religion

12

DEATH AND DYING

Stephen Hunt

Max Weber (1854-1920), the renowned There is no

contradiction in stating that death

lisa part of life. Nor is it a contradiction to sociologist, regarded religion, whatever its

say that death is a "lived experience for those

about to depart this world and their "significant which he meant a belief system addressing many

others"-relatives, friends and loved ones-left

behind after they die. Whatever the cause of death and at whatever age it occurs, the way in

which individuals and entire societies perceive and come to terms with the final episode of life varies as much as it differs with other major life events. In short, there are countless variations by adjust to their loss. Death may be a painful expe-

which death has been attributed meaning and

expressions, as a "theodicy of suffering," by

of the negative experiences of the human condi

tion. Weber speculated that suffering may be at the very root of religious belief and practice o,

at the very least, an integral part of it. Suffering

includes death not only for those who are at the

end of life but also for those left to mourn and

rience for the dying, yet it is generally a negative

Coped with throughout history, and those differ- event for those associated with the process. So

e ul diverge considerably between cultures. often death seems unfair, often untimely, and

Xisted and continue to exist, indicating that to why it should occur at all. It is not surpris- Nevertheless, cultural commonalities have also leaves the human mind asking the question as

human beings display the similar psychological ing that, as with all aspects ot sutering. death

and social need to adjust to a very human event, inevitability of the end of life. Whether Apressing cultural similarities or divergence, Egion has, as this chapter attempts to show,Central and erstwhile role to play in aiding indi- iduals and communities in coming to terms n the natural process of death.

has a deeply religious dimension for the social

collective. The natural phenomenon of death

sets the mind to think profoundly of the mean-

ing of lite, matters that perhaps only religion

can address. For example, it is no coincidence

that the highest philosophy in Indian Hindu-

ism commences with the subject of death and is

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Part 2 Religion and Culture in the Space of Ethics

As part of the cross-cultural

a common theme in the important scriptures of

Bhagavad Gita, Kathopanishad, and Chandogya Upanishad. In this respect, however, Hinduism is not unique. Other major religions also make

the topic of death central to their holy writings. Religion has, throughout the millennia of

human history, both forged and reflected per-

ural themesembraced by this chapter, we explore c ing attitudes to death in Western societi how the experience of ath has been affecte and

Tected percep-

by such factors as distinctive cultural perc with medicaliza tions, processes associated ion, and the institutionalization of the later stages ception of death and how it is dealt with in a life and death itself. Adding to the rich variety

of

of death is perceiv. and dealt with are the cultural changes evident in West.

the ways in which multitude of societies. Across a wide variety of cultures, whatever the precise belief system, reli- gion can explain the causes of death and embel- lish it with meaning and significance. Religion death-related procedures and rituals, includino can provide the backdrop to funeral and mourn- ing processes and, perhaps most obviously, give expression to faith in the afterlife; shaping the contemporary West views death, as well as the worldview accompanying the final rites of pas- sage from earthly life to the "hereafter" (however that is perceived) with the hope that existence

ern societies that give distinct expressions to mourning and funeral arrangements. PerhapDsabove all, the cultural prism through which the social processes around it, is, in many respects, quite unique compared to previous historical cultures, as well as those in the majority wold today, where death remains an everyday famil

continues in another realm and another form. Despite the infinite variety of belief systems that iarity and, in short, is a part of the stark reality can be found and that deal with the subject of of life. In the majority world, where life expecdeath, there remains, to reiterate, considerable tancy is low and infant mortality is high, death is commonality.

This chapter embraces a comparative when resources are scarce and poverty rife. By

a common aspect of routine existence, especially approach to the subject of death and dimen- contrast, in Western societies, death is typically sions of religiosity that call upon anthropology, given a very different meaning; it is related to history, psychology, sociology, and other disci- long life expectancy and associated with old age plines to tease out both variation and common concerns. In this regard, the chapter includes the following interrelated themes. First, cultural per- ception of death: its understood nature, "causes, and the relevance of accompanying afterlifebeliefs. Second, the chapter explores death ritu- als and mourning processes that help individu-als and social collectives express grief and come to terms with death. In that sense, such rituals

are richly engraved with symbolic relevance: course, is a profoundly personal experience

as a result of relatively high levels of health and economic prosperity and where death tends to be hidden from public view.

THE SOCIAL SIGNIFICANCE OF DEATH

Human beings, by nature or necessity, are sOcll animals. Their experiences of life are shared literally from the cradle to the grave. Death, or

it is the final life event that comes to all. Inc

thought of death may increase in a persons la

giving expression to community sentiments and desires. Third, this chapter overviews the social significance of death, which entails probing the years as he or she grows older and experiene everyday experience of death-not just for the inevitable physical decline. It may well he dying, but for those left behind, the bereaved. ever, that the matter of death preoccupies

the

232

Hunt, Death and Dying

was certainly the

conclusion reached by the psy-

desires, a themetthat was explo most cogently

individua individual subconsciously

throughout life. This certain times: situations of individual emotional stress that threatened collective solidarity and sentiment that was necessary for the effective functioning of the social order. Contexts that produced these emotions included "crises, such as birth, puberty, marriage, and death, with all the uncertainties that they generate. Malinowski noticed that, in all preindustrial societies, life

choa

hoanalyst Sigmund Freu eud. Freud believed that

two conflicting central humans

are iven by

desires are the life drive, or "libido" (such as

survival, hunger, thirst, reproduction, and sex),

the Pleasure Principle. These in his

work Beyond

and the death drive, or what Freud referred to crises are surrounded with religious ritual.

as "Thanatos." His description of "cathexis," the

energy of which constitutes the libido, includes

all creative, life-producing drives. The death

drive (or death instinct), whose energy Freud designated as "anticathexis, represents an urge

that is inherent in all living things-to return to a state of calm without danger: in other words, associated with death is probably the main source

an inorganic or dead state-a place of safety as of religious belief and rituals. Thus, through

protective as the womb from which life origi-

nally emerged. In a sense, Freud was aware of the social denying the finality of death itself and subse-

implications of death. In one of his most con- quently comforting the bereaved. Indeed, the

troversial conjectures associated with his death instinct theory, he postulated that all living process signifies a particular type of discontinu-

creatures are involved in an ongoing struggle between competing impulses for activity and Survival, on the one hand, and withdrawal and death, on the other. From this theory, Freud

contentiously argued that it was human destruc- tive impulses that could eventually annihilate Cvilization itself, unless they were rechanneled by improved child rearing, psychoanalysis, and more effective societal patterns. Freud also iden- tihed these "immature" impulses as the source O what he saw as the delusion of religious beliet. The subject of the social significance ot death has also been addressed more directly by

Death was the most disruptive of these events

because it severed strong personal attachments and thwarted human designs-often occurring in a seemingly arbitrary and unpredictable way.

From this observation, Malinowski con cluded that the ability to deal with the problems

funeral ceremonies, mourning is expressed and

belief in immortality articulated-in a sense

significance of religiosity in the bereavement

ity. Death means the cessation of someone's lite and the end of the relationship that the deceased shared with others. Moreover, it brings a unique

form of psychological challenge because death

is final. From his study of the Trobrianders, Malinowski was able to deduce that the high level of religious activity surrounding death was

a common feature of all societies and pertormed

many of the same tunctions.

Death, in Malinowskis account, is not just

a personal experience: it is a social and shared event. This was a thenme also developed by

Halbwachs,' a student of one of the so-called

pOgIsts. A good number have explored tne relationship between death and aspects of religiosity in the social context. For example, Malinowski, in his seminal account of the tribal

founding fathers of sociology, Emile Durkheim

(1858-1917). For Durkheim, individuals are undoubtelly attected by biological and psycho-

logical drives, but human lite is overwhelmingly

shaped by social phenomena. And, according to Durkheim, social phenomena can be regarded

people of the Trobriand Islands, indicated that gion was particularly significant during

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Part 2 Religion and Culture in the Space of Ethics

as "social facts" that display distinctive social buried as soon as possible. This represent characteristics and determinants that are not cal death. A few days later, the body is exhumed Physiamenable to explanations on the biological or and a funeral ceremony takes place,in ume whi psychological level.' Social facts are external to friends and relatives say a hnal goodbye-r the individual as a biological entity. They endure in its religious significance-to the dead Derse

physi

-frich over time, despite the fact that particular indi viduals die and are replaced by others.

If, for Durkheim, social characteristics and

erson who was once integral to their lives, More a profound way, the deceased is still part ofo n con tinuing social relations for an appreciable peri determinants shaped individual experiences of after death. This is why most cultures have elah.life in the human collective, Halbwachs insisted orate funeral ceremonies and an accompanvine ying period of mourning that symbolizes the fact that

that the same went for the social implications of death. Death is a biological process, but the society slowly withdraws from the dead over a way that it is culturally understood is, in a sense, time of transition, until the memory of that per. external to the individual who shares its social son diminishes and the implications of his or her significance, and it was its social significance that loss gradually recedes. shaped psychological needs. Irrespective of the In all cultures, the social significance of the considerable cultural variations of how death deceased is exemplified by the eulogy often spo- is perceived and understood, it has a profound ken at a funeral-an oration given in tribute to social relevance. Halbwachs stressed the fact that a person or people who have recently died. In death must be comprehended and appraised traditional cultures, the eulogy is of particular

importance in highlighting past social relation within the environment of wider community relationships. This was certainly so in traditional, ships. Here, religion plays its erstwhile role.

For instance, the eulogy (Hesped) in Orthodox Judaism is a brief and simple yet vital part of the funeral service and intended primarily for the honor and dignity of the deceased (yekara d'schichba). The worthy values that the deceased lived by, the good deeds they performed, the

preindustrial societies, where the broader social context and extended kinship networks are so

evidently relevant to the everyday life of the individual.

To illustrate the importance of the social collective at the time of death, Halbwachs dis-

tinguished between "physical death" and "social noble aspects of their character, how they per death" The former refers to what is now under stood as the medical definition of death: simply, the human body ceases to function biologically. The latter denotes the social consequences of death. The "live" person may have gone, but his highlighting the good and the beneficial in the or her social significance remains, and the impli- cations are immeasurable, including those of a tion for the mourners. Because the eulogy not religious nature. This is starkly seen in the exam- only praises the deceased but also confronts all ple of traditional culture in Malaysia, where death is a "process-a series of religious cer- emonies marking the slow transition from the fulfill their obligations, and live the correct way "living world" to the afterlife as it is understood. according to the Judaic faith. Moreover, ror Because it is a very hot climate, the deceased is Orthodox Judaism, and many other

faiths To

formed their social and religious duties and par took of communal relationships are eulogized.

The principal function of the eulogy, how ever, is not to comfort the bereaved, although by

a ite of the departed it affords an implicitconsola

who attend with the fact of their own morta

ty-to take stock and live their lives to the ful

234

Hunt, Death and Dying and continuity of the family lineage. Veneration that matter, death.

, deau n the Jewish tradition,

where implies a continuation of filial piety--to be good eath also

brings a leveling process.

This is

ecognized

in

God. Judaism therefore demands that

| in the same type of garment.

to ones parents, to take care of them, and to engage in good conduct-not just toward par ents but also outside the home-so as to bring a good name to ones parents and ancestors.

Ancestor worship is, by way of example, one of the most unifying aspects of Vietnamese culture: practically all Vietnamese, regardless

ressed that, wealthy

or poor, all are equal

Death shrouds

have no pockets. The deceased,

nce, the clothes to be worn should be of religious expression (Buddhist or Christian),

hetore God.

all ews

be buriedi

rial wealth into hereforefore,

can carry no materia

Because it is not a person pos the next world

sexsvons ians but his or her

soul that is of ultimate

relevance, the

one who is shortly to stand in 4ppropriate for judgmentbefore God.

have an ancestor altar set up in their home or workplace. In Vietnam, people do not tradition-

A universal cultural fact is that the dead are ally celebrate birthdays; instead, the death anni

not immediately forgotten, despite the funeral

rite and accompanying eulogy; they remain, for

versary of a loved one is always an important

social occasion. The event constitutes an essen- short period at least, a primary element of the tial gathering of family members for a banquet

ives of those significant others who have been

lef behind. At the same time, wider society has burned and great platters of fruit and food are

lost one of its members-an individual who may

have once performed important social roles. In usually displays pictures of the deceased. These

this way, the death of an individual constitutes

a societal loss. Frequently, this means that rela- tives and, in the case of small-scale preindustrial ebrations, the starting ofa new business, or even

societies, entire communities have to deal with psychological and emotional challenges, as well sel, and they are a hallmark of the emphasis that

as new practical arrangements, arising in the

wake of the death of a social member.

in memory of the deceased: incense sticks are

made as offerings on the ancestor altar, which

offerings and practices are conducted frequently during important traditional or religious cel

when a family member needs guidance or coun-

Vietnamese culture places on filial duty. Whatever the precise belief system, religious

beliefs often dictate that the deceased should

en as profoundly involved in earthly matters. leave this world on good terms with those left In some cultural systems, the dead are

Although this may be expressed in a diversity of Telngious systems, it is perhaps most obvious in will depart this life forgiven and having for ancestral worship. Ancestor worship is a practice based on the belief that deceased family mem- Dkrs have a continued existence, take an inter- s in the affairs of the world, and/or possessne ability to influence the fortune of the livingThe goal of ancestor

behind. In Judaism, it is hoped that the dying

given others: ensuring that social relations are

left sound and that life continues with a measure

of peace, once old wounds are healed. If there is

anyone the person feels they have wronged, the

dying should seek the forgiveness of the offended

party. The Talmud, the record pertaining to Jew

ish law, ethics, and customs, relates that God

veneration is to ancesto continued well-being and positive dis- osition toward the living:

ensure the

dfor special favors or assistance. The social o nonrelig function of ncestor venera-on is to enhance kinship values, family loyalty.

sometimes they are can forgive trespasses against others only after

they have forgiven. Teshuvah means, according

to Jewish tradition, that the faithful can repair,

enhance, and put to rights any aspect of life, as

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Part 2 Religion and Culture in the Space of Ethics

long as they still live. Through deep regret and firm resolve, the dying have the power, literally, to return in time to past iniquities and failings. In a single moment of teshuvah, they can repair the damage and fill the spiritual inadequacies of

their lives.

pressure to perform them are strong. This may vary from one culture to another. For ple, as part of the traditional Chinese fu exam

arrangement, on the the eldest son becomes the

heral passing away of the fat head of the fam ily, reflecting the deeply embedded

patriarchal structures. If the eldest son passes away his sec Other religious systems also seek to ensure

that the dying leave the social world in good terms with those left behind. A particular fea-

ture of the Hindu funeral ritual is the prepa-

ond brother does not assume leadership of the family. Leadership passes to the eldest Son or the grandson of the father. He must assume the ration of rice balls (pinda) that are offered to responsibilities and duties, including religiosthe spirit of the dead person during memorial services. In part, these ceremonies are seen as contributing to the merit of the deceased, but they also pacify the departed soul so that it will not linger in this world as a ghost but will pass through the realm of Yama, the god of death. Hindus who perceive what they witness asa "bad" death may be very anxious about the ghost of the deceased. This is especially so with the premature death of an infant. Hindu belief dic- tates that if an infant leaves the "earthly realm, it departs into an intermediate zone in readiness for its journey to the "divine realm. "Thus, it has not quite departed this world nor yet reached

the next. An elaborate funeral, which nonethe- less has many of the elements provided to adults, is therefore necessary to ensure that the transi- tion takes place. As a baby approaches death, the family chants Ram Ramor Om and recites from the Bhagavad Gita. A thread with a religious sig- nificance may be tied around the wrist or neck of the baby. A leaf from a tulsi shrub (basil leaf) is placed in the baby's mouth, occasionally with a gold coin. After a ritual wash, new clothes are or estate that a woman brings to her husband

ones, to the ancestors on behalf of the family The loss of a close relative in many cultures may also include a change of life that entails social exclusion: the nonsocial. This may most obviously be expressed, as explored in the fol- lowing, by retreating from wider society duringthe immediate period of bereavement and some times for much longer. Social exclusion may also have more dire consequences. For example, according to Hindu mythology, Sati, the wife of the god Dakhsha, was so overcome at the demise *** of her husband that she immolated herself on his funeral pyre and burned herself to ashes. Since then, the name Sati has come to be symptomatic of self-immolation by a widow, even to the point

17

of throwing herself on her husbands funeral

Pyre. Today the practice of sati is illegal in India,

although it is believed to continue in the remote rural corners of the country.

Despite the mythological origins of sati, it is not entirely clear why the practice initially came into being. One explanation sees it as connected

to the origins of the dowry: the money, goo put on the infant, who is subsequently wrapped marriage in traditional India. Immolation er martialwas

always more prevalent among the higher martial

Caste. Among the lower castes, it is nearly absen

Among the higher castes, a bride was

looke

upon as a burden, because she represented

a

drain on the family's income, while not

contrib-

uting anything toward it. She thus becamean

in a white shroud.

Death almost certainly changes existing social obligations and roles and generates new ones. This is particularly so in preindustrial societies, where such roles and obligations are unchanging across the generations and the

n ill

A 236

Hunt, Death and Dying

o all those around

her. If this was her sta a bride, it is not surprising that, if she had ily. Moreover, the death of the individual is of

social supports that provide meaning-the fam- omen

less and less social significance, in the sense that was despised. Other reasons for the it is institutionalized and largely anonymous.

Death, as the last rites of passage, is not a pub-

tus as a

bride,it ;

the misfortu

to become a widow, her presence

dbility of widow remarriage-arising from the lic event; hence its social relevance declines.

within the Hindu tradition-or the take place within the institutional context of the

in family was despised.

been offered: the near impos-racticehave also

prejudices that nctified virginity Rather, it is a private experience and is likely to taboos and prejudices of a bride

nonrecognition of the individuality of a woman, hospital, hospice, or home for the elderly. In that

wcho was considered part and parcel of her hus-

band, without whom her life became irrelevant.

sense, society begins to isolate the dying, with- drawing from them even before they depart this world. Neither is death central to everyday life, and there are few reminders of the departed. In

many parts of Europe, the church and its sur- DEATH IN WESTERN SOCIETIES

The function of religion at the time of death rounding graveyard were physically located at

in many societies ranges further than dealing

with the matter of social roles. Another dimen- the names of the departed and the years in which

sion is religion's utility in offering consolation. they lived. Today, the common disposal of the

In pre-modern societies, the acceptance of the dead is by way of cremation, taking place in cre inevitability of death as a natural cosmic pro- matoriums that are largely located on the remote

ces, informed by religious belief systems, often outskirts of towns and cities-rendering death shapes the consolation of the dying (as well as that "out of sight and out of mind" Although the of those closely associated by blood or friend- cremation may include a short religious service,

ship), preparing them for the next world. In the for many of the bereaved attending. they may be more secular West, this has become more prob lematic. The picture, however, remains complex, departure of a loved one. given that it is something of an underresearched area, even in the United States, where religious by contrast to premodern societies, profoundly atftudes to life appear to be more prevalent than in many Western European countries. Nonetheless, in Western societies in general, the social

the center of village life. Graves typically declare

impersonal and inadequate ways of marking the

Perceptions of death in Western cultures,

reflect social change-not least of all as a result of increasing secularity: religious belief is reduced, and there is declining communal context in

Significance of death has observably declined in which religiosity is embedded." At the same esal the sense previously discussed. This is partly as a time, Western culture is age- and death-denying

Tesult of the fact that, in such nations, extended 1amily and community relations have become ess significant, where individualism has become

Where there is an emphasis on prolonging life,

of consuming strategies to retain youth, there

is an inability to tolerate death in a culture that prime cultural idiom, and where religious belief is orientated toward perpetual life.° In short, it nas

observably experienced a decline. There are becomes a subject of profound taboo, perhaps AUmerous implications for all of these develop- ments that can now be detailed. even more so than for preindustrial societies.

As a result, the Western mind finds it difficult to

ypically segregate from one of the foremost

in the Western setting, the dying person is come to terms with death, particularly the death of a child, in a society where infant mortality is

237

Part 2 Religion and Culture in the Space of Ethics

that constitute something approachinga reviewof the person's lite. Such a review allows older people to come to terms with the past. In this way, religion, once again, may enhance psycho- logical and social well-being. There is evidence that this function of religion is observable even in the more secular West. Consistent with the previously described observations with respect to Orthodox Judaism, the findings of nation-

low and life expectancy is high. The reality of death is particularly hidden from children, who are generally protected from death as a reality of life. Whereas in traditional societies, such as rural Hindu India most funeral rites are fulfilled by the family, all of whom participate, including the children, who need not be shielded from the reality of death.

There exists, moreover, a contradiction and dilemma generated by the death-denying cul- ture of Western societies-one that displays pro- found difficulty in accepting the reality of death, on the one hand, while sustaining a familiarity with real death through media images and the

celluloid death" of fictional literature, films

wide research in the United States by Krause and Ellison disclosed the tendency of older people, coming to a realization of their own mortality to be concerned with distressing events in ear lier life and to see such events in religious terms. Among other considerations, those who forgive others in later life tend to enjoy a greater sense of psychological well-being than older people who are less willing to forgive transgressors for

negative things that they had inflicted upon them

Perhaps more obviously, religious belief pre- pares those who are growing older for their own death and includes not only engendering rec- onciliation with those left behind but also gen- erating conciliation with God (however God is

perceived). One of the most commoninterpreta tions of the implications of aging for religiosityis premised on the awareness of finitude-that the

proximity to death heightens a focus on "mak- ing peace with one's maker For this reason. belief in an afterlife may be especially evident n later stages in the life course, in so far as olaet

people typically display higher levels of beliet

in a life atter death. However, as Finney notes 1n his survey in the United States, Finding

Faith

and television, and video games, on the other. Whereas, in the majority world, where there is a familiarity of death and where death is truly part of life, death in Western societies becomes

distant, remote, and unreal. These cultural dis- tortions of real death have had an impact in ways that change the meaning of death, the social sig- nificance of death, and even mourning processes and beliefs in the afterlife. These matters are now

considered by way of a comparative analysis.

AFTERLIFE BELIEFS

If Weber was correct and religion is a "theo-

dicy of suffering, this can be affirmed in the

evidence provided by many cultures as death approaches and eventually occurs. In a psycho- logical vein, a comparative study by von Franz,' developing the psychoanalytic theories of Carl

Jung (1875-1961), a student of Freud, stressed that the unconscious beliefs in a life after death Today, bereavement and ffering, often

associ-

ated with old age, are among the factors reportedbecome more significant from middle age onward but are especially important as death

approaches. Unconscious religious impulses, especially expressed as dreams, prepare individ-

uals for the hereafter-often pointing to imbal

in finding faith at any time in the life course i

Western societies. Moreover, although it may well be that the aging process and bereavene of family and peers are accentuated in In

old that ances in attitudes that need to be corrected and they could equally lead to a loss of faith." In ta

238

Hunt, Death and Dying

holy works, for example, death constitutes a time for those left behind to reflect and to seek the

vince older people that the seemingly arbitrary

sense,

periences of suffering and loss may con-

goal of "truth" and the nature of God, the eter- nal Brahman. For the Hindu, death is nothing but the transformation of the body as part of a cosmic process. The eternal soul throws off its physical shroud like a used garment. Human life is purged and perfected to attain the final bliss.

This takes place through myriad rebirths; life is one continuous, never-ending process. The soul

is immortal. It takes one form after another,

do not exist and that "this is all there is"

nature of life suggests

that God and the afterlife

In the West, where we may not live in fear

of death in everyday life, the fear is more likely

to stalk us in later years. How we respond and

whether we make the decision to take a recourse

to religious solace vary in the pluralist context,

where the pressures of society to defer to a single

religious worldview decline. It follows that dif-

fering degrees and types of religious commit- ment remain strongly evident on the approach

of death and that, if they do, they may ease anxieties about its inevitability. For instance, Kalish and Reynolds found that, in the United

States, strong religious believers were rated low est on death anxiety, but those with "confused" religious beliefs were rated higher than agnos tics or atheists." In other words, they were not

convinced one way or another that God and the afterlife exist. These researchers also found that

on account of its own actions. Death is only a

necessary and passing phenomenon. Just as an individual moves from one house to another, the soul passes from one body to another to gain spiritual enlightenment.

Similarly, for Buddhists, although they do not believe in a supreme deity, death is an inevi-

table part of the cycle of life and the transmigra- tion of souls (reincarnation). Old age and death

are merely preparation for the next life. When

someone is approaching death in a Buddhist

Burmese home, monks come to offer comfortolder people differed from other age groups in the opinions expressed concerning preparation for their own death. VWhen asked to imagine that

their deaths would occur within thirty days and to report what changes would be made in their ves as a result, older people were more likely to say that they would not change their lifestyle, but

they would, nonetheless, concentrate on aspects of the contemplative "inner life" or spiritual con cerns in preparation for the end of their lives.

Without doubt, religious belief systems give Succor to the dying and their significant oth- ers. The majority of religious systems providearticulation to the nature of life and death-to beliefs in the afterlife that can comfort the dying and those left behind, the bereaved. This may De socially and psychologically beneficial in aining the "causes" of death. Religious beliels Quently advance the view that death is in the

and chant verses such as the following. Even the gorgeous royal chariots wear out; and indeed this body too wears out. But the teach- ing of goodness does not age; and so goodness makes that known to the good ones. (Dham-

mapada 5.151)

This is a basic teaching of Buddhism that highlights the idea that existence is suffering. whether via birth, daily living. old age, or dying. Such teaching is never more profound than

when death itself approaches.

Many religious systems stipulate that death does not have to be viewed negatively. The

Islamic understanding of death is, in a very real sense, a positive one. Muslims, on the whole, are encouraged to be ever mindful of the mortality

of the self, because death is divinely willed, and, when it arrives, it should be readily accepted.

will and design of God. Throughout the Hindu 239

Part 2 Religion

and Culture

in the Space

of Ethics

be rewarded in heaven (al-Jannah), a place of

The Quran states:

"Everyone shall have

to die"

(3:185). Although a

traumatic time, at

death,

Muslims are

encouraged to

remember that

Allah is the one who gives

life and takes it away.

The Prophet Muhammad taught

that "to Allah

belongs what He took,

and to Him belongs

what

He gave" All human life is

recorded with him for

the appointed time of death.

There should there

fore be no reasoning by the

bereaved as to why

they have lost their

loved one. Islam requests

the faithful to reflect constantly

on the fact that

death can arrive at any

moment. Only God

knows when his servants and

unbelievers alike

-Jahan tional account of what happens in hell (ai

beauty and joy. But: there is also hell. One tradi

nam) is given by al-Ghazali, an Islamic holar ahan.

in his book The membrance of Death ana Afterlife. He presents a graphic description ofs the

the

tortures and torments that the unbeliever

the sinner are subjected to in hell, the real m of

the horrible pit, full oft horrors and tortures

In the West, the nature of afterlife beliefs in

mainstream culture, despite secularization pro-

these cesses, aPpears to be fairly buoyant, but ideas are observably changing.

For many people.

this belief is a tentative one, and the content of

the afterlife remains vague. Certainly, traditional

Christian beliefs are being eroded and are being

replaced by a plurality of beliets. For a sizeable

number of young adults, in particular, there may

be a refusal to rule out an afterlife, even though

they would not go so far as to say that they posi-

tively believe one actually exists. This is a gener

ation that finds itself in the culture of relativism

will die: it is not for the faithful to

question his

wisdom. However, there is a caveat

that death

should not be wished for, even by the faithful.

Islam, like other world faiths, insists

that

another life begins after death and, as with other

faiths, advances the view of a day of judgment

for deeds performed in this life. Indeed, the

brief and temporary life is but a preparation for

Akhirah, which is never-ending. Islam teaches

that, after death, at a particular time, there will

be a momentous occasion of God's judgment

(Yawmul Akhir or Yawmuddln). God, who

makes human beings out of nothing, can raise

them again after death. The Quran asks: "Does

man think that we shall not assemble his bones?

that is associated with postmodernity, one that

does not trust religion but that also no longer

has faith in science. It is a culture where one per-

son's view of the possibility of the afterlife and

what it might entail is as good as anothers. In

short, it is an age group of individuals who keep

an open mind on the subject of life after death.

The precise range of beliefs regarding the

afterlife, held by the populations of Western

societies, has proved to have been of consid-

erable interest to sociologists of religion over

The realms of paradise and hell are vividly several decades. Recent surveys suggest

tnat

Yes, surely, yes, we are able to restore the very

shape of his fingers" (75:3, 4). On this great day,

all human beings will be brought to life again,

and God will present to each of them a record of

how they conducted their lives.

described throughout the Quran, and, as such,

these realms are not metaphorical to many Mus- they are supplemented by a range of alternatives.

orthodox Christian beliefs remain evident, Dut

lims but will become concrete realities, when In his research in Britain, Douglas Davies den

Allah determines it to be (for instance, Quran

7:718; 4:59; 46:40, 55). If the deceased is pious, the angels will treat him or her with exceptional

tifhed five options of a possible afterlife betwee

In

his sample of 1,603 individuals, Davies

found

courtesy, and the intermediate realm will be one that 29 percent believed that nothing happ

which respondents discerned fairly easily" d

of peace and blissfulness. The pious Muslim will on

240

alter death; 43 percent that the soul pasSEs

Hunt, Death and Dying sercent that the body awaits who believed in an afterlife tended to be reli

12 percent that reincarnation as

else exists; and 22 per

world;8 percent that

gious, according to other measurements. How ever, these surveys also contained more specific questions about what the afterlife was actually supposed to entail. For instance, it showed that, whereas belief in heaven remained fairly buoyant (at around 30-50 percent across Western Euro- pean countries), belief in hell had definitely gone out of fashion. Lambert, interpreting the 1999 EVS data, nonetheless suggests an increasing

esurrection; hing or someone

at what precisely occurs after death "is in

o anothe.

Western culture. Earlier research

pen in

the United. States, by

a Gallup opinion poll,

Gods

hands" The striking figure

relates to rein-

mation

beliefs, a notion that had traditionally

been aliento

d tablished such belief as high as 20 percent

yes to the ques- when responde. answered

Do you believe in reincarnation?" In this belief in the afterlife in terms of death, heaven.

with the option of replying"yes" "no', or "don't

tion

esearch, the pollsters presented

those asked and reincarnation among young people.

know" to the possibility of reincarnation.4

Walter and Waterhouse discovered in their

THE MOMENT OF DEATH

Survey that those in Britain who answered yes

to whether they believed in reincarnation far

In many cultures, religion has great significance at the very moment of death. According to Bud-

Outnumbered those who belonged to minority dhist tradition, when a person is dying, every

group religions such as Hinduism, Sikhism, and effort should be made to fix the mind upon the

Buddhism, which formally teach reincarnation Scriptures or to ask the individual to repeat one

or rebirth. Reincarnation is not part of a well- established and communally held folk-religion (Enlightened One). The name may be whispered

in most Western societies. This means that belief in reincarnation is not something that has in the dying process. Sometimes, four syllables

formally codifñed by the culture and con

ventional religion of the indigenous population. Indeed, the notions involved are underdevel-

of the names of Buddha, such as Phra Arahant

in his or her ear if the person is far advanced

that are considered to be the heart of the Abhid-

harma-third-century-BcE and later Buddhist works; that is, ci, ce, ru, and ni, representing the

heart, mental concepts, form, and nirvana (the oped and rarely seem to originate distinctly in

any particular world religion. Walter and Water state of being free from both suffering and the house also argue that afterlife beliefs are becom-

idetached from other religious beliefs and put in the mouth of the dying person. It is and almost entirely detached from morality; Dence there is no overriding fear of future retri- bution for actions in this life.

cycle of rebirth)-are written on a piece of paper

hoped that, if the last thoughts of the dying are directed to Buddha and the precepts, the truit

of this meritorious act will bring good to the deceased in their new existence. A number of Walter and Waterhouse's

ndings were reflected in the European Values Durveys (EVS) of 1981 and 1990. The surveys knowing the merits of dying among loved ones. Ideally, the Hindu devotee dies at home,

Ked respondents whether they believed in life ater death and found that those answering yes When death is imminent, kindred are

notitied.

5ruted around 40 percent of the sample.nis figure had changed little over the decades.DeOVer, the EVS data indicated that those

The person is placed in his or her room or in the

entryway of the house, with the head facing east.

A lamp is lit near the head of the dying, whois

urged to concentrate on a mantra. Kindred keep

241

Part 2 Religion and Culture in the Space of Ethics

vigil until the great departure, singing hymns, praying. and reading Scripture. If the dying per-

son is unconscious at the time of death, a fam- Soul of Christ, sanctify me. Body of Christ, save me. Blood of Christ, refresh me. Water from the side of Christ, wash

ily member chants the mantra softly in the right ear. If none is known, the mantras of Aum Namo

Narayana or Aum Nama Sivaya are intoned (this is also conducted for sudden-death victims). Holy ash or sandal paste is applied to the fore-

head, Vedic verses are chanted, and a few drops of milk, Ganga (water from the holy Ganges River), or other liquids of religious importance may be offered to the dying person.

A widespread practice throughout the Islamic world is to adjust the position of the dying person so that the head is at the east and the feet at the west, enabling the face to turn to

toward the Qiblah (the Kabaa in Mecca). In all

Islamic traditions, when a Muslim is near death,

me.

Passion of Christ, strengthen me. o good Jesus, hear me. Within your wounds hide me. Let me never be separated from you. From the power of darkness defend

me.

In the hour of my death, call me and bid me come to you, that with your saintsI may praise you

for ever and ever. Amen.

The Anglican Prayers for the Death and the Dying

those around him or her are called upon to give comfort and reminders of God's mercy and for-

giveness. They typically recite verses from the Quran, give physical comfort, and encourage the dying one to recite words of remembrance and prayer. As death draws closer, someone belief and faith in God and his oneness. If there near to him or her gently recites the shahada, to is a single sentence that encapsulates the faith

ensure that the last thing a person hears is the

declaration of faith (nyebut) (and other affirma- tions of faith): "There is no god but God and Muhammad is the Messenger of God" (Laa ilaaha illa-Allah). Hence, the last words that a Muslim hears are ideally those heard on enter- ing the world on birth. It is hoped that Allah will be in the last mortal thoughts of the dying, at lifes culmination. If the dying person s

and thus, upon awakening in the grave, God unconscious, those present should recite those

and life mission of the Jew, it is the words Shema

yisrael, Ado-nai E-loheinu, Ado-nai echad- "Hear O Israel, the Lord is our God, the Lord is

one Ideally, Jews say these words every morn- ing and evening and thus depart life as they

lived it, with the words of the Shema on thet lips. These are the words that the Jew proclaims

will be first and foremost in the mind of the verses for him or her. In the closing mome deceased. of life, a person should repent,

with all his or

Orthodox Judaism similarly prescribes her heart, for all wrongdoing committed in the

observances and customs for life's closing moments. As death nears, the faithful, along with all who are present at the time, should recite the Shema and other verses affirming

course of life.

Religious belief systems articulate the ater

life, particularly for those who subscribe t them. This is true in the case of the

Christan

242

Hunt, Death and Dying

nuch as it is for other major faiths. FUNERALS

adition as

much as it i

In the

Christian Anglica formula,

the funeral is

the

ather Anglican

in a priest opens the

service with the of the major religions prescribe procedures in held

about a week after death. It

can take place When death occurs, precisely how the dead are

either in a

church or at a crematorium. 1ypically, disposed of is of great social significance. Many

disposing of the body on death, and they often display some remarkable similarities. Several reading

from the scriptures:

Lord: "he that believeth in me, though he were death and funeral ceremonies show, in their

am the resurrection and the life," saith the examples may be given. With respect to Islam,

dead, yet shall he live: and whosoever liveth essence, the most consistent features throughout

the Muslim world, more so than for any other rites of passage. This is evident in the prepara- tions of the body for burial and constitutess a

Fard Kifaayah-a communal obligation for Muslims that follows a fairly universal set of

rituals and share some comparable aspects with

other major faiths. There are, however, some

and believeth in me shal never die"

In the medicalized setting of death in West-

ern societies, the religious significance of death

is minimal. The specialized roles of those tend-

ing the dying seldom include the provision of the

meaning of death and dying, religious or other-

wise. Unlike traditional meaning systems, mod em medical systems do not consider as part of

the role of staff that of helping the patient assign in West Java, preparing the dead for the funeral

meaning to illness and death, especially a reli-

grous meaning. In the institutional setting of the bowls or containers, covered with handker-

hospital, as Ariès points out, the priest has been chiefs, to the home of the deceased. The bowls

replaced by the doctor at the closing moments of are filled with rice, and some money is conveyed

Ite."The problem of the social meaning of death, to the dead person's family as a contribution I for

from which religious significance is at least par-

localized variations. Muhaimin shows how, in Moslem Cirebon,

is very much a communal event. Women bring

ther

aly derived, becomes especially acute, because people working together to care for and bury the

the value system assigns comparatively great corpse. A divan for bathing the body is put near a

the funeral. This visit (called the nglayat) entails

MOTth to individual lives. Moreover, in Western ieties, dying and death have become particu- arly vulnerable to loss of meaning. This partly thed

from the undermining of the traditional tree trunk at the nape, waist, and legs. The bath-

well, where a tank full of water containing herbs

and flowers is ready. The corpse is then laid on

the divan, pillowed on three sections ofa banana

heodicies that Weber spoke of, the belief systems ing is led by a specialist, or lebe,

and involves

ndividuals that forge explanations of death and that help the dead persons close

relatives, especially older

ndividuals come children. After the bathing is finished, the corpse

is taken and put on mats in the front

room of

the house, with the head at north and

the feet

to terms with it. In the West, ohlh this may leave the dying and those close to them

confused. This has, by way of illustra- given rise to gestions that the funeral

process has been rendered psychologically inad-

at south. All bodily orifices are closed

with cot

ton, and the whole body is perfumed,

embalmed

with herbs, and wrapped in seamless

clothes of

white sheets tied around its feet, waist,

and top

dless meaning and that the mourning quate. It is to these themes that we now turn.

243

Part 2 Religion and Culture in the Space of Ethics

and face. In the Hindu tradition cremated, although many groups of the head. The next procedure after washing is the obligatory act of shrouding the entire body

in clean, ideally white cloth (kafan), wrapped with one or two sheets. The preferable number is

generally considered to be three, given that the

Prophet was shrouded in three at his death. Hindu death rituals in all their expressions

follow a fairly uniform pattern that is drawn

from the Vedas, with variations according to sect, region, caste, and family tradition. Certain

rites are traditionally performed by a priest but may also be performed by the family if no priest

ndividuals ate are buried and special actice buriul instead; infants ducted to ensure a good afterlife. At the funera closest relative of the deceased (usually the

tes con- site, in the presence of the male male mourners, ers, the

son; the youngest son in the case of the of the mothersdeath) takes charge of the final rite and, i cremation, lights the aneral pyre. The mourner then performs arati, passing an oil if itis

nie over the remains, before flowers are offered. Afte

o

a cremation, ashes and fragments of bone aree is available. After the death of a family member, lected and eventually immersed in a holy tive river. In many religious traditions, the funenalpreparation of the body and a procession to the process may span a long period, as in the time honored Chinese funeral arrangement,. The funeral ceremony conventionally lasts over

the relatives become involved in ceremonies for

burning or burial ground. Typically, after death, in the Hindu convention, the body is laid in the home's entryway, with the head facing south, on a cot or on the ground-reflecting a return to

the lap of Mother Earth. (Hindus often prefer to die lying on the ground.) The lamp is kept lit

near the head, and incense is burned. A cloth is

forty-nine days, the first seven days being the most important. Prayers are said every seven of these forty-nine days if the family can affordi If the family is in poor circumstances, the period may be shortened to three to seven days. Usu ally, it is the responsibility of the daughters to bear the funeral expenses. The head of the fam ily should ideally be present for, at least, the irst and possibly the second prayer ceremony. The

number of ceremonies conducted depends on

the financial situation of the family. The head ot the family should also be present for the burial

tied under the chin and over the top of the head. The thumbs are tied together, as are the big toes.

Religious pictures are turned to the wall, and, in

some traditions, mirrors are covered. Relatives

are beckoned to bid farewell and sing sacred

songs at the side of the body.

Depending on the gender of the deceased, relatives carry the body to the back porch, remove the clothes, and drape it with a white cloth. (If there is no porch, the body can be sponge-bathed and prepared where it is.) The body of the departed is bathed with water from the nine water pots (kumbhas) and dressed in fresh clothes. Each relative applies sesame oil to the head before placing the deceased in a coffin (or on a palanquin) and carrying it to the homa shelter. Fragrant sandalwood paste is applied to the corpse, which is then decorated with flow-

ers and garlands, followed by a small amount of

or the cremation. In an alternative tradition,

the prayer ceremony is held every ten days. Ihe

initial ceremony is held, followed by three sue*

ceeding periods of ten days, until the final buril

or cremation. After one hundred days, a hnal

prayer ceremony is conducted, but such a cer

emony is optional and not as

nportant as the

initial ceremonies.

GRIEF AND MOURNING

gold dust sprinkled on different parts of the head theories of Freud on the bject of death,

one

of

Although few people may take seriousl

244

Hunt, Death and Dying

A Hindu funeral pyre on the Ganges River in India. Rich Hindus can afford a cremation on the shore of the holy river; otherwise, the body is thrown into the water to be eaten by scavengers. For Indian Hindus,the body is an empty shell after the soul departs.

the more impressive aspects of his writings was the view of the repercussions of loss and grief. This was borne out of his own experiences. At the time that he wrote, mass death had occurred 8 a result of the catastrophe of World War I. Atfecting Freud more directly was his observa- tion that his own family members and friends were suffering from depression, agitation, physi- Cal anlments, and suicidal thoughts and behavior. his he attributed to the fact that many people

grief and detaching emotionally from the deceased in order to recover full personal func- tion. Many of the major religions deal with grietf and mourning and, once more, display remark able similarities, suggesting practical, time-hon ored rites that deal adequately with the social and psychological problems that frequently arise

at the time of death. Anger is one of the essential components

of mourning. Comparing Western societies to hved in grief for deaths that were not related to others, Geoffrey Gorer notes that, although our

lor us the various emotional and physical problems

culture gives no symbolic expression to anger, a

considerable number of others have done so."

ue Contlict and that these losses might account om which they suffered. Freud's grief-work neory suggested the importance

This is seen in such rituals as the destruction

of expressing of the dead person's property or ssions

245

Part 2Religion and Culture in the Space of

Ethics

The world was created with humanity as burial.

or, more indirectly, by the various mutilations

that mourners feel compelled to inflict upon

for its focus.

God to This

create

took

the a full

worid cycle

and of time

rest from his six

themselves as a sign of the pain of experiencing

bereavement brought upon them by the dead.

According to some psychoanalysts, this anger

is a component of all mourning, and one of the

main functions of the mourning process is to

days work on the final day. .When creation is rev too is marked with a weeks cycle: the

and the human soul returns toits source, that

shivah, seven days when the closest relatives devote work through and dissipate this anger in a sym exclusively to mourning the soul's departure when the extended tamily, friends, and

Com and

bolic and, to a great extent, unconscious fashion.

The emotion of anger is intimately tied up with munity comfort them with their presence, m the

empathy, and their words of consolation. Withinthat of grief. Mourning processes in

Orthodox Judaism

are extensive. Ritualized mourning has several

purposes: it shows respect for the dead, comforts

those left behind, helps prevent excessive lament,

and eventually helps the bereaved return to nor- mal life. There are five stages to the mourning

process that correspond with the stages of the

soul's "ascent,' as it gradually disengages from the material world and assumes a less palpa-

ble, although no less real, presence in the lives of those led behind. First, there is aninut, pre-

burial mourning. Upon initially hearing of the engage in sex, put on fresh clothing, or stud

death of a close relative (parent, child, sibling, or the Torah (except parts of the Torah related to

spouse), grief is traditionally expressed by tear-

ing (keriyah) one's clothing. The Torah records they tore when they learned of the death or at

many instances of rending the clothes after the news of death. The tearing of garments allows the mourner to give vent to pent-up anguish and relatives making up the minyan.

by means of a controlled, religiously sanctioned act of destruction. The bereaved wears the torn

the shivah, the first three days are naracterized by a more intense degree of mourning. After the burial, a relative or friend prepares the "meal of condolence, which traditionally consistis a eggs (symbolizing lite) and bread. This meal is for family only, although visitors may come to offer condolences afterward. The family then enters a seven-day period of intense mourning Mourners sit on low stools or the floor instead of

on chairs; they do not wear leather shoes, shave or cut their hair, wear cosmetics, work, bathe,

mourning and grief ). They wear the clothes that

the funeral. Mirrors in the house are covered

Prayer services are held with friends, neighbors

Next, there is a thirty-day mourning period

(shloshim). The laws of mourning are incumbent

clothing through the first seven days of mourn- upon seven first-degree relatives of the decease

son or daughter, brother or sister, tather o

ing God as the true Judge. During the period mother, and spouse. The other relatives "

and ing. The relative then recites a blessing, describ-

between death and burial, the primary respon-

sibility of mourners is to care for the dead and ing, and they offer support and comfort to the

prepare the body for burial. This duty takes Pprimary mourners. During this period,

tne

friends form the more outer circle ot mou

precedence over all other commandments. The family is left alone to grieve during aninut; calls or visits are not to be made during this time.

The second and third stages, the shivah, constitute a seven-day period following the

bereaved do not attend parties or celebralieis

do not shave or cut their hair, and do not

liscu

to music. This isolation from others constlt

itute

the nonsocial element of bereavenment,

in sn

withdrawing from social engagement 246

Hunt, Death and Dying

cose

to the

deceased i

ject of taboo this void, or what van Gennep called pass the night in her own home until her term

sed become themselves a sub- house for necessities and social visits to relatives and undertake their own rites of and friends, a widow during her 'iddah should

passage. In lapses; that is, she is not to sleep outside of her Timinality"

'those close to the dead go through a

before returning to normal house. Peri

social life and

its duties, 2

Judaism, regular

eriodof exclusion,i

Offering condolences to the relatives and friends of the deceased is an important act of

remembrances are per

period formed of u mourning (avelut) takes place in the Muhammad. It is not uncommon in the evening formed in the years following the death. The fifth kindness, which was displayed by the Prophet

death and is observed only by the after burial for people gather at the dead person's hirst year after

children of the deceased. IDuring avelut, mourn-

es do not go to parties, the theater, or concerts.

The son of the deceased recites the Kaddish

prayer every day for eleven months. Tradition-

lIl: the soul must purify itself before going to fellow Muslim, it is important in the faith to

the world to come, which takes up to twelve

months for the most evil. After the first year, the

family's house (ta'ziyah) to cheer the surviving family and pray for them and for the deceased's well-being, reciting the Quran, especially sura 36 (Yasin) and then tahlil. When consoling a

remind the bereaved of the triviality of this life: that everything belongs to Allah and that one

anniversary of death (yahrzeit) is remembered should submit patiently to his decrees. It is also

annually at the synagogue. The son recites the deemed beneficent to make them hopeful of

Mourner's Kaddish and performs the aliyah, and a candle is lit that burns for twenty-four hours.

In Islam, loved ones and relatives of the

deceased are to observe a three-day mourn-

ing period. Mourning (hidaad) for more than three days is not permitted, except in the case long as it is required. A very common practice is of a widow on the occasion of her husband's gathering to offer condolences to the deceased's

death. Mourning is observed by increased devo- family and relatives in the graveyard, house, tion, receivingg visitors and condolences, as well or mosque. Although the sharia specifies that as avoiding decorative clothing and ostenta mourning of the dead be limited to three days, ious jewelry. A widow observes an extended the practice of extending memorial feasts for the

mourning period (iddah), four months and ten dead is known across the Muslim world. Some ays long, in accordance with the Quran 2:234. During this time, she observes the "waiting

Allah's mercy toward the beloved one that is lost and that, by the will of Allah, he or she will be

united with the deceased on a day after which there is no parting. Offering condolences is not

limited to three days and can be extended for as

Muslims also commemorate the first, third, seventh, twentieth, or fortieth day following

period (lddah), in which she is prohibited from someone's death, although there is no basis for it

Temarrying. She is not to wear jewelry, kohl (eye from the Quran or Sunnah. Memorial feasts in

hands and e feet. During her 'iddah, she is not to eth, and sometimes the hundredth day after the makeup), silk, perfume, or henna dye on her most Muslim societies are on the seventh, forti-

move from her home; she is only permitted to EaVe in order to fulfill her economic and social eds. If, for example, she works to sustain her

death of a family member.

amly, she may continue to leave her home daily ishment and remembering the hereafter. It is,

It is recommended in the Islamic tradition

to visit the graves for the purpose of admon-

Or the period of work. Apart from leaving the however, forbidden to associate the visit with

247

Part 2 Religion and Culture in the Space of Ethics

anything that would anger Allah, such as sup-

plicating to the dead, invoking their assistance, wailing, or other types of sinful actions. Differ ence of opinion exists among Muslim scholars

concerning the permissibility of women visiting

graves. Although it is allowed for women to visit graves, it is not recommended that they visit fre-

cloth draping all icons. During thes ritual impurity, family and close relatives a visit the homes of others, alth

neighbors do

days o ives do not and relatives bring daily mealsheighb eve the

burdens of preparing food dueieve during ourning Neither do they attend festivals and r nor take part in marriage arrangements. " Hindus observe this period up to one yea templ quently. Muslims are allowed to visit the graves

of disbelievers for reflection; however, they are not permitted to participate in the funeral rites

Some the death of friends, neighbors, or asso observances are optional. Although mourn

ear. For

ning is never suppressed or denied, Scriptures admo

is For Hindus, after returning home after a ish against excessive lamentation and dmon age joyous release. The departed soul is ac

of non-Muslims.

r funeral, family members bathe and share in cleaning the house. A lamp and water pot are set encour

acutelyconscious of emotional forces directed at himo near where the body earlier lay at rest. The water her. Prolonged grieving can hold him or her in

to the heaven worlds. In Hindu Bali, it is shame

earthly consciousness, inhibiting full transition is changed daily, and pictures remain turned to the wall. The shrine room is closed, with white

ful to cry for the dead. In Buddhist northern Thailand, it is not unusual for the bodies of prominent or wealthypersons to be kept for a year or more in a specialbuilding at a temple. Cremations are deferred this long to show love and respect for the

deceased and to perform religious rites that benefit the departed. In such cases, a series of

IS

Ire In Sikhism, death is considered a natural process and God's will. Any public displays of grief at the funeral, such as wailing or crying out loud, are discouraged. Cremation is the

preferred method of disposal. The body is usually bathed and clothed by

family members and taken to the cre- mation grounds. There, hymns that induce feelings of detachment are recited by the congregation. As the

body is being cremated, Kirtan Sohila, the nighttime prayer, is recited, and Ardas is offered. The ashes are dis

SOC

e dist

memorial services are held on the seventh, fifti- eth, and hundredth days after the death. As long as the body is present, the spirit can benefit from the gifts presented, the sermons preached, and the chants uttered before it.

dict

Wit the All these religious traditions-Judaic,

Islamic, Hindu, and Buddhist-attempt to deal

adequately with the human need for mourn: ing. The secular West offers a different picture Let us return to Gorer's prior statement that,

in comparison with other cultures, funerals

sev

dut he

er'n dnd mourning processes of

Western cultures

are inadequate. Recent studies have tended o

emphasize the failure of traditional funerls

posed of by immersing them in the

ngl

nearest river. A noncontinuous read-

ing of the entire Sri Guru Granth Sahib is undertaken and timed to conclude

of th

o prey

on the tenth day. This marks the end of the mourning period. stressing

that orthodox Christian belietsor

the c afterlife are not always congruent with those

the general population in increasin8y >

248

Hunt, Death and Dying

hort. they fail to provide

the funeral

hort. they e a5$0ciated with while the body is cremated. The god of death cremation grounds, and recites specific prayers

the same time, con- is called upon to give the deceased an honored

tified as void of place among the ancestors, and other deities ning

functions that are

associated with

strialsocieties. At

culture is often

identifi.

ning and deals with the

mourn-

andmourning func

are also invoked to intercede on behalf of the emporay'culure

sufhcient guidelines in these

areas. This

br explains

the ise of "alternative" fune

the ashes and bones of the deceased are either poces. insuficiently

because it is unable to departed. Once the body has been cremated

committed to a holy river or buried. After the funeral, the family members, being in a state of ritual impurity, proceed to a brook or river to

purify themselves with ritual baths. Because of the difficulties in performing many such rituals

associated with the traditional Hindu funeral, modifications may be observable within the Western context.24

ab that

are t underscored by the value of

choice."

religious element,

apart from

relatives of the

that concocted Increasin, the alternative

means little or no

deceased from a pick 'n' mix

pirituality 2 Enduring perceptions

of death and pro-

ses of mourning, alongside

prescribed forms

of funeral arrangements, are

nevertheless evi-

dent among ethnic minorities in the Western

gting, For various faith communities, ways of

dsposing of the dead provide a means for root-

SUMMARY

This chapter has presented a comparative over- ing their identity in Western soil, and these have view of death in everyday life. It has necessarily

frequendy becomepartof legal and political con been brief, and, as a result, the vast complexities troversies Furthermore, in pluralist Western of death and dying and the various expressions

societies, there are numerous difficulties facing

ethnic communities in observing preparations given justice. However, certain core themes have regarding funerals." The only acceptable way of presented themselves. We began our overview

disposing of a body in the eyes of the majority of the subject of religion and death by observ- of Muslims is through burial underground with ing that death is a part of life. Yet to what extent

the head facing Mecca. Religious doctrine also dicates that, ideally, a person is to be buried of lived experiences in the social setting var-

within a day of his or her death. In practice, in ies considerably. It remains true that death is a ae Western context, burials are often delayed by "ived experience" for those about to depart this eral days. There are other limitations. Joining Aaprocession is considered a collective to them by family ties or friendship, who are let diuty: if there are sufficient people accompanying

of religiosity that surround it have scarcely been

death is an integral part of everyday life in terms

world and for their significant others, those close

De Dody to the cemetery, individual Muslims erstwhile role in articulating afterlite beliefs and ciies, the observance of this rule is increas- the moment of death itselt. However, in Western

behind. Here, as we have seen, religion plays its

ar Ouy-bound to join in. In the streets of mod- in shaping funeral and mourning processes and

ingy rare. d cOntrast, cremation is the ideal disposal the corpse for Hindus. At death, as exploredpreviously, the family the deceased,car

societies, death is compartmentalized and mar

disposal ginalized. Its religious significance has become less important. In a rationalized and secularized

context, however, it adds to the rich variety of meaning given to death throughout history.

prepares the body of carries it in a procession to the

249

Part 2 Religion and Culture in the Space of Ethics

While acknowledging the variety of ways Aging: A physical process, generally describing that different cultures deal with death, common-

alities also exist, indicating that human beings display the similar psychological and social need to deal with a very human event. Whether

expressing cultural similarities or divergence, religion has a central role to play in the natural process of death. Death is a communal as well as

deterioration of the mind and body. In mar tures, but by no means all, it is a negative ter cu. term.Ceremonies: An annual, seasonal, or rec ecurring ccasion, celebrated by individuals groups. entire societies. Death: A natural physical event that marks the individual experience and affects wider circles of end of a living organism. In human societies,j is often given a social and religious signifcan

social life, even in the West. It is the community that is left to deal with the implications of losing ncance. Dying: A term denoting the process of death of a living organism, resulting from natural or one of its members before the wounds can even- tually be healed. At the same time, the taboo surrounding death ensures that those associ- ated with it withdraw from society, at least for

unnatural causes.

Funerals: A ceremony in the form of rites of passage, marking the death of an individual and possible transition to an afterlife (see entry).

a period.

We concluded our comparative survey by noticing the difficulties that minority-faith com- munities have in disposing of their dead in West- ern societies, as well as the mourning processes involved. It would be too simplistic to see this problematic area as a result of cultural disparities

of living ina "host" culture that often fails to give solace to those who mourn and where funeral

Mourning: A term often connected with grief, expressing emotions on the death of someone loved or admired.

Rites of Passage: A set of rituals that mark the transition of one stage of life to another, in either a social or a biological sense.

processes are often found wanting. However, the matter is really that of the disjuncture between

religious communities and a secular context in which the final life event is, in many respects, dealt with inadequately. It is a context in wnicnBrooks-Gordon, Belinda. Death Rites and Rights.the business and busyness of everyday life leave little room to deal adequately with the declining social significance of death and to ponder the religious significance of life's closing event, the final frontier" of a very real human experience.

FOR FURTHER READING

New York: Hart, 2007.

Davies, John. Death, Burial and Rebirth in the

Religions of Antiquity. London: Routledge. 1999.

Freud, Sigmund. Beyond the Pleasure Prinaiple

1913. New York: Norton, 1960.

Howarth, Glynnys. Death and Dying: A Socw

ogical Introduction. London: Polity, 200

Howarth, Glynnys, and Oliver Leaman, c ds.

Encyclopedia of Death and Dying. Londor

Routledge, 2001.

GLOSSARY

Afterlife: A conception, common to most reli- gious systems, to articulate belief in the continu- ation of the spirit or soul after death.

250

Hunt, Death and Dying

Changing Face of Death:

Historical Accounts

of Death and Disposal. Basingstoke,

UK;:

Walter, Tony. Funerals: And How to Improve

Peter, and Glynnys

Howarth, eds. The

Jupp. Them. London: Hodder, 1990.

. "Modern Death: Taboo or not Taboo?"

Macmillan, 1997. Sociology 25, no. 2 (1991): 293-310

Kastenbaum,

Robert.Eneyclopedia of Death and

-. The Eclipse of Eternity: A Sociology of the Afterlife. London: Macmillan, 1996.

Dying. Phoenix: Oryx, 1989.

251