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10 b1680 Negotiation Excellence b1680_Ch-10

Personality and NegotiationPersonality and Negotiation

Alice F. Stuhlmacher and Christopher K. Adair Department of Psychology DePaul University, Chicago

Omnicorp Technologies has scheduled its annual strategy and budgeting retreat. Once a year the organization’s directors con- vene for discussion of resources and strategic planning. This is a time for negotiating — for the organization, for one’s department, or sometimes for one’s own self interests. The attendees have very different approaches to the negotiations. Amy is confident in her ability to gain more staff and office space and is persistent in voic- ing her requests. During breaks, Juan indirectly gathers information on what others think of his new proposal for a joint venture so he can modify his “pitch.” Evelyn deceptively overstates some market data to bolster her case for increased research funding. Jae-Hwa spends time talking with various groups and discussing how to help them get the resources they need. William mainly hopes that everyone leaves the meeting on friendly terms and that they are willing to cooperate in the future. Each director has very different perspectives that are not necessarily compatible.

What drives these diverse responses in negotiations? One pos- sible answer is that the variation is due to individual differences, those unique characteristics that each person brings to a situa- tion. As shown in Figure 1, these individual differences influence the processes in a negotiation, which then affect important out- comes such as satisfaction, settlements, and perceptions.

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C o p y r i g h t 2 0 1 4 . W o r l d S c i e n t i f i c .

A l l r i g h t s r e s e r v e d . M a y n o t b e r e p r o d u c e d i n a n y f o r m w i t h o u t p e r m i s s i o n f r o m t h e p u b l i s h e r , e x c e p t f a i r u s e s p e r m i t t e d u n d e r U . S . o r a p p l i c a b l e c o p y r i g h t l a w .

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While individual differences include aspects such as gender, age, culture, experience, and cognitive ability, this chapter looks specifically at personality. Personality can be understood as the unique and relatively stable patterns of behavior and thoughts shown by individuals. Personality is one way we categorize our negotiation counterparts and ourselves. Even though some peo- ple’s personalities stand out as particularly unusual or memorable, everyone brings some kind of a personality to the negotiation table. For instance, one person may tend to be gregarious and outgoing, while another tends to be reserved and shy. Predispositions, or traits, like these make up what we generally regard as personality. Additionally, it is important to understand what personality is not. Unlike moods, personality is not expected to fluctuate wildly over time or have extreme changes within a single day. Also, personality is not the same as a negotiator’s style, although personality may be a factor that influences negotiation style, among other things. This chapter provides a brief back- ground on why personality is important, how specific traits relate to aspects of negotiation, and what good negotiators should know about personality.

Figure 1. The impact of individual differences in negotiation.

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Personality in NegotiationPersonality in Negotiation

Personality plays a role in negotiation whether we are considering formal negotiations in a diplomatic summit, informal maneuvers for more departmental resources, or deciding with friends what to eat for dinner. The impact of personality might be seen in how negotiators initiate an offer, in how they plan and strategize, in the tactics they use (such as cooperation, aggression, deception, threats), as well as in the final settlements, perceptions, and satisfaction.

There are many interesting questions about the best traits for a negotiator. What kinds of personalities would you want to nego- tiate with? Someone friendly and warm or who strictly sticks to business? Which personality type would give you the best deal? Would you try to portray your personality in a negotiation as something you are not, such as tougher or more sociable than usual? When does personality plays its biggest role in influencing behaviors and perceptions?

Even though it seems that personality is a primary driver of behavior, it rarely operates alone; situations have a strong influ- ence on how people act. Throughout this chapter we consider how personality interacts with other variables. Figure 1 includes this as well; the situation can enhance or limit the influence of personality and other individual differences. This is referred to as an “interactionist“ perspective, in that the effects of personality depend on the level of other (contextual) variables. For example, some personality traits may be more successful face-to-face than in an online negotiation, or the outcomes may depend on time pressure, or help women rather than men. Thus, personality interacts with the context of the situation.

Before we more fully consider how personality impacts negotiation, we have to think about the common negotiation situations we might encounter. Walton and McKersie (1965) set out one important distinction in their discussion of distributive and integrative negotiations. In the field of negotiation, these

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terms describe ways to approach negotiation as well as types of negotiation situations. Distributive negotiations are those char- acterized by competition, self-interest, and assertiveness. Distributive negotiations are sometimes called “win–lose” nego- tiations where there is a single fixed issue that must be divided. In other words, what one side gains, the other side loses. In contrast, an integrative negotiation (sometimes called “win– win”) involves the possibility of mutual gain, but generally requires problem-solving and information exchange to discover these areas of benefit. If we are in a negotiation that involves only a single, one-time issue (e.g., the price of a used bicycle at a garage sale), we might see this as a distributive negotiation. But negotiating for the merger of two organizations has integra- tive potential; negotiators may discover better outcomes for both sides by exploring options. Some personality characteris- tics are better suited to distributive than integrative negotiations and vice versa.

In addition to the integrative/distributive aspects of negoti- ation, we need to specify the terms of “successful” negotiation or, typically, what outcomes are of interest. For example, one important outcome of a negotiation may be building positive relationships or maintaining reputations that will open doors in the future. Other times, people value feelings of competence or not “losing face.” Sometimes, the perceptions or feelings of suc- cess are what matters most. Or, in other cases, the bottom line settlement may be the most important factor. More typically, success is gauged across more than one criterion. So depending on the goals of a negotiator, some personality characteristics may be more helpful. However, it is important to remember that this is also dependent on various contextual or situational factors.

Now that we have broadly identified some negotiation situa- tions and definitions of success, we can delve into the findings about personality. Many personality traits have been examined in negotiations, and we will present a few of the most common.

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Relationship focused traits

One important set of traits deals with how sensitive negotiators are to other people, their social ties, and relationships in general. Some examples of relationship-focused traits in negotiation include interpersonal orientation (Rubin and Brown, 1975), rela- tionship orientation (Greenhalgh et al., 1985), relational self-construal (Gelfand et al., 2006), social motives (De Dreu et al., 2000), communal orientation (Thompson and DeHarpport, 1998) and unmitigated communion (Amanatullah et al., 2008). While these are conceptualized as different traits, together they illus- trate how predispositions about self and others affect negotiation.

Research provides some intriguing findings regarding various relationship-focused traits. For example, high unmitigated com- munion, or having a high concern for relationships and low self-concern, influences various negotiation outcomes (Amanatullah et al., 2008). In dyadic negotiations when only one of the negotiators has high unmitigated communion, that person tends to obtain the worse economic outcome. This is in part because of the priority for maintaining the quality of the interper- sonal relationship above financial rewards. When both negotiators have high unmitigated communion, they also have worse eco- nomic outcomes but higher relationship satisfaction when compared to negotiators low in unmitigated communion.

Other relationship-focused traits are influential as well. Negotiators with a relationship orientation have more capacity for empathy, interrupt less, and attempt deception less than negotiators with a transaction orientation (e.g., non-relationship orientation; Greenhalgh and Gilkey, 1993). Empathic and people- oriented traits are associated with more generous settlements (Greenhalgh et al., 1985). Thompson and DeHarpport (1998) found that when friends with a communal orientation negotiate, the settlement is relatively equal. Settlements are less equal when friends are low in communal orientation. Interestingly, the pat- tern is opposite for unacquainted negotiators. Low communal

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dyads reach relatively equal outcomes perhaps because they are paying more attention to the actual distribution rather than giv- ing and receiving help. Finally, a pro-social orientation (e.g., concern for mutual benefit) is most effective for integrative nego- tiations. Negotiators concerned with mutual benefit (i.e., pro-social orientation) exchange important information about expectations and preferences. In integrative situations, this increases problem solving and ultimately enhances joint eco- nomic outcomes. However, joint positive outcomes are the more likely result when negotiators do not yield to their own interests (De Dreu et al., 2000). In negotiation, pro-social negotiators may leave value on the table, particularly in distributive negotiations, if they do not stand firm on their interests.

These findings suggest that the effectiveness of relationship- focused traits depends in part on situational factors of the negotiation. Additionally, a strong relationship focus may actu- ally harm economic outcomes unless it is balanced with some concern for self-interests. It also suggests that for some negotia- tors it will be very important to leave on amicable terms. For some, a good interpersonal relationship is an important determi- nant of a successful negotiation, and would drive the choice of future negotiation partners.

Of course, not all people are concerned with interpersonal relationships. For instance, an egoistic orientation represents a preference of one’s own interests and a general indifference to those of other negotiators. Instead of looking to leave a negotia- tion with a positive working relationship, individuals with an egoistic orientation will show a strong preference for economic outcomes (Giebels et al., 2000). Machiavellianism (Christie and Geis, 1970) is conceptually similar to egoistic orientation. Machiavellianism is a personality trait named after the writings of Niccolo Machiavelli that encourages a “whatever it takes” strategy for achieving goals without concern for morality or ethics. A Machiavellian personality (e.g., “High- Mach”) refers to a gen- eral tendency to manipulate or exploit others for one’s own ends

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or purposes. High-Machs are convincing liars (Geis and Moon, 1981), which has clear implications for negotiations that are dependent on feelings of trust. Compared to low-Machs, high- Machs tend to be more successful in jobs where the rules are vague, as this provides more room to exploit others (Schultz, 1993). High-Machs also tend to be more open and upfront about feelings of mistrust, employ more manipulative behaviors, and seek power. High-Mach individuals may not only feel more com- fortable exploiting their power in a negotiation to reach selfish goals, they may even enjoy doing so.

While an egoistic orientation is poorly suited for negotia- tions where rapport is important, it is better suited for distributive situations where negotiations may get contentious (Giebels et al., 2000). It may similarly be the case that high- Machs do better in distributive situations while low-Machs tend to do better in integrative situations. Low-Machs may be less likely to exploit the other side, instead moving toward a coop- erative solution. On the other hand, high-Machs’ pursuit of self-interest would be fulfilled in distributive negotiations and may even enhance their outcomes. Low-Machs are at a disad- vantage when bargaining in face-to-face negotiations with a high-Mach because low-Machs are susceptible to distraction by emotions (Christie and Geis, 1970). In other words, issues not related to the task at hand, such as the disposition of the other party, distract low-Mach individuals. This is less of a disadvan- tage for low-Machs when they negotiate with other low-Machs (Fry, 1985).

Knowing your personality tendencies and those of your coun- terparts can help you better understand and prepare for the bargaining situations. However, if your counterpart is a high- Mach, you may have to be attentive for deceptive negotiation tactics and structure the situation for detecting the deceptive behavior. An awareness of these traits, as well as understanding whether you are in a distributive or integrative situation, can influence negotiation performance and satisfaction.

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Five-factor model

While relationship-focused traits are important, they are not the only traits relevant to negotiation. The five-factor model (FFM) is a popular framework for classifying personality (Costa and McCrae, 1992, 1995; Digman, 1990). This model suggests that there are five unique traits that describe someone’s personality. The five factors (or dimensions) are extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, openness to experience, and neuroticism. Extraversion is identified with outgoing, sociable, and assertive- ness. High extraversion tends to be associated with higher job performance when interpersonal interaction is required. Agreeableness is a tendency to be cooperative and accepting (as opposed to confrontational). People high in agreeableness look to maintain harmony and seek positive outcomes for themselves as well as others (Jensen-Campbell and Graziano, 2001). Conscientiousness is a predisposition for attention to detail and has been a consistent predictor of individual performance, espe- cially in sales jobs (Hurtz and Donovan, 2000). People high in openness to experience tend to be creative, intellectually curious, and value learning. There tends to be a higher level of innovation when openness is high. Neuroticism (or low emotional stability) is typically identified by feelings of anxiousness and stress.

Across the five factors, most research in negotiation has focused on agreeableness and extraversion. In conflict situa- tions, high-agreeable individuals are more positive in their evaluation of opponents, and perceive less conflict than their more cynical low-agreeable counterparts (Graziano and Tobin, 2002). These individuals would tend to interpret the situation more positively, as well as proceed in the negotiation with a more positive outlook and using more constructive tactics. This trait influences the perception of the situation (i.e., what strate- gies one sees as effective). Agreeableness is expected to influence the perceptions of self and others, which in turn influences the intensity, tactics, and oppositions during a negotiation or con- flict episode (Graziano et al., 1996).

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The interactionist perspective suggests that the impact of highly agreeable negotiators depends on the circumstances. For example, if the person on the “other side of the table” has a ten- dency to be cooperative, some negotiators may feel a little more comfortable pursuing their own self-interests in order to exploit this trust. Low-agreeable individuals are more likely to support the use of criticism, threats, manipulations, and physical force in conflict situations (Graziano et al., 1996). Additionally, to their detriment, highly agreeable people and their high levels of trust may be manipulated depending on the opposing party. On the other hand, high-agreeable negotiators may encourage reciprocal behavior from their counterparts, leading to a more positive negotiation process.

Agreeableness may be an advantage or a liability depending on the negotiation situation. High agreeableness is useful in integra- tive situations, where it is helpful to see conflict in a positive manner and to be open and cooperative to reaching a shared outcome. However, in distributive situations, agreeable negotiators may be more likely to settle for less, or end up settling for less if they start the negotiation with a “friendly” opening offer that has low eco- nomic value (Barry and Friedman, 1998). Recent research supports the interactionist perspective for agreeableness — high-agreeable individuals achieve better economic outcomes, demonstrate more positive affect, and are more persistent in integrative situations than distributive situations (Dimotakis et al., 2012).

Meanwhile, extraverted individuals are more likely than intro- verts to be active in the negotiation process, and openly speak their minds throughout the process. This trait is positively related to negotiation behaviors that require joint problem-solving and open discussion of the preferences of both parties. Therefore, in negotiation situations where open discussion is useful, extraver- sion is an advantage because sharing information will likely lead to a more favorable outcome for both parties (Barry and Friedman, 1998). However, in more contentious negotiations, high extraver- sion can be a liability since full disclosure of information is not most effective. In these cases, high extraversion may undermine

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distributive performance because open communication is not as important as strategically learning information about the other side and sticking up for one’s own self-interests.

Future research may benefit from a focus on assertiveness, one facet of extraversion. Individuals high in assertiveness are decisive and advocate their own needs and interests. The asser- tiveness facet can be a useful trait for negotiators, because positions are clearly and expressly presented rather than being internalized. Indeed, research shows that assertiveness is posi- tively related to first offers and economic outcomes (Ma and Jaeger, 2010). However, it is important to keep the interactionist perspective in mind. To be effective, an individual’s level of asser- tiveness needs to be congruent with the expectancies of the negotiation situation (Ames, 2008).

Less can be said about conscientiousness, openness to experi- ence, and neuroticism than extraversion and agreeableness because there are fewer studies about them in negotiation. It has been suggested that conscientiousness is positively related with problem-solving, creativity, and understanding (Barry and Friedman, 1998), while openness to experience predicts integra- tive behaviors but not distributive behaviors of negotiators (Ma and Jaeger, 2005). However, many avenues remained unexplored. More research needs to be done about the influence of the five- factor traits. Future research on these traits within a variety of contexts will provide a clearer picture of the role of personality in negotiation performance. Consistent with the interactionist per- spective, we would expect that there are both advantages and disadvantages to each trait in the FFM.

Self-monitoring

Additional traits do not fall directly into the five-factor typology but warrant discussion. The trait of self-monitoring refers to the degree to which people evaluate and adjust their behavior when interacting, with the goal of giving a positive impression to others (Snyder, 1987). High-self-monitoring has a positive relationship

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with a variety of work-related outcomes, such as job satisfaction, promotions, and performance (specifically in areas that require communication and interpersonal interaction). Persons who are able to adapt (or “mold”) their behavior to fit with others (part- ners/opponents/constituents) are more likely to succeed than those who are less willing to change their style and behavior. This is because, in part, individuals who are high in self-monitoring can pick up on important social cues that help them succeed in presenting themselves.

The superior performance of high self-monitors makes sense, given that they are likely to have an advantage when impression management is important. These individuals are more adept at altering their behavior in response to changes in the environ- ment. In other words, high self-monitors should be better able to mirror other individuals within the negotiation (Flynn and Ames, 2006). Interestingly, research on these situations finds that self- monitoring behaviors help women more than men to achieve higher outcomes, especially in distributive tasks. Perhaps self- monitoring women are better able to counteract negative gender stereotypes pertaining to their negotiations with which men do not have to contend (Flynn and Ames, 2006).

The disparate relationship between male and female self- monitoring and their negotiation performance again illustrates how personality’s impact depends on interactions with other variables that may be outside of an individual’s control. Just like the other traits, self-monitoring may be beneficial in some situa- tions and detrimental in others.

Self-efficacy

Self-efficacy refers to individuals’ beliefs about their ability to suc- cessfully perform a task. Imagine two individuals going into a job negotiation: one is confident in her ability to negotiate a pay raise while the other is more skeptical and worried about her ability to do so. It seems plausible that the first individual (high self-efficacy) is more likely to succeed than the second (low self-efficacy), and

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research tends to support this relationship. In other words, an indi- vidual with high levels of self-efficacy will be more likely to succeed at the task in question, which in turn will reinforce and encourage the initial (high) self-efficacy beliefs. In negotiation, those with higher self-efficacy tend to have higher negotiation outcomes than those with lower self-efficacy levels (Gist et al., 1991). Individuals with low levels of self-efficacy anticipate failure, and by focusing on these feelings they are less likely to succeed and may even give up. Low self-efficacy can lead to a negative, downward self-fulfill- ing prophecy. When they hit an impasse in a negotiation, negotiators with low self-efficacy are more likely to spiral into negative emo- tions, report negative perceptions, see their negotiations as unsuccessful, as well as report less likelihood to share information, work together, and behave cooperatively in the future than those with higher self-efficacy (O’Connor and Arnold, 2001). Those with high self-efficacy do not report such negative predictions about their future negotiations.

Self-efficacy can vary across situations, which is particularly important considering the strong influence of situational factors in negotiation. Self-efficacy can be specific to either a distributive or integrative negotiation (Sullivan et al., 2006). High “distributive self-efficacy” reflects a confidence in one’s ability to persuade, convince, and influence the other party, while high “integrative self-efficacy” reflects confidence in establishing rapport and find- ing useful trade-offs. These beliefs have a positive relationship with negotiation tactics. In other words, confidence in one’s abil- ity to persuade and influence, makes that person more likely to use these tactics in a negotiation. The specific self-efficacy dimen- sions have a positive relationship with negotiation outcomes to the extent that they are task congruent (i.e., distributive self-effi- cacy in a distributive negotiation).

Self-efficacy can also be developed, which makes it somewhat distinct from other personality traits that are stable dispositions. It can develop through past experience, both from an individual’s own history as well as from watching others. For example, paying attention to a negotiator who “models” successful behavior can

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increase the self-efficacy for future bargaining. Involvement in negotiation training or classes can also increase self-efficacy for negotiation. You may appreciate knowing that reading this book could increase your self-efficacy in negotiation to the extent it makes you more confident about your knowledge and ability to negotiate, which in turn, can increase your negotiation success.

Implications for NegotiatorsImplications for Negotiators

First, we offer a word of caution on how personality is assessed and the validation of these scores. Most frequently personality is measured by self-report, or people answering questions about themselves. Respondents answer sets of questions similar to those in Table 1.

To have confidence in using particular responses requires reliability and validity evidence for the scores. Reliability requires evidence of consistency in results. If someone took a Mach test, the results should not be drastically different from previous

Table 1. Sample items from personality measures.

Personality Trait Sample Measurement Item

Communal Orientation

“When making a decision, I take other peoples’ feelings into account.“ (Clark et al., 1987)

Machiavellianism “It is hard to get ahead without cutting corners here and there.“ (Christie and Geis, 1970)

Five-Factor Model Extraversion

(Goldberg, 1992) “Am the life of the party.“

Agreeable “Am interested in people.“ Conscientiousness “Am always prepared.“ Neuroticism “Get stressed out easily.“ Openness to

Experience “Have a vivid imagination.“

Self-monitoring “In different situations and with different people, I often act like very different persons.“ (Snyder, 1974)

Self-efficacy How confident are you that you can negotiate a $50,000 salary?

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administrations, despite the time of day or other extraneous vari- ables like the weather or setting. Once a personality characteristic has reliable scores, it is critical to find evidence supporting the use of the scores. This is the validation process and it is continual, such that a test and its scores need to be supported for each use. We bring this up because while a multitude of personality scales exist, many are not supported for serious use. In reality, it takes substantial research to have confidence in using personality scales as tools to make diagnoses or recommendations, in nego- tiation or other settings.

So while taking personality tests and labeling yourself and oth- ers can be very entertaining, the scores are not always truly informative, especially in untrained hands. However, in the hands of trained interpreters, personality scores and understanding of the traits have practical applications for the negotiator. Our review thus far suggests that good negotiators are people who are to some degree agreeable, extraverted, good self-monitors, and have high self-efficacy or confidence in their negotiating ability. Having a relationship focus can improve satisfaction on both sides, but can limit outcomes if one is too accommodating. These characteristics can help negotiators maintain good relations as well as search for solutions that would expand the possible settlement range and find satisfying solutions for both sides. Additionally, certain char- acteristics like Machiavellianism may help a negotiator in the short run or certain situations, but may not create long-term suc- cess and promotes unethical behavior and deception that especially flourishes in unmonitored situations.

But, where you stand on these traits does not necessarily mean you will or will not be a good negotiator. It is important to know that personality is not destiny. Even if you do not have the traits of a successful negotiator, you can incorporate the neces- sary behaviors that are associated with effective traits. Personality may provide a predisposition one way or another, but once you are aware of your personality tendencies you can make some modifications appropriate to the requirements of a task or situ- ation. For example, someone who is not extraverted can make

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special efforts to exchange information and increase communi- cation that will lead to improved mutual gain. Likewise, someone who is not highly conscientious can use tools and strategies to help plan, research, and prepare for a negotiation. Simple behaviors like goal-setting prior to a negotiation can be used and have a much stronger effect on negotiation outcomes than most individual differences (Zetik and Stuhlmacher, 2002). Negotiators can also work to improve their self-efficacy to increase confidence and persistence through the negotiation proceedings.

Once again, it is important to keep the interactionist perspec- tive in mind. For example, too much self-efficacy can also have a dark side, making negotiators overconfident so that they do not walk away from losing situations, or seek outside help from a mediator or third party even if it may be in their best interests (O’Connor and Arnold, 2001). Or, certain expressions of person- ality may be seen as more appropriate for men than women. Due to gender roles, women may be expected to exhibit more coop- eration rather than assertiveness in a negotiation and may experience backlash for being aggressive (Walters et al., 1998). Likewise, women who are high self-monitors do better in nego- tiations than women or men who are low self-monitors (Flynn and Ames, 2006), perhaps due to the expectation that women should be more sensitive to others. Similarly, high Machs can have more influence in ambiguous rather than highly regulated situations, where the situation allows them to take advantage of other negotiators.

Picture someone who has the tendency to be abrasive, unco- operative, and concerned with self-interest above that of others. Certain situations may inhibit the expression of these traits. If this person is meeting with his boss, he is more likely to cooperate and compromise with his supervisor’s requests because it means keeping his job. But with a peer or subordinate, this individual’s personality predisposition may assert itself more. Personality effects are more likely to emerge in weak situations — ones that have fewer prescribed norms on how to act.

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188 A. F. Stuhlmacher and C. K. Adair

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It is also critical to know that many people enter into negotia- tion expecting that they must be competitive and inflexible and may try to exhibit those personality characteristics. This may be acceptable in one-shot negotiations over a single issue with a stranger, but more complex negotiations need a broader set of traits. In reality, decades of research have shown that cooperation starts negotiators on a path to higher profits and better relation- ships (for a review see Halpert et al., 2010). This is especially true in integrative negotiations, and most negotiations have potential for some kind of mutual gain.

How opponents perceive another negotiator is an important part of negotiation and personality plays a role in this perception. For example, portraying oneself as a difficult and competitive negotiator leads to more demanding negotiations than when the party is not labeled with a tough reputation, and ultimately the negotiator is less successful (Tinsley et al., 2002). Evaluations of another’s behaviors may ultimately drive judgments of personal- ity more than the counterpart’s actual personality. Morris et al. (1999) found that when they manipulated the situation to require tougher negotiator behavior, this determined the opponent’s impression of a negotiator’s personality. Negotiators required to haggle more were seen as having more disagreeable personalities. Negotiators with ambiguous information going into the negotia- tion were seen as having low emotionally stable (or neurotic) personalities. This suggests that behaviors will be attributed to personality even if there are other possible reasons and this can also start a spiral of self-fulfilling prophesies within the negotia- tion process.

ConclusionConclusion

Personality applied to work settings has surged in popularity within the last 25 years and many organizations use personality tests for hiring and screening employees. The research and under- standing of personality in negotiation also is regaining popularity. And like our story at the beginning of the chapter, personality is an

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explanation for the various behaviors we see around us. In the opening scenario of our chapter, we hope you now recognize ele- ments that suggest Amy’s high self-efficacy, Juan’s self-monitoring, Evelyn’s high-Mach potential, Jae-Hwa’s extraversion, and William’s agreeableness and relationship concerns. However, while the temptation is to ask who will be more effective, we hope you gathered that personality is only one piece of the negotiation puzzle. Its effect depends on what kinds of resources are available, what kinds of settlements are sought, power differences between parties, and other individual and situational differences.

Despite this, we find personality a meaningful construct to examine in negotiation. First, although the relationships may not be extremely strong, they are still significant statistically and practically. As such, they are worth exploring. Personality is more likely to relate to behavior in weak situations — ones with more latitude in how to respond. This is helpful to understand what strengthens and weakens the overall impact of personality. Finally, personality is an interesting avenue of research, and peo- ple will likely continue to describe the unique traits of themselves and others for many years to come, so it pays to be informed on personality and its many complexities.

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May 2, 2013 14:6 BC: 8831 - Probability and Statistical Theory PST˙ws

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