we date the start of social psychology to 1898, we realize that the field is not very old, at least not for a scien�fic discipline. Work in the field began slowly, and before 1950 the number of researchers and theories was small. Muzafer Sherif (1936) did some early work on the power of the group to influence judgments, discovering that norms were quickly and naturally developed in groups of people. Miller and Dollard studied aggression and proposed a link between frustra�on and aggression (Dollard, Doob, Miller, Mowrer, & Sears, 1939; Miller, 1941). In early work on a�tudes, Richard T. LaPiere (1934) found that our a�tudes and our ac�ons do not always align, while Fritz Heider (1946) proposed a theory of a�tudes that focused on balance.

In these early days the field struggled to define itself, its method, and its subject of interest. Two major figures in the field held opposing views. Floyd Henry Allport (1890–1979) wrote an early textbook for social psychology, published in 1924. Allport was a strong proponent of the use of a rigorous scien�fic method. He advocated for a focus on individuals, not groups or norms, and the behaviors of people, not thoughts or feelings. Another major figure was Kurt Lewin (1890–1947), a refugee from Nazi Germany who moved to the United States in 1933. Lewin had a major influence on the field of social psychology. He believed that outside forces affect the behavior of the individual, that the ac�ons and decisions of the individual are constrained by fields of force, similar to how the planets in our solar system are constrained in their movement by the pull of gravity from the bodies that surround them. But Lewin's contribu�ons were primarily in the realm of theory and method—it was the way he did social psychology that people emulated. For more on what Lewin did and his disagreement with Allport, see the Social Psychology in Depth box.

Social Psychology in Depth: Lewin's Contribu�ons

The psychologist finds himself in the midst of a rich and vast land full of strange happenings: There are men killing themselves; a child playing; a person who, having fallen in love and being caught in an unhappy situa�on, is not willing or not able to find a way out; . . . there is the reaching out for higher and more difficult goals; loyalty to a group; dreaming; planning; exploring the world; and so on without end.

It is an immense con�nent full of fascina�on and power and full of stretches of land where no one ever has set foot.

Psychology is out to conquer this con�nent, to find out where its treasures are hidden, to inves�gate its danger spots, to master its vast forces, to u�lize its energies. How can one reach this goal? (Lewin, 1940, cited in Marrow, 1969, p. 3)

As a young science, social psychology struggled to find its direc�on and focus. Kurt Lewin helped the field find its way, while also making great contribu�ons to child development and industrial/organiza�onal psychology (Ash, 1992). Lewin explained that behavior (B) was a func�on (f) of both the person (P) and the environment (E), resul�ng in an equa�on wri�en as B = f (P, E). For human beings, the environment (E) most o�en includes other people, so Lewin was intensely interested in the effect we have on one another. In fact, Lewin was the person who coined the term group dynamics (Berscheid, 2003).

Lewin saw the importance of studying people outside the laboratory, in everyday situa�ons. He also studied the important issues of the day, focusing psychological study on the par�cular social issues that needed to be solved. The study that ini�ally gained him popularity in the United

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States was one of leadership styles. Lewin and his colleagues (Lewin, Lippi�, & White, 1939) compared the behavior of children assigned to groups led by adults using an authoritarian and laissez-faire style with the behavior of children led by those using a more democra�c style. They found that hos�le behavior was usually higher in the groups led using an authoritarian or laissez-faire style than led using a democra�c style. Lewin believed that groups could be studied experimentally and did so in studies like the one on leadership styles.

Another prominent psychologist, Floyd Allport (1924), argued that only the individual could be the subject of study. Allport maintained that psychology studies the individual, so extending psychology to groups goes against the defini�on of the field. Allport also believed that social psychologists should focus on laboratory studies. It was Allport who pointed to Triple�'s 1898 study as the first in the history of social psychology, not because Triple� himself saw it as a social psychological study but because it fit Allport's model of what a study in social psychology should be (Berscheid, 2003). Allport was a good salesman.

The topics that social psychologists study, however, are more in line with Lewin's ideas of appropriate subjects for the field than Allport's ideas. Social psychologists study the interac�on of the person and environment, and groups—both large groups and very small groups (those made up of two people). The Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues, an organiza�on Lewin helped start, is alive and well. Lewin's ideas con�nue to be used in the area of ac�on research, which focuses on making improvements to difficult situa�ons while advancing scien�fic knowledge (Bargal, 2008; Sommer, 2009). Given the big issues we face in the world today—war, poverty, and discrimina�on, to name a few—one can hope for Lewin's tradi�on to con�nue.

Social Psychology Since 1950

In the 1950s and 1960s, the number of social psychologists and research within the field expanded rapidly. A number of factors contributed to this increased interest in the field. One desire of a number of social psychologists, and therefore a topic of study in this period, was to explain the violent events leading up to and taking place during World War II. Researchers focused on subjects such as the causes of aggression, group ac�ons (e.g., conformity and social facilita�on), and individual ac�ons (e.g., obedience). In the United States the field benefited from a number of psychologists who fled Europe before or during World War II. Serious study of many of the topics you will read about throughout this text began in these decades. These concepts, the researchers, and their major findings are summarized in Table 1.1. As we explore social psychology throughout the coming weeks, keep this table in mind.

Table 1.1: Social psychological topics and researchers of the 1950s and 1960s

Topic Researcher, Date, Title, and Journal Major Finding

Aggression Berkowitz, L., & LePage, A. (1967). Weapons as aggression-elici�ng s�muli. In the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.

The presence of a weapon elicited greater aggression than the presence of a neutral s�mulus or no object.

A�rac�on Walster, E., Aronson, V., Abrahams, D., & Ro�mann, L. (1966). Importance of physical a�rac�veness in da�ng behavior. In the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.

A�rac�ve individuals were liked more, more likely to be pursued for a later date, and rated their dates more harshly.

Cogni�ve dissonance

Fes�nger, L., & Carlsmith, J. M. (1959). Cogni�ve consequences of forced compliance. In the Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology.

Par�cipants receiving a small reward to lie to another par�cipant were more likely to report they enjoyed the boring study and would par�cipate in a similar study in the future than those who received a large reward.

Conformity Asch, S. E. (1956). Studies of interdependence and conformity: A minority of one against the unanimous majority. In Psychological Monographs.

Even when an answer was obviously wrong, individuals conformed to a unanimous group at least some of the �me.

Helping Latane, B., & Darley, J. M. (1968). Group inhibi�on of bystander interven�on in emergencies. In the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.

Par�cipants alone helped more quickly when alone than when in the presence of unresponsive others or other naïve par�cipants.

Obedience Milgram, S. (1963). Behavioral study of obedience. In the Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology.

Commands of obedience were obeyed even when the commands appeared to harm another individual.

Persuasion Hovland, C. I., & Weiss, W. (1951). The influence of source credibility on communica�on effec�veness. In Public Opinion Quarterly.

A�er �me, par�cipants accepted an originally rejected message from an untrustworthy source.

Social facilita�on

Zajonc, R. B., Heingartner, A., & Herman, E. M. (1969). Social enhancement and impairment of performance in the cockroach. In the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.

Cockroaches running a difficult maze took a shorter �me when they were alone than when they were observed by other cockroaches. Cockroaches running an easy maze took a longer �me when they were alone than when they were observed.

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Expand Your Knowledge: Looking for More?

The Inquisi�ve Mind, or In-Mind, is a website with interes�ng, accessible ar�cles on social psychology for the general public. If you would like to learn more about current findings in the field from respected researchers, take a look at h�p://beta.in-mind.org/ (h�p://beta.in-mind.org/) .

Since the 1960s, psychology as a whole has put more emphasis on cogni�on or thinking processes rather than just observable behavior. In research on the self, for example, social psychologists have found that the way we think about ourselves influences the way we approach the world. People who view themselves as possessing par�cular quali�es tend to no�ce those quali�es in others. Our cogni�ve processes also impact the decisions we make, an idea we will explore in the chapter on making judgments. Basic cogni�ve processes such as categoriza�on also impact how we think about others. Because of our tendency to categorize, we assume people who share one characteris�c share others as well, resul�ng in stereotypes.

As our technologies for looking inside the brain have improved, so too have our abili�es to see how brain anatomy and brain processes relate to the social aspects of the person. Researchers have found that when we think about ourselves, we use a different part of the brain than if we are thinking about other people or things. Processing informa�on about the self u�lizes a unique loca�on in the brain, and when people are thinking about themselves, this part of the brain shows heightened ac�va�on. Other parts of the brain are ac�vated when people are paying a�en�on to what others are doing, either in a�emp�ng to understand others' thought processes or evalua�ng whether their ac�ons may be threatening. We also use different parts of our brain when we are a�emp�ng to regulate our thoughts or behaviors in social situa�ons (Heatherton, 2011). Social neuroscience is s�ll a rela�vely new field; researchers are only beginning to explore all the ways our brain reflects our social ac�vi�es.

In more recent decades, social psychologists have also paid more a�en�on to the impact of cultural differences on the person (e.g., Markus & Kitayama, 1991). They have found that people may think differently about themselves and their rela�onships and interact with one another differently depending on culture. For example, studies show that young people in the United States place more emphasis and importance on roman�c rela�onships than people in South Korea do. College students in the two countries were surveyed at the beginning and the end of the spring semester to assess stability of roman�c rela�onship status, roman�c loneliness, and closeness. The researchers then compared the South Korean and U.S. students—those who were in stable roman�c rela�onships and those who were not. U.S. students in stable roman�c rela�onships showed less loneliness than their U.S. counterparts without a stable roman�c rela�onship. Korean students had only a small decrease in loneliness when in a stable roman�c rela�onship. In other words, when not in a roman�c rela�onship, Korean young adults do not experience as much roman�c loneliness as young adults in the United States do. Within rela�onships, young adults in the United States report greater closeness to their partner than young adults in Korea do (Seepersad, Choi, & Shin, 2008). These findings suggest that young adults in the United States place greater importance on roman�c rela�onships for comba�ng loneliness and gaining closeness with another person. Friends or family may be more important for South Korean young adults in mee�ng social needs.

Social psychologists have also begun incorpora�ng evolu�onary theories to explain various psychological findings. According to evolu�onary theory, those characteris�cs of an organism that allow it to survive and reproduce within its environment are most likely to appear in later genera�ons. Evolu�onary theory is o�en used in biology and other sciences, but within psychology our focus is more o�en on adap�ve behaviors (e.g., being afraid of strangers) rather than on adap�ve biological characteris�cs (e.g., opposable thumbs). Adap�ve behaviors may s�ll have a biological mechanism that can be passed on through the genes. For instance, in evolu�onary history, individuals who showed a strong response to strangers in the amygdala, the brain structure largely responsible for the emo�on of fear, were more likely to survive an a�ack by a rival group. Their survival meant they had children and passed the genes responsible for their stranger- ac�vated amygdala on to future genera�ons.

Evolu�onary psychology can act as a metatheory, a theory that explains other theories (Duntley & Buss, 2008). For example, on the theme of roman�c rela�onships, evolu�onary psychologists would suggest that a man capable of iden�fying a fer�le woman and keeping that woman away from other men will be more successful in passing down his genes to future genera�ons. A woman, on the other hand, would want to iden�fy a man who is willing and able to invest in her and her offspring, given the long investment she has in pregnancy and a dependent infant. We find exactly these kinds of pa�erns across cultures (Buss, Larsen, Westen, & Semmelroth, 1992; Buss & Schmi�, 1993; Kaighobadi, Shackelford, & Buss, 2010). Men report greater interest in physical a�rac�veness, desire more sexual partners, and are more jealous of sexual infidelity than emo�onal infidelity. Women, on the other hand, show more interest in status and income and are more jealous when a partner becomes emo�onally close to another woman, which could poten�ally lead him to stop inves�ng in her and their offspring.

Test Yourself

Click on each ques�on below to reveal the answer.

The first study in social psychology was conducted by Triple� in (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover#)

a. 1809

b. 1898

c. 1950

d. 1989

Correct answer: b

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When did the number of researchers in the field of social psychology begin to increase? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover#)

In the 1950s and 1960s, a�er World War II, the number of social psychologists, and the topics they studied, grew.

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Belinda Images/SuperStock

Observa�onal studies allow researchers to observe people and their behavior in naturalis�c se�ngs.

1.3 How Do We Do Social Psychology? What makes social psychology a science? The common theme among the chemist in the lab, the physicist at the Large Hadron Collider, the ecologist out in the forest, and the psychologist is the method all use to explore the subject ma�er: the scien�fic method. The scien�fic method begins with a testable predic�on, a hypothesis, which can be inspired by experiences in the world or developed from a theory, which is a set of principles or a framework for a set of observa�ons based on previous research. Once a hypothesis has been developed, the researcher will want to actually test the predic�on. There are three basic methods for tes�ng hypotheses: the observa�onal method, the correla�onal method, and the experimental method. Which one to use depends on the ques�on asked.

Observa�onal Method: What Is Happening?

When a researcher simply wants to know what is happening within a situa�on or with a par�cular phenomenon, observa�onal methods are most appropriate. For example, while watching one of those long commercials on late-night television called an infomercial, a researcher might wonder how many include a “free bonus gi�." An observa�onal method can help to answer this ques�on. When using observa�onal methods, a researcher simply observes a behavior or situa�on and records what is happening.

Observa�onal methods are systema�c in nature. Before conduc�ng the observa�on, a researcher most o�en decides exactly what cons�tutes the behavior being studied. For example, in inves�ga�ng how many infomercials offer a free gi�, the researcher might specify that the free gi� must come with the purchase and not require separate shipping and handling charges. Decisions must also be made about when to sample the behavior. A researcher could decide to sample infomercials occurring between 12:00 p.m. and 3:00 a.m. on network television or between 1:00 p.m. and 6:00 p.m. on weekends on cable television. Depending on the research ques�on, observa�onal research might take place in a wide variety of se�ngs. An interest in children's aggressive behavior might lead to observa�ons in a day care se�ng. For a research ques�on about the ac�ons of people si�ng in wai�ng rooms, data collec�on could take place at a local den�st's office.

Observa�onal methods are helpful in describing if or how o�en something might happen. Many observa�onal studies take place in naturalis�c se�ngs, so people's behaviors are generally the same as in their everyday lives. One drawback of this method is that rela�vely rare or private behaviors, such as sexual ac�vity, are difficult or unethical to observe. Scien�sts using this method also need to be careful to not allow their presence to affect the behavior being observed.

Test Yourself

Click on the ques�on below to reveal the answer.

Describe several research ques�ons that would best be answered using the observa�onal method. (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Examples: How o�en do people jaywalk? How o�en do people hold open the door for strangers when going into a store? Do people read the magazines in a doctor's office wai�ng room?

Correla�onal Method: What Might Happen?

Researchers o�en want to be able to predict if one behavior (or feeling or thought) will occur as a result of another behavior. In these cases, they use the correla�onal method. If a researcher was interested in whether the age of people is associated with their likelihood of buying an infomercial product, the correla�onal method would be used. To apply this method, people's ages would need to be recorded, as well as how many infomercial products they had purchased within a specified period, for instance, within the last month. In research, the en��es assessed when using a correla�onal method are called variables. A variable is literally something that varies or can vary. In this study, two variables are assessed: age and purchases. Researchers are interested in whether there is a rela�on between the two variables they are comparing. Does knowing a person's age tell us anything about the number of adver�sed products bought last month? Are these variables co-related?

Correla�onal research o�en involves the use of survey methods. Surveys help researchers gather informa�on about people by asking individuals to answer a ques�on or a series of ques�ons about themselves and what they think, feel, or do. Surveys may be conducted in a wide variety of ways. Some�mes researchers do face-to-face interviews, or talk to people on the telephone to collect informa�on. Other �mes a paper-and-pencil survey is sent to poten�al par�cipants or people sit in a group se�ng, like a classroom, to fill out a survey. Surveys are also administered online. Surveys can be helpful in collec�ng a lot of informa�on in a rela�vely short period, but researchers must be careful of the wording of ques�ons within a survey so they do not lead people to a desired answer.

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Expand Your Knowledge: Par�cipate in Research

Want to see what social psychological research is really like? Par�cipate in online research. One clearinghouse for studies can be found at the Social Psychology Network website: h�p://www.socialpsychology.org/ (h�p://www.socialpsychology.org/) .

Another concern of survey research is the reliability of the survey. A reliable survey is one that provides consistent informa�on. For example, if an individual was surveyed about his or her religious beliefs one week and then again 2 weeks later, the answers on the survey should be similar both �mes, unless, of course, the person surveyed experienced a religious conversion in that �me. If two administra�ons of a survey provided very different results and there is no alterna�ve explana�on for the lack of consistency, the survey is unreliable and should not be used in research. Surveys are o�en used in correla�onal research but may also be used in experiments to find out how people think, feel, or behave.

Beyond the survey method, other methods can be used when collec�ng data on variables, combining more than one research method. For example, if the researcher was interested in whether children's aggressive behavior was related to the number of teachers observing the children's play, the children could be observed on the playground, and the number of teachers watching could also be recorded. If a researcher wanted to know if the number of aggressive acts by children was related to parental a�tudes toward violence, observa�ons might be paired with a survey of parental a�tudes toward violence. Data might also be obtained from other sources. A research ques�on about the rela�on between age and purchasing from infomercials might be answered with a survey of individuals but could also be addressed if the researcher received permission to look at people's credit card purchases of infomercial products, as well as the credit card company's data concerning their clients' ages. Note that with the correla�onal method, the researcher is not manipula�ng the environment or a�emp�ng to change people's behavior, but rather, looking at what people are naturally doing, specific a�ributes, or what they are thinking or feeling.

The correla�onal method can be very useful, but it must be used with cau�on. If knowledge of one variable (age) helps predict another (buying), does that mean that one causes the other? Not necessarily. It is possible that the first variable caused the second, or that the second variable caused the first, or that some other variable caused both variables. Without further research we cannot know which possibility is true. For example, a researcher might find a nega�ve correla�on in schools between the number of teachers monitoring hallway behavior and the number of acts of aggression in the hallway. It is possible that more teachers in the hallway caused lower aggression, but it is also possible that

there were fewer teachers in the hallway in the face of aggression because they had le� to avoid it. Knowing that there is a correla�on between two events does not tell us which, if either, is the cause. In fact, it is quite common to have a third variable cause a correla�on between two other variables. For example, sunburn and outdoor temperature are correlated. Does this mean that hot weather causes sunburn or that sunburn causes hot weather? Of course not. The summer sun causes both sunburn and hot weather. Cum hoc propter hoc—correla�on does not imply causa�on.

Test Yourself

Click on each ques�on below to reveal the answer.

If a researcher were to give a test of crea�vity to a par�cipant and get a score of 12 and a week later give the same test again and get a score of 12, that crea�vity test would have what quality? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Reliability. A test that provides consistent scores is reliable.

If two variables are correlated, does that mean that one of them causes the other? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

No. Two variables can be correlated but both be caused by another variable. Correla�on is not causa�on.

Experimental Method: What Causes That?

A researcher interested in causality would use the experimental method (see Figure 1.1). For example, if we are interested in whether offering a free gi� makes people more likely to buy things, we would do an experiment. In this basic experiment half of a group of people would be randomly assigned to watch an infomercial where a free gi� is offered at the end, and the other half of the group would watch an iden�cal infomercial but without reference to a free gi�. Each person would then be asked how much they would like to buy the product.

The Experimental Study

In an experiment, the group that receives the treatment or experiences a change in their environment is called the experimental group. In the study of free gi�s in infomercials, the group that is offered the free gi� would be the experimental group, and the group to which nothing was offered is called the control group. Researchers use other terms for other parts of an experiment. The variable manipulated in an experiment, in this case the presence or absence of a free gi� offer, is called the independent variable. The variable we measure in an experiment, in this case desire to buy, is the dependent variable. An experiment tests whether the independent and dependent variable have a cause and effect rela�onship. If the presence or absence of a gi� (i.e., the independent variable) changes buying behavior (i.e., the dependent variable), the assump�on is that gi�s cause a desire to buy.

Figure 1.1: The experimental method

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A simple experiment can be designed to test a hypothesis.

Many experiments involve random assignment, which means that each individual in the sample has an equal chance of being in each of the groups (levels of the independent variable). In the study of infomercials, the researcher might flip a coin and assign those who got heads to get the free gi� and those who got tails to be offered no free gi�. Random assignment is important because it lessens the possibility of extraneous variables affec�ng the study. Extraneous variables are things that are outside of our interest but that may affect the results of the study. For example, if a researcher assigned the first half of the people who volunteered to be part of the study to watch the infomercial with the free gi�, they may be more likely to buy because they are generally eager people. They signed up quickly for the study and were also very interested in other opportuni�es, like a free gi�. If, instead, the researcher randomly assigned individuals to the two groups, the eager people would likely be distributed fairly equally between the two groups. Random assignment allows preexis�ng differences within par�cipants to be randomly distributed among the groups in a study.

Despite researchers' best efforts, there are �mes when a par�cular kind of extraneous variable interferes with research conclusions. Confounding variables, also known as "third" or "latent" variables, are variables that change or are inadvertently manipulated along with the independent variable. For example, imagine we found a difference in buying behavior between the experimental group and control group in our study of infomercial free gi�s. If every par�cipant saw the same infomercial in our study, and only the experimental group saw a final segment offering them a free gi�, we might reasonably assume that a free gi� encourages buying. But this might not be the case. If the offer of the free gi� took another 20 seconds, perhaps the extra processing �me influenced the buying behavior of the experimental group. Along with our independent variable manipula�on (offer of a free gi�), came a confounding variable (extra processing �me). Extraneous variables, and in par�cular confounding variables, are notoriously difficult to control and, at �mes, even see. As you read about research in social psychology, be on the lookout for extraneous variables and keep in mind their poten�al impact on our conclusions.

A study free from extraneous and confounding variables, where we are fairly certain that the independent variable caused the observed change in the dependent variable is described as having internal validity. But having humans as research par�cipants creates special problems for those who study them. For example, demand characteris�cs occur when research par�cipants change their behavior because of what they perceive to be the purpose of the study. If par�cipants believe a researcher is looking at whether free gi�s made people happy, those par�cipants might report being happy when ge�ng a gi�, even though they actually find the free gi� an annoying distrac�on. When demand characteris�cs are in play, the effect of the independent variable on the dependent variable cannot be clearly seen. The researcher would not know if the par�cipants were ac�ng happy because they were being nice or because the free gi� actually made them happy. One way to avoid demand characteris�cs is to use decep�on to mislead par�cipants about the true focus of the study. However, decep�on brings with it a variety of ethical problems.

Test Yourself

Click on each ques�on below to reveal the answer.

Iden�fy the independent and dependent variables.

a. To see if college students ate less when served on smaller plates, students received a normal cafeteria meal on the regular plates or on plates that were 1 inch smaller in diameter. (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1

  Independent variable: size of plate; Dependent variable: amount eaten

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©2008/Daily News, L.P./NY Daily News via Ge�y Images

If a psychological study is conducted with only adolescent-aged males, do the results have external validity?

Using the scien�fic method in social psychology research.

Conduc�ng Research

Cri�cal Thinking Ques�ons

How is the scien�fic method u�lized in social psychology research?

Think of a ques�on related to social psychology. How would you go about answering that ques�on?

b. Inves�ga�ng whether receiving candy while taking a test improved test scores, students either received a small candy bar while taking a test or no candy. (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1

  Independent variable: candy; Dependent variable: test scores

c. Looking at the difference clothing might make on perceived trustworthiness of a newscaster, the newscaster either wore very casual clothes or his usual suit and �e to present the news. Both the viewers who saw him wearing casual clothes and the viewers who saw him in his usual clothing rated his trustworthiness. (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1

  Independent variable: clothing; Dependent variable: perceived trustworthiness

For each of the preceding scenarios, iden�fy the experimental and the control group. (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Experimental group: students ea�ng off the plates that were 1 inch smaller in diameter; Control group: students ea�ng off the regular plates Experimental group: students receiving candy; Control group: students receiving no candy Experimental group: viewers who saw the newscaster in casual clothing; Control group: viewers who saw the newscaster in his usual suit and �e

Applica�on of an Experiment

Researchers want the findings of their work to have generalizability. A study that is generalizable is one whose results can be applied in a variety of situa�ons. If the findings of a study apply only to the laboratory se�ng or only with the type of people that par�cipated, the findings are not very useful to everyday people in everyday situa�ons. Studies that are generalizable are said to have external validity, which is the extent to which the results of a par�cular study are applicable to other places, other people, and other �mes.

To ensure that findings are relevant to a variety of people, researchers try to get a representa�ve sample of the popula�on to be part of the study. In a study of the effect of free gi�s in infomercials on buying behavior, a researcher could recruit a number of friends to be part of the study. The problem with this idea is that the results might apply only to people like the researcher, likely of similar age and life situa�on. Would the findings also apply to an 80-year-old widow, 50-year-old businessperson, and 30-year-old stay-at-home dad? To make certain the findings will apply to a wide variety, researchers try to get a random sample from a popula�on. A random sample is a group of individuals chosen from a popula�on where every member of the popula�on had an equal chance of being part of the study. Random samples give us a good chance of ge�ng a sample that is representa�ve of the popula�on, and therefore, results that are applicable back to the popula�on. Random samples are important not just when using the experimental method but for the observa�onal and correla�onal method as well.

True random samples can be difficult to obtain. Ge�ng the contact informa�on for everyone at a somewhat small workplace might be rela�vely easy, but what if the popula�on is the en�re television-viewing public in the United States? How does one assure that every U.S. television viewer has an equal chance of being part of a study? Choosing a sample from all the people listed in phone books would be excluding those with only cell phones, unlisted numbers, or no phone. A sample from all the addresses of U.S. households, assuming such a list could be obtained, would exclude the homeless and those in transi�on between residences.

The issue of random sampling has been problema�c in social psychology. Many social psychologists teach and do research at colleges and universi�es, so they use the par�cipants that are easily available to them: college students. In one assessment of this problem Henry (2008) looked at ar�cles on prejudice and s�gma published in the top three journals in social psychology between 1990 and 2005, finding that between 87% and 98% used student samples. While this tells us a great deal about “college sophomores in the laboratory," as Sears (1986) put it, the findings may not apply well to those not in college, those of middle age, or the elderly.

When drawing conclusions about social behavior, there is a tempta�on to believe that the conclusion reached was obvious all along. This tendency to overes�mate your ability to have predicted the results is known as hindsight bias (Bernstein, Atance, Lo�us, & Meltzoff, 2004; Fischhoff, 1975; Werth & Strack, 2003). An example of hindsight bias is when someone says that they knew which team was

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going to win a championship game, a�er that team had already won. Or, a�er telling your grandma about your recent engagement, she informs you that she "knew all along that girl was 'the one.'" Many students of social psychology face hindsight bias when studying various social phenomenons. As you read about the research of social psychologists, you may think that the conclusion was obvious, so much so that it seemed like a silly study to do in the first place. But what is obvious is not always right.

Researchers want to be able to apply results to different people and to se�ngs outside of the laboratory. If par�cipants act differently in a research lab than they do in everyday life, a researcher can only predict what happens in research labs, not in the real world. In order to encourage par�cipants to act naturally, some researchers try to make the experimental se�ng as similar to the real-life se�ng as possible. When the environment par�cipants experience is similar to what they would experience in real life, the study is said to have mundane realism. For example, in a study of infomercials, researchers might ask par�cipants to sit on a comfortable couch in a decorated room to simulate the home environment rather than have par�cipants sit at a desk or on a hard office chair.

Even without mundane realism, it is possible to encourage experimental realism in a research study. Experimental realism occurs when research par�cipants are completely involved and engaged in what they are doing. With experimental realism, the par�cipants' immersion in the ac�vity causes them to act as they would in their everyday lives. Researchers generally prefer experimental realism over mundane realism. Par�cipants watching an infomercial on a comfortable couch may experience the real-life se�ng but s�ll act in the way they think the experimenter wants them to, showing demand characteris�cs and providing a response they would not in their everyday life. Mundane realism can encourage experimental realism, but experimental realism can occur even without mundane realism. Par�cipants might feel very comfortable watching the infomercial on the couch and pay as much a�en�on to it as they would in their own living room at home, but it is possible they might have been equally engaged while si�ng on a hard chair in a stark room.

Test Yourself

Click on each ques�on below to reveal the answer.

Why is generalizability important? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Without generalizability, the findings of research are only applicable to the situa�ons or types of se�ngs in which the data were collected. Social psychologists want to know how people normally behave in everyday situa�ons, so they want their findings to apply to those situa�ons and types of se�ngs.

What is the difference between random sampling and random assignment? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

With random sampling, researchers are obtaining par�cipants from a popula�on. Sampling involves ge�ng par�cipants for a study. Random assignment is what a researcher may or may not do a�er acquiring a sample. Random assignment involves actually pu�ng par�cipants into the experimental or control group(s). Just because a researcher does one, it does not mean the research has done the other. It is possible to do random sampling and then fail to randomly assign par�cipants and to do non-random sampling and then randomly assign par�cipants to group.

If you were doing a study on conflict in roman�c rela�onships, what might you do to encourage mundane realism? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Place par�cipants in a se�ng that approximates real life. For example, couples are likely to spend much of their �me in conflict at home, so a researcher could ask couples to sit in a room that looks like a living room and talk about a topic that causes conflict in their rela�onship.

Why is the hindsight bias also known as the I-knew-it-all-along phenomenon? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

When people engage in the hindsight bias, they believe that what they did not know earlier is so obvious they must have known it all along.

Sta�s�cal Measurement

The results of research need to be organized and summarized so they can be understood and shared. Researchers use various sta�s�cal measures to help them see what the collected informa�on means and to communicate this informa�on succinctly. Within observa�onal research, coun�ng the total number of behaviors seen and describing the range can be helpful. For example, a researcher could observe aggression shown by different children on the playground and report the total number of aggressive acts shown by each child. Table 1.2 shows the results from one observa�on of seven children on a playground. A researcher could report that the range of scores was between 2 and 7 acts, with a total of 5 acts between the most aggressive and least aggressive child. This may be helpful informa�on, but it would also be interes�ng to know the number of aggressive acts most children engage in or the average number of aggressive acts.

One way to report this informa�on would be to describe the most common number of aggressive acts seen in the children. Repor�ng the most common response is repor�ng the mode. As seen in Table 1.2, three of the seven children engaged in three aggressive acts; 3 was the most common number of acts, so the mode for this group is 3. Another way of looking at the average score is to line the scores up from smallest to largest and see what score falls in the middle. The middle score in such a list is called the median. For the number of aggressive acts performed by children, the numbers from the table would line up like this: 2, 3, 3, 3, 4, 6, 7. The middle number in that list is the last 3, so the median for this group is 3. The final way of looking at the most common score is to find the arithme�c average of the scores, called the mean. To find the mean the scores are summed and divided by the number of scores. In the list of scores in

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the table, 4 + 6 + 3 + 3 + 2 + 7 + 3 = 28. The sum (28) divided by the number of scores (7) equals 4. The mean for this group of scores is 4. In observa�onal research the mean, median, or mode are reported to help communicate the most common score.

Table 1.2: Number of aggressive acts observed

Child Number of aggressive acts

Child 1 4

Child 2 6

Child 3 3

Child 4 3

Child 5 2

Child 6 7

Child 7 3

In correla�onal research, researchers o�en use the results of a sta�s�cal test to describe any poten�al rela�on between variables. The primary sta�s�c used with the correla�onal method is the aptly named correla�on coefficient (technically a Pearson product-moment correla�on). A correla�on coefficient is a number that describes a rela�onship between two variables, varying from a −1.0 to a +1.0. There are three possibili�es for a correla�on. The first possibility is that as one variable increases, the other variable increases as well. If the older people in a study of buying behavior and age bought more than the younger people, and the older they were the more they bought, the rela�onship would be described as a posi�ve correla�on. A correla�on coefficient between 0 and +1.0 is a posi�ve correla�on. The second possibility is that as one variable increases, the other variable decreases. If the older that people are, the less they buy—that is, if buying goes down as age goes up—the rela�on would be described as a nega�ve correla�on. A correla�on coefficient between 0 and −1.0 is a nega�ve correla�on. The final possibility is that the two variables are not related to one another. In this instance age would have no rela�onship to buying, no correla�on. A correla�on coefficient of 0 indicates no correla�on. Scores closer to 0, either posi�ve or nega�ve, indicate a weaker correla�on; and scores closer to −1 or to +1 indicate a stronger correla�on. Figure 1.2 shows what posi�ve, nega�ve, and no correla�on might look like.

Figure 1.2: Sca�erplot of a posi�ve correla�on, nega�ve correla�on, and no correla�on

In a posi�ve correla�on (A), when one variable increases, so does the other. For a nega�ve correla�on (B), as one variable decreases, the other decreases as well. When there is no correla�on (C), no discernible pa�ern exists.

In experimental research, experimenters o�en compare the means of groups to see if they are different. If means are quite different from one another and the study was well designed, and therefore high in internal validity, it is likely that the differences are due to the manipula�on of the independent variable. When the means of groups are close to one another, it is possible that any difference is due simply to chance. Various sta�s�cal tests might be used to look at whether the differences between the means are likely to be due to a real difference and not because of chance, but two of the most basic sta�s�cal tests are “t tests" and “analysis of variance." A t test is used when a researcher is comparing two groups and looking for a difference between them. Analysis of variance is used when there are three or more groups and a researcher is looking at whether there are differences among them.

When looking at the quali�es of a group, psychologists use a variety of scores ranging from very high to very low. Much of the �me, very few people have very low scores and very few people have very high scores, with the majority of people in the middle. When averaging those high, low, and medium scores, we end up with an average right in the middle. When there are a few high scores, a few low scores, and a large number in the middle, we have a distribu�on of scores called a normal distribu�on, also known as a normal curve or a bell curve. When looking at differences between groups, we get two distribu�ons of scores. The averages of two groups might be vastly different (far apart) or extremely similar (close together). When the averages are close together, their distribu�ons are likely to overlap (see Figure 1.3). Overlapping distribu�ons mean that a number of people in one of the groups have similar scores to the people in the other group. When the averages are farther apart, there is likely to be less overlap of the distribu�ons, so many members of the two groups are likely to have different scores. The amount of overlap between two distribu�ons also depends on the spread of the scores in the distribu�on, that is, how variable the scores are. Two very spread out distribu�ons may have a great deal of overlap despite having averages that are far apart.

Figure 1.3: Overlapping distribu�ons

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Overlapping distribu�ons indicate that a number of par�cipants in one group have similar scores to par�cipants in the other group.

One technique psychologists use extensively is meta-analysis. In meta-analysis, researchers use a sta�s�cal technique to combine the results of a large number of studies. By combining results we get a be�er idea of what is truly happening because many more people are included in the analysis—an extraneous variable that might have impacted the results of one of the studies will have only a small effect when many studies are combined. The sta�s�c most o�en used to describe the results of a meta-analysis is called an effect size. The effect size takes into account how much difference there is between distribu�ons. If there is no difference between two groups, the distribu�ons of the groups should overlap completely. Some�mes there is very li�le difference between two groups, and their distribu�ons overlap a great deal. When this is true, we have a low effect size. It is hard to see differences with a low effect size without using sta�s�cs. A medium effect size might be visible to someone who is paying a�en�on. This is when the distribu�ons do overlap, but the differences between the groups are big enough to see. A large effect size is one that is very easy to see. The averages of the two groups and the distribu�ons do not show a lot of overlap.

Test Yourself

Click on each ques�on below to reveal the answer.

What is the most common score in a list of scores called? (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

The most common score is the mode.

Name two variables that are likely to be posi�vely correlated. (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Examples: �me spent studying and course grade, number of calories consumed and weight, age and number of gray hairs.

Name two variables that are likely to be nega�vely correlated. (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Examples: number of sick days used and amount of work produced, amount of caffeine consumed and hours of sleep, hours spent si�ng per day and physical fitness.

Ethics in Research

When conduc�ng research, it is important to safeguard the well-being of par�cipants. Social psychologists must solve a difficult problem: While seeking to discover how a normal person in a normal situa�on might act, simply watching the ac�on might change the nature of the ac�on. For example, if you knew someone was watching you in a public restroom, you might spend more �me washing your hands than you normally do. In one study of this phenomenon, researchers found that women observed in the bathroom were more likely to wash their hands than those who believed they were not observed (Pedersen, Keithly, & Brady, 1986).

To avoid this problem, researchers have disguised the purpose of their studies, the iden�ty of the researchers, or, at �mes, not told research par�cipant that they were par�cipa�ng in research. A number of studies have included someone trained by the experimenter to appear to be a naive part of the situa�on, usually pretending to be another par�cipant. This individual, called a confederate, helps create a situa�on that would be otherwise impossible to set up. However, the prac�ce is ethically ques�onable because it involves decep�on.

Decep�on is a poten�ally dangerous prac�ce in research, and hiding the nature of a study introduces a number of problema�c issues. One obvious problem is that being lied to could cause distress in the short term and even affect how individuals feel about themselves over the long term. Angry or upset people may be a problem for the decep�ve researcher and may cause larger problems for research in general. Knowing they may be deceived, par�cipants may be less likely to volunteer to par�cipate and more suspicious during a study, leading to behavior that is not as natural as a researcher might desire. If researchers become known as liars, the results they are repor�ng might be ques�oned as well. If they were willing to lie to research par�cipants, why not lie about the results as well?

A�er a number of studies with ques�onable ethics in the 1960s, the field of psychology as a whole has paid more a�en�on to issues of the rights of par�cipants and the ethics of research methods. Studies involving human par�cipants must go through an ins�tu�onal review board, which is a commi�ee at a university, college, or other organiza�on where research is done that evaluates the ethics of a research study. For most studies researchers must obtain informed consent from par�cipants. Informed consent involves researchers telling the par�cipants what they can expect within their par�cipa�on, and informing them of their rights as par�cipants—including the right to discon�nue par�cipa�on (see Figure 1.4). Research par�cipants can then be part of the research knowing what is

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Social psychology covers a broad range of topics.

What Do Social Psychologists Study?

Cri�cal Thinking Ques�ons

What are some examples of behaviors that are studied by social psychologists?

What are some of the applica�ons of these types of studies?

expected of them or decline to par�cipate. Decep�on is s�ll used in some social psychological research but only when deemed absolutely necessary. Researchers who use decep�on are also careful to talk to par�cipants a�erward and address any nega�ve feelings that might have come up. Almost all research in social psychology now includes an explana�on to par�cipants about the nature of the study, whether or not study included decep�on. This explana�on is called a debriefing. A major goal in debriefing is to iden�fy and address any distress a research par�cipant might have experienced in the course of the study.

Figure 1.4: APA's ethical principles of psychologists and code of conduct

The APA has formulated strict literature on the nature of informed consent in psychological research. Source: Copyright © 2010 by the American Psychological Associa�on. Reproduced with permission. The official cita�on that should be used in referencing this material is: American Psychological Associa�on (2010a). Ethical principles of psychologists and code of conduct (2002, amended June 1, 2010). Retrieved from h�p://www.apa.org/ethics/code/index.aspx (h�p://www.apa.org/ethics/code/index.aspx) . No further reproduc�on or distribu�on is permi�ed without wri�en permission from the American Psychological Associa�on.

Test Yourself

Click on the ques�on below to reveal the answer.

Describe a research ques�on or topic that would be difficult to study without the use of decep�on. (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�

Example: It may be difficult to study par�cipants helping in emergency situa�ons without se�ng up a scenario where they believe someone is injured or in danger or a dangerous or troubling situa�on is happening.

Conclusion

Social psychology is a broad field, covering a variety of topics. At the heart of social psychology is an interest in people as they relate to others. Although rela�vely new, it is a field of much richness and diversity. Social psychologists study a variety of topics including a�rac�on, helping, aggression, obedience, and a�tudes. To conduct these studies, researchers use various methods to learn about these topics and more.

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Chapter Summary

What Is Social Psychology?

Social psychology is all about people: what they do, how they think, and what they feel. As a branch of the larger field of psychology, social psychology is unique in its a�en�on to how people relate to and influence one another. Social psychologists use the scien�fic method to study how others affect our thinking, ac�ons, and feelings.

Where Did Social Psychology Come From?

Most date the beginning of social psychology to 1898 with Norman Triple�'s study on the effects of the presence of others on bicyclists' speeds and Max Ringelmann's 1913 study of people working together on a task. A�er World War II, social psychology expanded as a field and now covers a wide range of topics. In more recent years, greater a�en�on has been paid to cogni�on, neuroscience, and evolu�onary psychology.

How Do We Do Social Psychology?

Social psychologists use the scien�fic method—a hypothesis, or testable predic�on, is developed and then tested using observa�onal, correla�onal, or experimental methods. These different methods answer different kinds of ques�ons. Observa�onal methods answer ques�ons rela�ng to what is happening. Correla�onal methods look at rela�onships between variables, enabling predic�on. Correla�on, however, does not allow us to determine causa�on. With the experimental method, researchers manipulate one variable, the independent variable, and measure the effect of that manipula�on through assessment of the dependent variable. At �mes, once one knows the results of a research study, those results may seem obvious, but people tend to fall short when truly predic�ng results beforehand. This sense that “you knew it all along" is called the hindsight bias. In research, a�en�on is paid to poten�al ethical issues. Researchers have their research plans checked by an ins�tu�onal review board, and par�cipants provide informed consent and are debriefed at the end of par�cipa�on.

Cri�cal Thinking Ques�ons

1. What makes social psychology different from other academic disciplines?

2. What makes social psychology different from other areas of psychology?

3. If social psychology were the only discipline we could use to answer ques�ons, what types of ques�ons would we have difficulty answering?

4. As a discipline that is just over 100 years old and covers a wide variety of topics, what issues might social psychology encounter and present that an older or more focused field might avoid?

5. Consider a topic such as online shopping. What research ques�ons might a social psychologist ask about this topic? For these ques�ons, what research method might you use to answer them?

6. If two things are correlated, why is this correla�on not evidence of causa�on?

7. Experiments are designed to inves�gate causality. How do they do that?

8. Why is hindsight bias dangerous?

Key Terms

Click on each key term to reveal the defini�on.

confederate (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A person covertly working with an experimenter, appearing to the par�cipant to be another par�cipant or part of the situa�on.

confounding variable (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Within the experimental method, a variable that changes or is inadvertently manipulated along with the independent variable.

control group (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Within the experimental method, the group that is not manipulated does not receive the treatment or experience a change. Contrast with experimental group.

correla�on coefficient (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A number that describes a rela�onship between two variables.

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correla�onal method (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A research method that allows researchers to predict the value of one variable if provided with informa�on about a second variable.

debriefing (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Explana�on of the study's true purpose given at the end of a research study. If decep�on was used or a stressful situa�on was encountered during the study, the researcher uses the debriefing to iden�fy and address the issues.

demand characteris�cs (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A change in the behavior of par�cipants in a research study because of their perceived knowledge of the hypothesis or variables in the study.

dependent variable (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

The variable we measure in an experiment.

experimental group (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Within the experimental method, the group that is manipulated, receives the treatment, or experiences a change in its environment. Contrast with control group.

experimental method (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A research method involving manipula�on of one variable to inves�gate whether the manipulated variable causes change in a second, measured, variable.

experimental realism (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

The phenomenon that occurs when research par�cipants are completely involved and engaged in what they are doing.

external validity (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

The extent to which the results of a study are applicable to other places, other people, and other �mes. Studies with greater external validity have more generalizability.

extraneous variables (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Variables that are outside of our interest but may affect the results of a study.

generalizability (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A research study is high in this if what the par�cipants do in the study is similar and can be applied to what people tend to do in the world. A study that is generalizable is one whose results can be applied in a variety of situa�ons.

hindsight bias (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Our tendency to believe, a�er the fact, that something was obvious. Also known as the I-knew-it-all-along phenomenon.

hypothesis (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A testable predic�on.

independent variable (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

The variable we manipulate in an experiment.

informed consent (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Obtained from research par�cipants. Within informed consent researchers tell the par�cipants what they can expect within their par�cipa�on and about their rights as par�cipants, including the right to discon�nue par�cipa�on.

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ins�tu�onal review board (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A commi�ee at a university, college, or other organiza�on where research is done that evaluates the ethics of a research study.

internal validity (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A study free from extraneous and confounding variables where it is fairly certain that the independent variable caused the observed change in the dependent variable.

mean (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Arithme�c average, found by summing all of the scores in a group and dividing by the number of scores.

median (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Middle score, found by lis�ng the scores in order and loca�ng the score at the halfway point.

mode (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Most common score, found by coun�ng the number of each response and loca�ng the one that is used the most.

mundane realism (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Within an experimental study, when the environment par�cipants experience is similar to what they would experience in real life.

nega�ve correla�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A rela�onship between two correlated variables in which one variable increases as the other variable decreases.

normal distribu�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A distribu�on of scores where there are a few high scores, a few low scores, and a large number in the middle. Also known as a normal curve or a bell curve.

observa�onal method (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A research method that involves observing par�cipants and not manipula�ng any variables within the situa�on. This method answers ques�ons about what is happening.

posi�ve correla�on (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A rela�onship between two correlated variables in which one variable increases as the other variable increases.

random assignment (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Within an experiment, each individual in the sample has an equal chance of being in each of the groups (levels of the independent variable).

random sample (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A group of individuals chosen from a popula�on where every member of the popula�on had an equal chance of being part of the study.

reliability (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Consistency of a survey.

social psychology (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

The scien�fic study of human thoughts, feelings, and behavior as they relate to and are influenced by others.

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theory (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

A set of principles or a framework for a set of observa�ons and research findings.

variable (h�p://content.thuzelearning.com/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/books/AUPSY301.14.1/sec�ons/cover/boo

Something that varies or can vary; the factors assessed when performing an experiment.