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10/23/2017 Yuzu: Psychology of Gender: Fourth Edition
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FIGURE 11.1Among married people, men and women report equal levels of loneliness. Among divorced, widowed, and never-married people, men report more loneliness than women. Source: Adapted from Pinquart (2003).
Is it marriage per se that leads to health benefits, or is it the presence of a partner in the household? Several studies have examined the effects of cohabitation on health. A study of people over 50 years of age showed that cohabitation did not provide the same benefits as marriage (Brown, Bulanda, & Lee, 2005). Those in cohabiting relationships were more depressed than those who were married but had better mental health than those who were widowed and divorced. A study that examined life satisfaction in married and cohabiting heterosexual couples in 30 countries showed that married people were more satisfied than cohabiting couples in most countries (Soons & Kalmijn, 2009). However, married people were also more religious and more likely to be employed than cohabiting people, which accounted for some of the marital status differences in life satisfaction. Another study examined the drinking behavior of young adults (ages 24 to 34) in 10 European countries (Plant et al., 2008). Cohabiting people were similar to married people in terms of the frequency with which they drank alcohol, but those who were cohabiting drank more alcohol per occasion than those who were married. An epidemiological study showed that unmarried people had 1.25 times the risk of mortality as married people, but unpartnered (which included unmarried) people had 1.31 times the risk of mortality as married people (Lund et al., 2002). In general, it appears cohabitation has benefits on health—effects that are similar for women and men —but the benefits are not as strong as the benefits from marriage.
Do the benefits of marriage extend to same-sex cohabiting relationships? One study compared partnered gays and lesbians to married people, heterosexual cohabitors, heterosexual dating couples, unattached persons, and single gays and lesbians (Wienke & Hill, 2009). As shown in Figure 11.2, married people were happier than all other groups but partnered gays and lesbians were similar in happiness to heterosexual cohabitors and happier than the rest of the groups. The effects were similar for women and men.
FIGURE 11.2Married men and women are happier than unmarried groups. Among the unmarried groups, partnered gays and lesbians are similar in happiness to cohabiting heterosexuals, both of which are happier than the remaining groups. Source: Adapted from Wienke and Hill (2009).
Explanations Many theories address why marriage benefits health. Marriage is presumed to affect health through a set of physiological processes. Two categories of variables might affect physiology: psychological and behavioral. Marriage may provide one with a sense of identity, a source of self-esteem, and a companion to share activities, all of which should promote a positive psychological state. Marriage may also promote good health behavior (e.g., exercising), decrease risk behavior (e.g., smoking), and promote early detection of disease (e.g., routine physical exam). These effects of marriage on health are referred to as direct effects, or main effects (Cohen & Wills, 1985). In each case, marriage is directly linked to a psychological state or behavior that influences health.
An alternative hypothesis is that marriage indirectly affects health by providing resources to cope with stress. These effects are referred to as buffering effects; marriage is buffering one against the negative effects of stressors (Cohen & Wills, 1985). During times of stress, marriage may help us perceive a stressful event as less
10/23/2017 Yuzu: Psychology of Gender: Fourth Edition
https://reader.yuzu.com/#/books/9781317345046/cfi/6/40!/4/2/2/12/4@0:0 2/2
troublesome and may provide resources to cope with stress (e.g., emotional support, financial support). In the face of an illness, marriage may help us make the health behavior changes necessary for a successful recovery.
The distinction between the main effects and buffering effects hypotheses is shown in Figure 11.3. In Figure 11.3a, the main effects hypothesis shows that married people are less distressed than unmarried people, regardless of the level of stress. The magnitude of the difference between the two lines is the same across low- and high-stress groups. Of course, stress leads to an increase in distress among both married and unmarried people. In Figure 11.3b, the stress-buffering hypothesis shows that stress is associated with a larger increase in distress among unmarried people than married people. That is, married people who face high levels of stress are protected from the large increase in distress that unmarried people suffer. Here, the magnitude of the difference between the two lines is greater under high levels of stress. Next, I review some of the research on these psychological and behavioral links of marriage to health.