DISCUSSION POST

chapter13.pdf

Home >Social Science homework help >Sociology homework help >DISCUSSION POST

309

Social Policy Issues

CHAPTER 13

What role should society and government play in promoting certainbehaviors and acting to eliminate others? Some people believe that itis the responsibility of government to take action to address social problems. Many citizens see it otherwise: Government should not infringe on the rights of individuals, which they view as an inevitable consequence of government

The Changing American Family

Do the Math: Economic Costs of Family Problems

Premature Births Preventable Illnesses School Dropouts Juvenile Delinquents Child Maltreatment

Social Policy Responses

Early Programs and Bills in the United States

Advocating Children’s and Families’ Rights

Contemporary Programs to Help Families

Parent Education and Intervention

An Innovative Approach

Controversial Social Policy Ideas

Banning Physical Punishment Parent Responsibility Laws Licensing Parents

Chapter Preview: True or False?

• Some countries have laws limiting the number of children you can have.

• Incompetent parenting is estimated to cost the United States more than $38 billion per year.

• According to some psychologists, parents should be licensed to have children.

Holden, G. W. (2009). Parenting : A dynamic perspective. ProQuest Ebook Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>http://ebookcentral.proquest.com</a> Created from umuc on 2020-12-15 14:00:50.

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

intervention. A recent example of government intervention occurred in Japan. To reduce health problems associated with obesity, a national law went into effect in 2008 requiring annual waistline measurements of all adults between the ages of 40 and 74 years. Those whose waistlines exceed the government limits (33.5 inches for men, 35.4 inches for nonpregnant women) and who have a weight-related ailment must lose weight or their employer (or the local government) will be fined.Although intrusive by American standards, the new law is relatively uncomplicated compared to the many measures that have been proposed in the United States to regulate an even more influential health variable than waistlines: the dynamics of the family.

As the preceding chapters have made clear, many of the major contemporary problems in our society are closely linked to how well families function.A well-func- tioning family produces children who grow into educated, competent, healthy, and well-adjusted adults. In turn, these adults rear their own children, who also become contributing members of society. But what about those families who saddle their children with experiences that lead to educational failure, teenage pregnancy, emo- tional and substance abuse, violence, and unemployment? Parenting is the single most important variable implicated in all of those maladies. Not the economy. Not the peer group. Parenting. How we raise our children is clearly a social concern.

This chapter begins with a description of how American families have changed over the past half-century. We’ll review some of the costs associated with several social problems. The rest of the chapter addresses social policies and parenting intervention programs of the past, those of the present, and those proposed for the future.

The Changing American Family

The family structure has been undergoing dramatic changes since the 1960s. Some sociologists, such as David Popenoe (2005), have argued that these social trends reflect an alarming decline in the family. What are these changes? Popenoe identified four:

1. Fewer number of children born to women

2. Unwed parents

3. Working mothers

4. Increased divorce rate

Currently, women in the United States are having an average of 2.1 children, a fertility rate dramatically lower than the high of more than 3.5 children in the late 1950s (Bongaarts & Feeney, 1998; U.S. Census Bureau, 2008a). This trend reflects several social changes, including the desire for fewer children, dissatisfaction with parenthood, and a decrease in the stigma of childlessness. The second change is the dramatic increase in the number of children born to single women. Currently one third of all births in the United States are to single women, up from 5% in 1960 (Popenoe, 2005). The third trend is working mothers. Whether single, married, or divorced, working moms are now the majority of moms. In 1960, only 19% of women with children under 6 years old were working. Today, that figure has

310 PART III • CONTEMPORARY ISSUES

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

climbed to 58%. Not only are more mothers working outside the home, but they are also returning to the paid labor force sooner after childbirth than did mothers from previous generations. The fourth trend is divorce. The United States claims title to one of the highest divorce rates in the world. The likelihood that a marriage will end in divorce ranges from 43% to 66%, depending on how it’s computed. Each year, more than 1 million children witness the dissolution of their parents’ mar- riage. By the time they are 16 years old, more than 40% of all children in the United States will have experienced their parents’ divorce (Amato & Keith, 1991).

Most single mothers, of course, have no choice but to seek employment. Contributing to the problem is the widespread epidemic of unpaid child support. The amount of child support paid depends on many factors, such as the net income of the noncustodial parent, the number of children, which parent pays health insur- ance, and the state of residence. However, less than 38% of mother-headed families are awarded some child support payments (Freeman & Waldfogel, 2001). Many parents who receive payments do not get the full amount, despite the average annual payment of $5,200 in 2002 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2005). Forcing “deadbeat” fathers to financially support their children is a difficult task, partly because some of the fathers move out of state to avoid making payments. Nevertheless, the gov- ernment spends some $2 billion each year collecting $10.8 billion in child support payments for more than 3.4 million families (Wheaton & Sorensen, 1998). It is esti- mated that fathers owe some $105 billion in child support (Hatcher, 2007).

One effect of maternal employment is the expanded need for alternative child care, such as day care, which is expensive. These days the annual costs of full-time day care for one child can range from $3,000 to $16,000 or more, depending on where one lives, the age of the child, and the quality of the center. For low-income single parents, day-care expenses can consume more than one third of the family’s income.

Another consequence of maternal employment is the likelihood of children returning from school to empty homes. These “latchkey” or “self-care” children make up a substantial number: Between 2 million and 4 million children are cur- rently left unsupervised after school. Generally, self-care children pass the time in unsupervised peer play or in front of the television. These children are more likely to experience emotional problems or experiment with alcohol, drugs, stealing, or sex than are children who are supervised (see Aizer, 2004). They are also more likely to suffer potentially hazardous situations. However, if the children were able to attend after-school programs, they would likely benefit from the experience. Positive acad- emic, social, and behavioral effects have been documented in two meta-analyses of research into the efficacy of after-school programs (Granger, 2008).

Do the Math: Economic Costs of Family Problems

As President Theodore Roosevelt observed in 1909, “Each of our children repre- sents either a potential addition to the productive capacity and the enlightened cit- izenship of the nation, or, if allowed to suffer from neglect, a potential addition to the destructive forces of the community” (cited in Westerman, 1994, p. 83). An eco- nomic analysis of the cost of family problems to our society helps to bring into focus the scope of the maladies. To give examples, the financial costs associated with

Chapter 13 • Social Policy Issues 311

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

five types of problems will be discussed: premature births to teenagers, preventable illnesses, school dropouts, juvenile delinquents, and child maltreatment.

Premature Births

Premature birth occurs for many reasons; the specific cause is usually unknown. Nevertheless, young adolescent mothers are at high risk for giving birth early (DuPlessis, Bell, & Richards, 1997). Adolescents who do not receive prenatal care (which costs about $1,400) are three times more likely to give birth to a premature infant (Hewlett, 1991). Very low birth-weight infants require one of the most expensive types of hospitalization; costs associated with premature delivery can easily exceed $100,000, depending on the neonates’ birth weight and severity of resulting medical problems (Almond, Chay, & Lee, 2005). With nearly half a mil- lion infants born prematurely each year, the cost to the medical system is close to $6 billion (St. John, Nelson, Cliver, Bishnoi, & Goldenberg, 2000).

Preventable Illnesses

Despite the efficacy and availability of preventive health care through childhood vaccinations, parents only immunized about 81% of their children against seven

312 PART III • CONTEMPORARY ISSUES

Illustration 13.1 A baby boy born 5 weeks premature is cared for in a neonatal intensive care unit. He gradually caught up in size and weight to his full-term peers without any long- term problems.

Source: Photograph by J. P. Bell.

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

major diseases (polio, measles, tetanus, diphtheria, pertussis [or whooping cough] Haemophilus influenzae type B, and hepatitis B) in 2004. It has been estimated that routine childhood immunizations for these seven diseases result, not just in saved lives, but in savings for society of up to $43 billion (Zhou et al., 2005).

School Dropouts

The costs of educational failure—that is, an adolescent dropping out of school—are high, both on individual and societal levels. As discussed in Chapter 9, some 1.2 million high school students drop out of school each year. Failing to com- plete high school means a lower income potential for that individual, as can be seen in Illustration 13.2 (based on data from the U.S. Census Bureau). Dropouts are also a drain on the economy. When people earn less, they pay less tax. Quitting school is also associated (as mentioned in Chapter 9) with teenage parenthood, crime, and time spent in (a taxpayer-supported) prison. School dropouts are more likely to require public services (such as food stamps and subsidized housing) and health care assistance. According to one analysis, each student who drops out of school costs the nation $260,000 over that individual’s lifetime. That adds up to 3 trillion taxpayer dollars each decade (Amos, 2008)!

Chapter 13 • Social Policy Issues 313

No High School Diploma

High School Diploma

Bachelor’s Degree

Advanced Degree

$19,915

$29,448

$54,689

$79,946

$10,000

$20,000

$30,000

$40,000

$50,000

$60,000

$70,000

$80,000

A v e ra

g e

In c o

m e

Illustration 13.2 Who makes how much money? Average annual income in 2005 by educational attainment.

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2007.

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

Juvenile Delinquents

When costs associated with youth crime are added up (the juvenile justice sys- tem, property damage and loss, medical and psychological expenses, etc.), the United States spends well over $1 billion each year on juvenile justice. According to one estimate, the total monetary value of saving a high-risk youth from common adverse outcomes (dropping out of school, heavy use of drugs, habitual crime) is $1.7 million to $2.3 million (Cohen, 1998). So once youngsters enter a state of high risk (due often to poor parenting), they are already expensive to society, whether or not they ever end up in the juvenile justice system.

Child Maltreatment

Costs of illness and injury associated with the maltreatment of children include those incurred by physical and mental health problems, pain and trauma, and lost productivity. Cost estimates vary widely, according to a review on the topic, with individual medical costs ranging from $2,400 to $48,000, and nonmedical costs ranging from $2 to $78,000 per case (Corso & Lutzker, 2006). Expenses borne by communities include staffing Child Protective Services to investigate into reports of maltreatment, prosecutors, judges, and foster parents. The cost to investigate, prosecute, and incarcerate one offender and to care for the victim is estimated to be $144,000 per child (Becker & Hunter, 1992). Further costs accrue over the long term when abused children go untreated. They are more likely than other children to run away from home, drop out of school, become involved in prostitution, abuse drugs, or end up in prison.

Jack Westerman (1994) estimated that when all the costs associated with the consequences of poor parenting are added up, the bill totals $38.6 billion a year— according to dollar figures from the late 1980s. It’s undoubtedly worse today.

Society ultimately bears the burden of footing many of the financial expenses resulting from family problems. Spending money on treatment for these problems is necessary, yes. But is it also avoidable? Many believe that social policies are the best way to prevent new generations of individuals falling prey to the same harm- ful, expensive problems.

Social Policy Responses

Social policy refers to the principles that guide decisions or efforts to achieve desired goals (and avoid undesired results) at a group level. These policies often appear as federal, state, or local laws, but they can also be found in business policies and community standards.

Throughout history, many law and policymakers have intended to modify child- bearing and child-rearing practices. Emperor Augustus of Rome (ruling from 30 BCE to CE 14) introduced laws to promote family life and encourage large families. He limited parental rights to refuse consent to their children’s marriage, and in an effort to increase the population, he fined childless couples (Sommerville, 1982).

314 PART III • CONTEMPORARY ISSUES

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

Another legal milestone occurred in Rome some 300 years later when Emperor Constantine outlawed infanticide.

In 1870, Otto von Bismarck instituted Germany’s first social insurance program for those who were disabled or unable to work, such as pregnant women. Since then, Western European countries have continued to lead the world in supporting the family. These countries currently provide guaranteed parental leave with pay after the birth of a child, family allowances based on the number of children in the family, national health insurance, subsidized housing for many families, and voca- tional and academic opportunities for all children (Kamerman & Kahn, 1989).

Compared with other Western countries, the United States has been slow and reluctant to provide assistance to families. Despite spending more on total health expenditures per capita than 12 other industrialized nations, the quality of health care provided to children in the United States ranks significantly below the other countries (Duderstadt, 2007). Even more surprising is that the United States is not among the 70 countries that provide medical care and financial assistance to all pregnant women. Our relatively high rate of infant mortality is likely attributable to this lack of prenatal care. In 2005, the United States ranked 29th among countries in the rate of infant mortality, with a rate of 6.86 deaths per 1,000 births (as dis- cussed in Chapter 6) (MacDorman & Mathews, 2008).

The United States also measures up poorly against other industrialized countries with regard to maternity leave and child-care subsidies. In a survey of 100 countries, the United States was the only one that did not provide paid, job-protected mater- nity leave as a national policy (Scarr et al., 1989). Although the Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993 required employers to provide up to 12 weeks of leave for employees to care for a newborn, newly adopted, or fostered child or for a sick rel- ative, mothers and fathers are not necessarily paid during their leave. Some of the best companies in the United States do provide paid leave, however, and in 2004, California enacted a paid 6-week family-leave program. Still, many other countries (169 out of 173) provide a guaranteed maternity leave with income. In 66 of those nations, fathers can also receive paid paternity leave (Heyman, Earle, & Hayes, 2007). Similarly, many Western countries subsidize day-care costs, but the United States does not.

Early Programs and Bills in the United States

Specifying social policy in the United States is difficult because there is no explicit national family policy. Instead, there exists a history of legislative bills, ini- tiatives, and actions adopted at federal, state, and local levels. A study of this patch- work of social policy toward children reveals two competing orientations. On the one hand, the doctrine of parens patriae has been around since colonial days: The state is the ultimate parent of every child (Hawes, 1991). This doctrine provided the foundation for child protection laws established as early as 1735. That was the year Massachusetts passed a law providing for removal of children from neglectful parents and placement of them with foster families. During the 1890s, a number of private efforts established institutions for aiding and protecting children (such as the Children’s Aid Society and the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to

Chapter 13 • Social Policy Issues 315

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

Children [SPCC]). Box 13.1 describes the history of the founding of the SPCC in the United States.

Orphanages were originally established in the United States to house children whose parents had died. Subsequently, their purpose expanded to house homeless and maltreated children (Shealy, 1995). One well-known example is Boys Town, established by Father Edward Flanagan, an Irish immigrant priest. With the motto: “There are no bad boys. There is only bad environment, bad training, bad example, bad thinking,” he opened his orphanage in 1917. What began as a small home for five homeless boys began filling a great need and so grew rapidly. In 1979, the programs were expanded to include girls in need, and today, more than 51,000 boys and girls are cared for in more than a dozen states.

In contrast to state intervention, the other competing orientation is one of non- interference, which dates back, of course, to the Constitution. How people in power interpret the Constitution can be the determining influence on government policy toward family rights and freedoms. Not surprisingly, conflict often erupts between parents and those individuals who seek to uphold the rights of those parents’

316 PART III • CONTEMPORARY ISSUES

Mary Ellen Wilson’s Landmark Case and the Protection of Maltreated Children

Mary Ellen Wilson was a 10-year-old girl neglected and physically abused by her stepmother. A community worker, Etta Wheeler, learned that the girl was being abused and investigated what legal avenues were available to help Mary Ellen. Etta soon learned that New York authorities were reluctant to intervene in family matters. She then contacted Henry Bergh, the founder of the American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (the society was first established in England in 1824). They took the case to court.

On April 10, 1874, Mary Ellen testified: “Mamma [her stepmother] has been in the habit of whipping and beating me almost every day. She used to whip me with a twisted whip—a raw hide. The whip always left a black-and-blue mark on my body. I have now the black-and-blue marks on my head, which were made by mamma, and also a cut on the side of my forehead, which was made by a pair of scissors. She struck me with the scissors and cut me. I have no rec- ollection of ever having been kissed by anyone—have never been kissed by mamma. I have never been taken on my mamma’s lap and caressed or petted. I never dared to speak to anybody, because if I did, I would get whipped. I do not know for what I was whipped—mamma never said anything to me when she whipped me. I do not want to go back to live with mamma, because she beats me so” (Watkins, 1990, p. 502).

The case resulted in the establishment of the legal rights of children to live free from abuse and neglect. It changed the course of child protection in America and resulted in the creation of the first child protective agency in the world, the New York Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (Jalongo, 2006).

BOX 13.1

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

children. Despite this tension, Congress has passed many important bills designed to protect and enhance the lives of children and families. Five federal laws stand out as particularly significant.

The Keating-Owen bill of 1916 regulated the type and amount of work that could be required of a child. It effectively controlled some of the egregious abuses of children associated with child labor. For example, one British child-labor reformer visited some of Alabama’s cotton mills in 1900. He observed children as young as 6 and 7 years old working 12 hours a day, with only half an hour of rest (Hawes, 1991). Although the Keating-Owen bill was declared unconstitutional 2 years after it became law, it set the stage for subsequent federal bills that, in conjunction with state compulsory school-attendance laws (beginning with Massachusetts in 1852 and concluding with Mississippi in 1918), resulted in a rapid decline of child labor in the United States.

A second landmark bill was the Sheppard-Towner Maternal and Infancy Protection Act of 1922, designed to reduce infant mortality. The bill created com- munity clinics for maternal and infant hygiene in an effort to establish preventive health care habits. This act marked the first use of federal grants to aid in develop- ment and maintenance of state and local social programs. Funds were also made available through this bill to provide prenatal care for women and to hire public- health nurses to teach women about prenatal and child health.

During the 1930s, two congressional bills helped to establish children’s rights. The Social Security Act of 1935 created the Aid to Dependent Children (ADC) program, which then became Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC).As part of the New Deal, it was intended to keep fatherless families together by pro- viding payments to mothers to enable them to stay at home with their children. In addition, the act established various maternal- and child-health programs as well as other child welfare services.

A few years after that bill was passed, a new act concerning child labor was enacted. The Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 prohibited employment of children less than 16 years old in industries that engaged in interstate commerce. In addi- tion, children under 18 were banned from working in dangerous occupations. These two acts established two precedents for children’s rights: some degree of eco- nomic security and curtailment of the employment of children and youth.

The Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act, passed in 1973, established the National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect (NCCAN). Federal appropriations to the center were intended to (a) develop reliable statistics about the incidence of abuse, (b) create a clearinghouse of information on abuse programs, and (c) spon- sor research into the causes, identification, prevention, and treatment of child abuse. Because the act has been consistently underfunded, countless needy children do not benefit from it.

Many of these acts and other federal legislation were stimulated by a series of White House Conferences on Children. The first one was held by President Theodore Roosevelt in 1909 to plan the government’s role in protecting children. It led to the establishment of the Children’s Bureau in 1912. The bureau was man- dated to investigate and report on issues concerning the welfare of children, such as infant mortality, illegitimacy, child labor, and juvenile delinquency. Subsequently,

Chapter 13 • Social Policy Issues 317

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

the bureau shifted its emphasis to public education, and it is best known for its parent education publications. In 1913, Prenatal Care was printed; a year later, a manual devoted to the care of infants appeared. The first two editions of Infant Care were based on Dr. L. Emmett Holt’s popular book (described in Chapter 1). Over time, subsequent editions of the manual (it had 12 revisions) relied on more contemporary views of child development and parenting (including Freudian con- cerns about infant impulses and erogenous zones). By 1921, 1.5 million copies of Infant Care had been distributed (Wolfenstein, 1951), and it continues to be pub- lished periodically under the title of Child Care Bulletin (http://nccic.acf.hhs.gov/ ccb/index.html).

Each decade, the White House Conference reconvened to monitor and examine children’s status in society. These conferences have provided the impetus for the creation of a number of bills designed to help children and their families (Zigler & Muenchow, 1984). Besides establishing policy and legislation, they have served to reaffirm the rights of children to parental love and respect. They have also reiter- ated the goals of ending abject poverty and discrimination, providing equal educa- tional opportunities, and promoting the freedom of all children to pursue the developmental paths they choose (Beck, 1973).

The last conference focused on child care as the single most serious problem for America’s families. However, that meeting was held in 1970. Many child advocates have cited the absence of the conference as evidence of politicians’ lack of concern for children’s well-being.

Advocating Children’s and Families’ Rights

Social policies are tied to perceptions of children and their rights. When a nation views a child as a “subperson” having fewer rights (inherently possessed freedoms) than adults, then the social drive to protect children is reduced. Consequently, to promote the health and welfare of all children, the United Nations sponsored the creation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. After a lengthy drafting period, it was adopted by the U.N. General Assembly in 1989. It contains 54 articles concerning the civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights of children (see Box 13.2). Three themes underlie the articles:

1. Children’s best interests should be a primary consideration in any policy,

2. Children should be provided with rights that are consistent with their devel- oping capabilities, and

3. Children’s dignity should be respected.

All nations (a total of 193) have ratified the convention except for two—the United States and Somalia. The United States has not ratified the Convention due to opposition from two sources. Certain political and religious conservatives have been organized vocal opponents because they believe the Convention could poten- tially interfere with their own parental rights. Other opponents argue that the articles conflict with the U.S. Constitution (Cohen, 1996). Concerns raised by

318 PART III • CONTEMPORARY ISSUES

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

opponents include potential limits on a parent’s freedom to forcibly remove a child from a religious cult, to choose corporal punishment as discipline, and to home- school a child. Although the Convention does not explicitly deny these rights to parents, parent-rights advocates fear that the Convention’s language could allow for such restrictions in the future.

One can reasonably assume that genuine concern for children drives at least part of the argument on both sides of the issue. Individuals who act on their concern for children refer to themselves as child advocates. They work to promote the rights of children—distinct from those of their parents—and they have a long history in America as catalysts for positive change. In 1897, the first National Congress of Mothers met and eventually grew into the Parent-Teacher Association (PTA). Family advocate Jane Addams opened Hull House in Chicago, the first “settlement”

Chapter 13 • Social Policy Issues 319

A Brief Description of Some of the Articles From the U.N. Convention on Children’s Rights

Article 5: Concerns the state’s duty to respect the rights and responsibilities of parents and the wider family to provide guidance appropriate to the child’s developing capacities.

Article 9: Addresses children’s right to: (a) live with their parents unless this is incompatible with the children’s best interests, and (b) maintain contact with both parents if separated from one or both.

Article 12: Deals with the child’s right to express an opinion, and to have that opinion taken into account, in any matter or procedure affecting the child.

Article 13: Has to do with the child’s right to information, and to express his or her views, unless this would violate the rights of others.

Article 14: Speaks to the child’s right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion, subject to appropriate parental guidance and national law.

Article 19: Concerns the state’s obligation to: (a) protect children from all forms of maltreatment by parents or others responsible for their care and (b) establish programs for prevention of abuse and treatment of victims.

Article 28: Addresses the child’s right to education and the state’s duty to ensure that primary education (if not more) is free and compulsory. Discipline in schools needs to respect the child’s dignity.

Article 29: Indicates that education should focus on: (a) developing the child’s personality and talents, (b) preparing the child for active life as an adult, (c) fos- tering respect for basic human rights, and (d) developing respect for the child’s own cultural and national values as well as those of others.

Articles 32–36: Deals with the child’s rights and the state’s obligation to protect children from child labor, drugs, sex, slavery, and other forms of exploitation.

BOX 13.2

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

house for families, in 1889 in order to provide social services for the urban poor. Recall Cora Bussey Hillis, the Iowa housewife mentioned in Chapter 1, who advo- cated for research into children’s development.

Advocates for children and families are important agents of change. For example, the advocacy group Action for Children’s Television was formed in the 1960s to improve scheduling of, reduce violence in, and limit advertising during children’s programming. Their work culminated in the passage of the Children’s Television Act of 1990, which established guidelines for children’s programming, including content and quantity of advertising. It also required broadcasters to provide educational and informational programs for children (Calvert & Kotler, 2003).

Today, there are many child and parent advocacy groups that seek to inform the public and lobby for specific causes. Table 13.1 lists some of the national and inter- national child, parent, and family advocacy groups.

Contemporary Programs to Help Families

Currently, a number of different programs provide assistance to parents and their children. Some are prophylactic and designed to reduce the likelihood of problems in at-risk families. Others provide intervention services to families already experiencing hardship. Most of the programs are intended to assist the poor. These provide nutrition assistance (such as food stamps), health care cover- age (such as Medicaid), and early childhood education (see more about Head Start, below). There are also mentoring programs (like Big Brothers Big Sisters) for children in single-parent families and other children in need. These programs facil- itate one-to-one adult-child relationships for 3 million youth a year (Rhodes & DuBois, 2006).

Some of the many prevention and intervention programs operating in the United States that have been evaluated systematically are listed in Table 13.2. These programs are examples of the wide range of issues that are targeted for prevention or intervention.

Begun in 1972, Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) is an exemplary program that combats inadequate nutritional care among low-income pregnant and breast- feeding women as well as their young children up to age 5. More than 7 million low- income parents in all 50 states participate in the supplemental nutritional program, which provides vouchers for high-protein foods, such as milk, cheese, and beans. Nutrition education and child health checkups are also required for all participants.

Evaluation studies of the program have found it be highly worthwhile. The United States General Accounting Office, in a 1992 study, determined that for each child in the program, $573 is saved by avoiding the prolonged hospitalization and treatment of premature infants. Overall, it was estimated that the program results in a 25% reduction in the incidence of very low birth-weight babies. However, the program is underfunded, and as many as 59% of women eligible to receive the ben- efits do not because they cannot get access to the program or may not be aware of it (Richardson, 2003).

The other widely acclaimed government prevention program is Project Head Start. Initially created in 1965, it began as a summer program for poor 4- and

320 PART III • CONTEMPORARY ISSUES

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

5-year-old children to prepare them for school and help break the cycle of poverty. Very soon it became evident that one or two summers was not enough time to prepare economically disadvantaged children for school entry. Within a few years, Head Start had expanded into a year-round program, and today, it serves more than 621,000 children at 2,000 sites. Besides providing the children with a preschool

Chapter 13 • Social Policy Issues 321

Group Web Site Purpose

American Coalition for Fathers and Children

American Family Association

Autism Speaks

Children’s Defense Fund

Center for Effective Discipline

Global Movement for Children

National Children’s Advocacy Center

Pacer Center

Parental Rights

Prevent Child Abuse

United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF)

Voices for American’s Children

www. acfc.org

www.afa.net

www.autismspeaks.org

www.childrensdefense.org

www.stophitting.org

www.gmfc.org

www.nationalcac.org

www.pacer.org

www.parentalrights.org

www.preventchildabuse.org

www.unicef.org

www.voices.org

to promote the equal rights of all parties affected by divorce

to alter American culture, with an emphasis on media, to reflect conservative (“traditional”) family values

to improve the future of individuals who struggle with autism

to lift children out of poverty, protect them from abuse and neglect, and ensure their access to health care, quality education, and a moral and spiritual foundation

to disseminate information about the effects of physical punishment and promote alternatives to its use

to make the world a better place for children (worldwide association of organizations)

to promote and model a new way to respond to and prevent child abuse

to expand opportunities and enhance quality of life for children with disabilities and their families

to secure a constitutional amendment defending the rights of parents to direct the upbringing and education of their children

to prevent child abuse and neglect in the United States

to advocate and act internationally on behalf of the rights of children

to improve the lives of children by networking other advocacy groups

Table 13.1 Examples of National and International Advocacy Groups Concerning Parents and Children

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

322 PART III • CONTEMPORARY ISSUES

Program Description and Reference

Aware Parenting

Fast Track

Oregon Divorce Study-11

Parents Anonymous

Parents Matter!

Reducing Drinking

Designed to promote parents’ awareness of effective parenting strategies, as well as children’s individual needs and personalities (Bronstein et al., 1998)

A multisite (55 schools in four geographical areas), randomized clinical trial designed to prevent conduct disorder and chronic violent crime in adolescence beginning with more than 9,000 kindergarten children (Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group, 2002)

A randomized preventive intervention trial of recently separated mothers and their early elementary school-age sons (DeGarmo & Forgatch, 2005)

Using a model of shared leadership and mutual support, a nationwide program begun in 1970 designed to build on parents’ strengths and address risks, such as unrealistic expectations, destructive attitudes, and harmful behaviors (Pion-Berlin & Polinksy, 2000)

A three-site, family-based prevention program to provide HIV prevention to minority youth (Forehand, Miller, Armistead, Kotchick, & Long, 2004)

An intervention for parents of students, during the summer prior to their freshman year, focusing on communication and information dissemination (Turrisi, Jaccard, Taki, Dunnam, & Grimes, 2001)

Table 13.2 Examples of Prevention and Intervention Programs

education, Head Start gives meals and medical services to children. The parents are encouraged to be involved and engaged in their children’s education.

Evaluation studies of Head Start and other preschool intervention programs have determined that early intervention can indeed be successful in its efforts. Head Start graduates are more likely to be ready for school, perform better there, and exhibit higher cognitive competence compared to children who did not attend the program. It is likely that there are other positive, long-term consequences for Head Start graduates, such as increased chances of graduating from high school, becom- ing and staying employed, and avoiding juvenile delinquency (Zigler & Styfco, 1994). Head Start helps to set a child on a positive developmental trajectory that provides feelings of efficacy and generates successful experiences in school and else- where. The major problem is that it is also underfunded. For every child in the program, more than three others are eligible but unable to participate.

It’s cheaper than the alternative, but still, early intervention is expensive. For example, Head Start costs about $9,000 per child per year. A much more extensive intervention program (the Abecedarian program in North Carolina) begins early— when an infant is 6 weeks old—and costs $70,700 per child per year. A benefit-cost analysis of early childhood programs concluded that they are all indeed cost-effective, as they reduce the likelihood that the child will require special education classes, be

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

retained in a grade, drop out of high school, be arrested, or smoke cigarettes as an adult (Masse & Barnett, 2002). The Child-Parent Centers in Chicago determined that for every dollar spent on early-childhood programs, society saves $6 to $10. This favorable economic return exceeds most other educational interventions that begin in school-age years, such as reduced class size or youth job training (Reynolds, Temple, Robertson, & Mann, 2002).

Parent Education and Intervention

The idea that educating parents about child rearing will increase their parenting competence is a long-held belief in the United States. As early as 1815, parents were meeting together to discuss how to deal with child-rearing problems (Croake & Glover, 1977). Since then, many different programs have been designed and tested to help parents function better. The programs vary considerably in terms of con- tent (information provided), method (e.g., group instruction vs. home visitation), intensity (number of sessions or visits), population served (e.g., at-risk individu- als), as well as type of community where the program is offered (Cowan, Powell, & Cowan, 1998).

Responding to an ecological perspective, parenting intervention programs underwent considerable changes in the 1980s (Powell, 2005). Programs began to experiment with ways to strengthen parents’ social networks, community ties, work-family relations, and other extrafamilial systems. This perspective also calls for a recognition of group and individual differences among the parents, resulting in culturally sensitive training.

The leading contemporary model of parent intervention involves the home vis- itation. This is a service strategy designed to identify families in need and then address those needs. The strategy has been used in the United States and Europe for more than a century, and European countries regard it as an essential part of child health programs (Shonkoff & Meisels, 2000). The model depends on the develop- ment of a positive relationship between the home visitor and the parent. The idea is that parents will change their behavior based on the information presented and the persuasive abilities of the home visitor. The parents then mediate changes in their children; home visitors typically do not interact directly with the children.

Different home visitation programs vary in focus; there are currently thousands of these programs in the United States. One of the first to be carefully evaluated is the Nurse-Family Partnership Program, which involves nurses making home visits to low-income mothers. Three large-scale, randomized-control trials have been conducted with different populations in different contexts: upstate New York; Memphis, Tennessee; and Denver, Colorado. Nurses engaged in three major tasks: (a) promoting mothers’ positive behavior as it related to pregnancy, childrens’ health, and the mothers’ life course; (b) helping mothers develop supportive rela- tionships with others; and (c) linking mothers and their families to needed health and human services.

The largest home visitation program in the country is Healthy Families America (www.healthyfamiliesamerica.org), with more than 430 sites serving families in which the mother is a first-time parent under the age of 21. The program’s major

Chapter 13 • Social Policy Issues 323

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

goals are to prevent child maltreatment, promote effective parenting, achieve opti- mal health in children, help parents become economically self-sufficient, and pre- vent repeated teen pregnancy. A third well-known program is Hawaii’s Healthy Start, which focuses on promoting children’s language and cognitive development, enhancing the quality of home environment, preventing mental health and sub- stance abuse, encouraging educational and economic attainment, and facilitating the use of contraceptives.

Do home visitation and other parenting intervention programs work? About 27 years after the Nurse-Family Partnership program was first implemented, David Olds (2006) summarized the key results across its three sites. Although results asso- ciated with pregnancy outcomes were mixed, the program has been successful in improving the mother’s life course (measured by, for instance, fewer subsequent crisis pregnancies, greater levels of employment, and reduced dependence on public assistance). It has also served to enhance the care of children, resulting in better emotional and language development and fewer cases of child maltreatment. In a meta-analysis of 60 home-visitation programs, the programs were found to have at least a modest positive effect (median effect size = .135) on a majority of the assessed child variables (cognitive and socioemotional development) and parent variables (parenting behavior and attitudes, child abuse, stress, maternal education, employment, and public assistance) (Sweet & Appelbaum, 2004).

Other meta-analyses of parent intervention programs (both home visitation and others) find somewhat stronger effects. For example, in a more focused meta-analysis of 70 intervention programs designed to enhance parental sensitivity and attach- ment security, the effect size for changing insensitive parenting was .33; for changing infant attachment insecurity, it was .20 (Bakermans-Kranenburg, van Ijzendoorn, & Juffer, 2003). Intervention programs specifically designed to pre- vent child abuse tend to be more successful, with effect sized in the moderate range (d = .45 to .60) (Lundahl, Nimer, & Parsons, 2006).

Designing and evaluating intervention programs for changing parents and children is a complex task. Given the variability among the features of the programs, the fact that the intervention programs are generally found to be effec- tive is noteworthy. Further research will help to determine the most effective goals, frequency of visits, training level of home visitors, and other characteristics to enhance their efficacy. Future work needs to focus on such questions as, “What are the processes involved in changing child-rearing behavior?” and “For whom does a particular program work the best?” (Powell, 2005).

An Innovative Approach

Across the nation, individuals and communities have developed numerous cre- ative solutions for assisting parents and children. Such programs serve important needs, but their significance for nationwide societal change is limited by their scope. In contrast, proposals that address the nature of public schools hold considerable promise for improving the quality of life for many more parents and their children.

324 PART III • CONTEMPORARY ISSUES

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

Calls to reform the educational system in an effort to increase literacy and com- petence have been many and varied.One rather radical approach was the brainchild of James Comer in the late 1960s. He sought to improve a poorly functioning, inner-city school in New Haven, Connecticut, through its organization and func- tioning. He hoped to improve its effectiveness and raise the level of student and teacher engagement by involving faculty, students, and parents in the control of the school (Comer, 1980). Developmental psychologist Edward Zigler, one of the founders of Head Start,

has since developed a more comprehensive scheme to modify the functioning of public schools into 21st-Century Community Learning Centers. He observed that public schools, as developed in the 1900s, were falling short of meeting the needs of modern families. Although educating children is one important task, to Zigler, schools could be much more—hence the title Community Learning Centers. They should provide both before- and after-school programs and activities for students and be open during vacation periods. Schools should also provide day care for students’ younger siblings. In addition, schools should become centers of family support in terms of information, parent education, and referral services. Table 13.3 lists the 13 activities envisioned by Zigler that could define each center (Mahoney & Zigler, 2006). The Community Learning Center program first received government funding in

1994 for trials in certain schools in Missouri. In 2002, it was awarded $1 billion to fund programs in 6,800 schools serving more than 1 million students. The esti- mated cost to fully fund the school transformations across America would be $75 billion (Mahoney & Zigler, 2006).

Chapter 13 • Social Policy Issues 325

• Children’s day-care services • Integrated health, social service, recreational, and cultural programs • Summer or weekend programs in conjunction with recreation programs • Nutrition and health programs • Parent-skills education programs • Literacy education programs • Expanded library service hours • Telecommunications and technology education programs for all ages • Support and training for child day-care providers • Employment counseling, training, and placement • Services for school dropouts of any age • Services for individuals with disabilities • Senior citizen programs

Table 13.3 Types of Activities Provided at Community Learning Centers

Source: Mahoney & Zigler, 2006.

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

Controversial Social Policy Ideas

There is no quick fix for solving the many problems related to families and par- enting that have been described in this book. Around the world, many local, state, and national governments—as well as organizations in the private sector—have developed strategies and programs to address the maladies. Some social policy ideas are quite controversial. The People’s Republic of China’s “one-child” fertil- ity policy is the preeminent example. A bold effort to reduce the Chinese popula- tion, the 1979 federal law mandated that couples were allowed to have only one child (although there were exceptions for some families). If a second child is born, the couple is fined or taxed at a higher rate. The program was initially presented as a “temporary measure,” but it is still in effect more than 25 years later. The pol- icy has resulted in some negative consequences, most notably a sex imbalance due to sex-selective abortions and the abandoning or even killing of female neonates (Hesketh, Lu, & Xing, 2005).

In contrast to China’s restrictive action, some Western European leaders, con- cerned about their declining fertility rates, have provided financial incentives to mothers so they will bear children. In certain parts of Germany, the local gov- ernment provides payments to procreate: Mothers earn as much as $34,700 for every child born (Nizza, 2007). Money is also being used as a strategy to promote improved parenting behavior in New York City. This program is described in Box 13.3.

In the United States, fertility is not our most pressing issue. Instead, our most controversial social policy ideas have addressed physical punishment of children, parental responsibility, and licensing of parents.

326 PART III • CONTEMPORARY ISSUES

Paying Parents to Be Parents

In 2007, New York City started an experimental program for families in poverty: paying parents to do what parents should do. The “Opportunity NYC” program (www.opportunitynyc.info) is a conditional cash-transfer program modeled on a Mexican program (Oportunidades) initially created in 1997. Opportunity NYC is designed to get poor parents to become more involved in their children’s health and education by providing modest financial incentives. Parents can earn $4,000 to $6,000 a year by engaging in normal parenting activities: $25 for attending parent-teacher conferences, $50 for getting a library card, and $400 if their child graduates from high school. They also receive money for preventive health screen- ings or job training, or $150 a month if they keep a full-time job. It is a pilot program, and only 2,500 families can participate (they are chosen by a lottery). Although it is too early to know whether it will be successful in decreasing poverty and improving health and educational outcomes for children, other programs modeled after the Mexican one are operating in 20 countries (Kelley, 2007).

BOX 13.3

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

Banning Physical Punishment

In an effort to protect children from physical violence, two kinds of laws banning physical punishment have been enacted in various countries. The first type of law involves banning corporal punishment in schools. Throughout history, teachers have resorted to physical violence to discipline unruly students or even slow learners. The practice continues today, as a court case that made national news in 2004 exemplifies:

Jessica, an 18-year-old high school senior in San Antonio, Texas, arrived on campus one morning but then walked across the street to buy a breakfast taco. When she returned, she was informed that she had broken a school rule.While being restrained by two employees, she was paddled by the interim principal. The paddling left Jessica physically injured and emotionally traumatized. She never returned to the school. (Pollard-Sacks, 2009)

Many countries have outlawed this type of school punishment. In fact, more than 225 years ago (in 1783), Poland banned physical punishment in schools. As of 2008, 102 other countries have passed similar bans. In contrast, use of physical pun- ishment in the school system is still practiced in 23 (generally southern) states; the other 27 states have enacted legislative bans. Physical punishment in the schools typically takes the form of being hit on the bottom with a paddle. In the 2006–2007 school year, more than 223,000 children received physical punishment by school personnel. The practice is disproportionately used on minority and handicapped children (Human Rights Watch, 2008).

The second type of ban on physical punishment is considerably more contro- versial. Historically, parents have opposed limitations of their rights to discipline their children as they see fit (Pollard, 1983). However, to protect children from mal- treatment, certain countries have restricted parental discipline by outlawing parental use of corporal punishment. This policy was first enacted in Sweden in 1979, the same year that China instituted the one-child policy. The ban, amended in 1983, reads:

Children are entitled to care, security, and a good upbringing. Children are to be treated with respect for their person and individuality and may not be sub- jected to corporal punishment or any other humiliating treatment.

The legislation was not an effort to criminalize parents. Rather, its major intent was to change attitudes about disciplining children. Consequently, it was accompa- nied by a massive public education campaign. The law was also intended to increase early identification of children at risk for abuse and promote intervention for families (Durrant, Rose-Krasnor, & Broberg, 2003).

Although the evidence is limited, what studies are available indicate that the law has been effective. More at-risk families have been identified, and attitudes about corporal punishment have changed (Durrant, 1999). Swedish mothers now view spanking as unnecessary, ineffective, and even harmful (Durrant et al., 2003).

Chapter 13 • Social Policy Issues 327

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

The banning of all physical punishment of children, a proposition in line with the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child, is gradually spreading. In 2007, seven countries (Chile, Spain, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Portugal, Uruguay, and Venezuela) joined Sweden and 15 other nations in banning parental use of spanking (Gershoff & Bitensky, 2007)

Parent Responsibility Laws

Since the 1990s, a novel legal approach to the problem of delinquent behavior is emerging both in the United States and in other countries. It involves holding parents accountable for their children’s actions. The idea is that, if parents can be charged with the crime of contributing to the delinquency of a minor, they will be motivated to be more involved with and responsible for their teenager’s conduct. Generally, these responsibility laws deal with nonviolent crimes, such as drinking alcohol, driving recklessly, shoplifting, participating in gang activities, or skipping school. The laws rest on the common legal presumption that the child’s delinquent behavior is a consequence of poor parenting and that the parents have not met society’s parenting expectations (Pagliocca, Melton, Lyons, & Weisz, 2002). Punishments range from small fines to imprisonment.

Should parents be blamed for adolescent misconduct? For many citizens frus- trated with juvenile miscreants, this sounds like a good policy. However, is it fair to hold parents accountable for actions committed by their children when the parents are unaware of the actions or unable to control their difficult children? It is not fair, according to psychologists who believe that parents have little influence on their children’s development as their children come into contact with other influences— particularly peers (Cohen, 1999; Harris, 1998). Another concern with responsibil- ity laws is their orientation to punishment rather than remediation: The laws do not help parents become more skilled or effective in controlling a teenager’s behav- ior. The laws have also been criticized as vague, unfair (because they impose harsher penalties on parents than on children), and neglectful of parents’rights. To date, the laws have not been widely enforced, and there are no evaluation studies yet of their effectiveness (Harris, 2006; Le Sage & De Ruyter, 2008).

Licensing Parents

This book has documented that many social problems are linked to families and parenting, including drugs, crime, teenage pregnancy, poverty, physical and mental illness, and child maltreatment. The financial cost of the problems for the individ- uals, their families, and society is high. What is the cure? The obvious solution is to improve the quality of parenting. If parents are causally linked to children’s prob- lems, or at least can mediate the problems if they are not causally associated, then it follows that parenting should be improved. But how does society improve the quality of parenting? Classes offering parent education and home visitation programs are two approaches to improving parenting, but their scopes are limited. A much more ambitious and controversial proposal has also been suggested: licens- ing individuals before they have children.

328 PART III • CONTEMPORARY ISSUES

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

Parents-to-be must be certified as to their competence, and a practical exami- nation is better than a paper one. We must take an examination to obtain a license to drive a car. The child deserves no less; the good of the country demands much more. (Rheingold, 1973, p. 46)

With those words, the developmental psychologist Harriet Rheingold proposed a revolutionary idea—an idea that some people consider to be outrageous and an egregious intrusion into individual rights and family privacy. Hugh LaFollette (1980), a philosopher, took the idea of parent certification a step further by propos- ing that parents should be licensed to protect children from abuse and neglect. The proposal to license parents gained national attention when in 1994, the psychiatrist Jack Westerman described the idea and its rationale in a book. His proposal is simple and takes up only about five pages of his 238-page book. There are actually only three requirements for getting a license:

1. The prospective parent must be at least 18 years old.

2. The prospective parent must sign an agreement indicating that he or she agrees to care for and nurture the child while refraining from maltreating the child. The parent agrees to the financial responsibility of parenthood and the expectations of parental competence.

3. The prospective parent will complete a parenting course (although this crite- rion could be optional).

Jack Westerman’s proposal (supplemented with ideas by Lykken, 2001) is that all parents would have to procure a parenting license prior to a baby’s birth. Licenses could be obtained at the time of marriage, when the individual is accepted for adoption, during pregnancy, or still in the hospital, immediately after childbirth. It would be handled by the authorities who issue marriage licenses and birth regis- trations. Prospective parents would not be judged based on their parenting beliefs or the quality of their parenting. Rather, all they would need to do is show docu- mentation of a marriage license, proof they are of legal age, and evidence they are self-supporting. The prospective parents would then sign the agreement. According to Westerman’s plan, an actual parent-education course is optional.

What happens if a parent does not obtain a license? A baby born to an unlicensed mother would be removed and put up for adoption—unless she was able to obtain a license. A single woman could have a child but would have to demonstrate to a judge that she had the resources to provide for the child’s material needs. Gay and lesbian couples, in the absence of a marriage license, could obtain a parenting license through an appeal to family court. This proposal means that adolescents younger than 18 years old would have to wait to raise a child, as would unemployed or impoverished couples, until their financial circumstances improved. The death or divorce of a parent would not be grounds for removal of the child (Lykken, 2001).

From a parent-centered perspective, the idea of having to get a license to have a child is an assault on the right to procreate. However, not everyone agrees that it is a right of all individuals to bear children. Margaret Mead (1978), late in her career

Chapter 13 • Social Policy Issues 329

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

as an anthropologist, thought otherwise. She argued that she did not agree with the view that every woman has an inherent right to have a child.

From a child-centered perspective,parents should not have unbounded freedom to rear their children as they see fit. The British philosopher John Stuart Mill (1859/1956) put it this way:

Causing the existence of a human being is one of the most responsible actions in the range of human life. To under- take this responsibility—to bestow a life . . . unless the being on whom it is to be bestowed will have at least the ordi- nary chances of a desirable existence— is a crime against that being. (p. 124)

The ultimate purpose of the proposal to license parents was not to limit the rights of adults. Rather it was to change social norms and values. Westerman hoped that when the importance of child rearing was elevated and normative beliefs and expectations were changed, children would benefit from improved parenting. He envisioned a society where youth would not even con- sider becoming parents until they are rea- sonably mature, self-sufficient, adequately functioning citizens committed to the child- rearing task.

As indexed by the relatively low amount of money currently spent on programs and salaries, however, our society does not place great value on the work of parent- ing—or of others who work with children, such as day-care workers and school- teachers. If children are indeed the “most precious national resource” (Rheingold, 1973), it stands to reason that the way we rear and treat them will determine our nation’s future.

Chapter Summary

Much can and needs to be done in the United States and around the world to sup- port families in the task of rearing their young. But this will happen only with the recognition that the foundation for a healthy and stable society lies with competent

330 PART III • CONTEMPORARY ISSUES

Illustration 13.3 The goal of parenting is to rear healthy, happy, and competent individuals. Society benefits when parents are successful.

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

parenting. Recent social changes in the United States, including the increase in sin- gle mothers, working mothers, and divorce, have put new stresses on child rearing.

It does little good to ignore these social changes because some of the stressed,unsta- ble, and incompetent parents result in a considerable cost to society. The economic consequences of such problems as premature birth (due in part to teenage parenting), failure to immunize infants, childhood obesity, school failure, juvenile delinquents, and child maltreatment cost our nation tens of billions of dollars each year.

A variety of social policies have been initiated, both in the United States and around the world. Many initiatives have been started by child advocates, who seek to promote children’s rights. Some programs are aimed at preventing problems whereas others are designed to intervene with at-risk families or address ongoing problems. Home visitation programs appear to have the most promise for chang- ing parenting and improving the outcomes of children. Another effort to help families lies in reinventing the school system so it can better meet the needs of the families in the community. Several controversial ideas intended to combat family- related social problems have also been advanced, including banning physical pun- ishment, enacting parent-responsibility laws, and licensing parents.

Societies depend on parents to nurture and guide the development of children into healthy and competent adults. It is in the best interest of all societies to pro- mote parental success. Disparities in the incidence or burden of problems that exist among families are a problem that everyone needs to address. To paraphrase the observation of attachment theorist John Bowlby (1951), if societies are to value children, parents must be nurtured.

Thought Questions

• Some people believe the American family is in decline, as reflected by the changes in family structure. What do you think?

• Why does the United States lag behind other industrialized countries in sup- porting the family? How might this be changed?

• Should parents be held accountable for their adolescent’s misconduct? Why or why not?

• Do you think licensing parents would be an effective way to address some of the social problems? What organizations would object to this proposal?

Chapter 13 • Social Policy Issues 331

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .

C o p yr

ig h t ©

2 0 0 9 . S

A G

E P

u b lic

a tio

n s.

A ll

ri g h ts

r e se

rv e d .