religion

gritbe 5

WOMEN

Sarah W. Whedon dia c

Mod 0.

are of 1896. believer. In the Mormon Church, only men can

enter the priesthood, which empowers them to

perform most of the rituals of the Mormon faith. However, one of the rituals that became com-

INTRODUCTION

Tt was the mid-1830s and Sarah Studevant

ILeavite's daughter Louisa was very ill. Sarah

and her family were Mormons, members of the new religion that had been founded a few years

before, in 1830, by Joseph Smith, in New York State. When Sarah prayed to God on behalf of

the sick Louisa, an angel appeared to her and birth. instructed her to lay her hands on her daugh-

ter in the name of Jesus Christ. Sarah complied,

the blessing worked, and Louisa was soon well

again. Sarah's experience may be the earliest recorded incident of Mormon women laying hands on the sick for healing, a practice that

became common for women in the Latter-Day Saints (LDS) Church, but that was nevertheless a

Subject of scrutiny and debate. There was a scriptural foundation for this

ience

2006. mon for women was laying hands upon other women for healing illnesses. Women would also

offer a blessing of washing and anointing for

community members who were about to give

Although women were giving healing bless-

ings from the earliest days of the church, men

often questioned women's authority to do so.

In 1913, the formal church hierarchy first oti-

cially doubted the legitimacy of this practice. In

1946, a statement by a prominent male church

leader effectively ended women's healing prac-

tices, arguing that only members of the priest-

hood, meaning men, should properly pertorm

such rites. By this time in the twentieth century,

healing practice. In the New Testament book of most responsibility for healing sick Mormons

1Corinthians, the apostle Paul describes healing had already been transferred away

trom the faith

and into the medical profession anyway. Despite

the formal restriction, some women

continued as one of the spiritual gifts available to Christian

believers. The Mormon prophet Joseph Smith affirmed the righteousness of these gifts and

did not limit their practice by the gender of the do so to this day" to exercise this spiritual gift secretively,

and they

93

Part 1 Religion and

Culture in the Space of

Politics

of analysis properly, and what etailsthrough this study of emerge womens religious lives. women

faced-relating to

womens bodies,

motherhood, relationships

with other women,

domestic spaces of power,

and tension with

formal religious authority-recur

frequently in

women's daily religious experience. Although

the details of this story are specific to

Mormon-

ism, its themes are common in women's practice

of religion. Women perform rituals of spiritual

healing within the home in many other

reli-

gious communities as well. Further,

womens Religior scholars Rita M. Gross a

experiences of struggling to maintain integrity

and religious authority in the face of disap-

proving church institutions are not unique top

Mormonism. Finding ways to practice sacred

rites despite official sanctions is one route for women to claim their own religious power and recall the whole human experience in religion, it

self-determination. Women's religious rituals are

often outside formal canon and may be consid-

ered optional, magical, or otherwise marginal.

Likewise, practices identified as folk tradition, syncretism, or superstition are often the reli-

gious practices of women. There is also a meth-

odological lesson to be learned from this story. An examination of religious histories, Mormon together as well as those that are performed o only

or otherwise, that looked only at documentation of clergy would miss important parts of women's religious experiences and practices that happen oulside the boundaries of religious orthodoxy.

As we unpack these themes, we will find that many of the details that need to be consid-

Issucs such as

these that the

Mormon

WHY WOMEN?

Why should we pay particular attention teo

Why en's practices of religion in everyday life w

Wom-

separate out this gender? One answer is that. in doing so, we recover a large and historie neglected area of human religious exDerio erience

Gross and Nancy Au Falk observe that the study of religion was aught to them as the study of homo religiosus, or "reli gious man, and point out that this framewor

neglects the study of religious woman." The

argue that "if we are making a genuine effort to

stands to reason that womens experiences must

still be a significant part of the picture." We sin gle out women in a project of recovery to mend

a gap in what scholars have studied and learned

about human religious life.

In seeking to mend this gap, we must con sider rituals that women and men practice

by women. In gender-integrated rituals, women may take specific roles or may have their ow

experiences and interpretations of rengo

Alongside men's religious practices, women use often have their own religious observances

tha

ced seen intensely personal-matters of food nity or to outside male observers. In many rell

may be all but invisible to men in their ommu

orsex, 1or example. One of the contributions of second-wave feminist thought was the slo- gan "the personal is political," meaning that that these kinds of intimale personal experiences are aclually linked tu larger sucial structures. We necd o hink abuut how wonmen's private lives are played oul in relationship to public eligiousand political cuntexls. Let us now look more closely at the inportance of women's daily reli gious practice, how tu delineate this category

cbrale

8lous cultures, women prepare tor anu certain rituals with no paru We consider these ditkerent

pation trom men

kinds ot relation

ships between women and ritual. why

A Second answer to the question

we study women has to do with Omen's powe

subordinated class within particular societies

an although this experience is not

universal,

and.

and social status. Women have often

94 deal in

in recent years, it has changed a 8

Whedon, Women many parts of the world. The study of women

in religion has been framed by notions of patri- archy, meaning that men hold the power in a

society, and by the concurrent experience of

women's oppression. World religions have his-

torically contributed greatly to the subordi- nation of women as a class. Women are often

excluded from or marginalized by orthodox

religious practices that are controlled by men. Being unable to access mens rituals can be dis-

empowering to women. Although women quite frequently outnumber men in religious institu- tions, men usually hold the power and authority. By calling attention to women here, we find ways to understand an imbalance in social and reli-

The relationship between women's reli- gion and women's oppression is not a constant. According to Gross and Falk, religion can har- monize with everyday life, help women bear its difficulties, or draw them out of or help them change it. We can find examples of women's reli-gious practices functioning in all these ways. The history of womens religious lives par allels that of men's, because women have been a part of every society. Men are certainly play- ers in these stories as well, but different details emerge when we focus on women's beliefs, sto- ries, rituals, and experiences of religion.

WHAT ARE WOMEN?gious power. This intormation can help women who wish to redress power imbalances in their At first glance, it probably seems obvious what

we mean by the word women. Ordinarily, it does religious communities.

BLESSING WAY

In recent years, women in the United States have created new rituals for preparing pregnant women to give birth and for honoring these women's passages into mother hood. These rituals borrow the name "Blessing Way" from a name for Navajo rituals,provoking ethical concerns about cultural appropriation. They offer an alternative to the Secular baby shower, and women who choose a Blessing Way say that they want a more Spiritual event than the materialism of a baby shower. A Blessing Way of this kind typ- diuy involves a gathering of women, led by a friend of the expectant mother, or a ritualpecialist hired for the occasion. The ceremonies are adapted for the mother's needs sires, but certain components are typically included. Storytelling, symbolic burn "OTears related to the birth, and stringing together beads for a labor necklace all help re a woman for the birth process. Painting the woman's body with henna, foot 4 Orering of prayers and blessings, and singing all honor the power and mysterytherhood and the particular mother's proces. These Blessing Ways (sometimes called er Blessings," to distinguish them from Navajo rituals) do not belong to egious tradition, although they clearly demonstrate inspiration from contem dry Pagan and Goddess spirituality rituals. The rituals represent creative imagining or woman-centered practices, addressing a need in women's religiouS Ives.

95

not even occur to us to question it, and it would female. Religions can actually serve to

create y ing of wonman and

who belongs in that category For example, Hindu hijras are male-bc th

peo

Part 1 Religion and Culture in the Space of Politics

ways of identifyingwomen, or even third genders

likely drain our personal resources if the mean-

ple who dress and live socially as ous figure. Their primary worship is name they make blessings of fertility and of genderbending, there are also many religiovstories of women cross-dres

Changing

were in question on a daily basis. But when we

take time to reflect on the term, we discover that women. They identity with the deity Siva, a sexualy

ambigr- determining who is a woman is not as simple as it usually seems.

Women's studies scholars have pointed out

at least two different ways of thinking about what makes a woman: biological determinism and social constructionism. On the one hand, biological determinism tells us that women are identifiable by their physiology. Reproductive organs and secondary sex characteristics-such as the presence or lack of facial hair or fatty deposits on the body-help us determine who is a woman. According to this approach, body parts and hormones determine women's beliefs, needs, and behaviors, making biology destiny. On the other hand, social constructionism

directe, however, at Bahuchara Mata, a goddessi perity to infants and newlyweds. In anothe.notherkkind

gender, such as the Sufi saint Rabiah, whos bacy and religiosity caused her to be perceiv altou

as a man. hese examples of religious gendering are looking for who the womer are in any given

can remind us to remain open-minded when we howe religious society.

The knowledge that women's livesshaped by different cultural and religious con- texts should prompt us to use a wide lens to look for the diversity of women's lives. Just as the term "religious man" was incorrectly assumed to include all religious people, when we think of "woman," we often default to "white, middle

are

ally

WOICI argues that the meaning of womanhood changesacross history and across cultures and that being ne c a woman is more about learned roles. In the United States, these roles are taught from the moment that the doctor announces "It's a girl!"and puts a pink hat on an infant's head. In this model, we can expect, when we examine differ-

MEN class, adult, American woman." But woman- hood is profoundly affected by one's race, das. age, nationality, and other such qualities. Ihe

ent religions, to find that the meaning and prac- meaning of womanhood is different tor a ou meaning of womanhood is different for a young de

tice of womanhood varies greatly. A combination of these two models helps us most effectively understand what makes woman- Atghan Muslim woman than it is for a Cr Cano Catholic grandmother from Los Angeihood. Realistically, women's lives, including secting categories as mutually co er Thinking intersectionally-viewing these inter

one

another-we can see the unique characterist of particular women's religious lives. We o look to

secting categories as mutually constitutng their religious practices and experiences, are probably worked out in a creative mix of biologyand culture. For example, the physiological pos sibility of motherhood is clearly a shaping expe rience for women across cultures, but the ways in which childbirth is interpreted and ritualized differ widely, as do the ways in which mothering

is understood and enacted.

examples from many different combin of

wo Such intersections in order to think abo en's daily religious lives.

SACRED TIME: THE LIFE COURSE We should also be wary of assuming that there are only two "oPposite" genders-male and Women's religious rganization of end

tim

of can

96 end of the

take on multiple dimensions. On o

Ea Whedon, Women

texts, and,. at

the other end, there are the

brief

moments of prayer.

Let us consider time in Jewish bat mítzvah ritual for a girl, which mirrors

time of puberty but without explicit links to men-

struation. The relatively recent innovation of the ere are the great epochs

of sacred spectrum, ther.

terms of how religions shape

womens life cycles.

Women move

from birth, to girlhood, to adult-

hood, into old age,

and finally death. Rites of

passage-rituals that ma

of these stages of life to

another-are sometimes

celebrated on appropriate occasions during an

individual womans life. This listing of life stages

is an imperfect map of all women's lives, because,

although there are certain biological facts that

women generally share, the ways in which they

are interpreted and ritualized differ across cul-

tures and religions. This lifespan perspective,

however, enables us to think about how women's

the bar mitzvah ritual for a boy, is such a case. In

these rituals, the young adult's first public reading

from the Torah, the Jewish scriptures, signals pas-

sage into adulthood. The girl must study and pre- pare for the occasion. Depending on the

branch

of Judaism, the family may also celebrate this event with a large party for the young woman.

In many religions, there are taboos around

women's bodily experiences of fertility, including

both menstruation and childbirth-for exam-

mark transitions from one

ple, in traditional Chinese religion and Japanese hinto. Similarly, Muslim women do not pray or

fast during menstruation. Jewish women who

observe traditional practices abstain from sex religious lives can change

in different phases of

their lives. In the course of considering women's

daily religious lives, we also notice other ways in

which sacred time is invoked, in daily prayers, in

the celebration of seasonal cycles, and in rituals and taboos around monthly menstrual cycles.

around menstruation and cleanse themselves after

menstruation in a ritual bath called a mikveh. This

ritual brings women together apart from men, but

women also claim that the practices improve their sexual relations with their husbands.

These kinds of fertility taboos usually hinge on notions of menstruation being impure or pol-

luting, but taboos can also signal the perceivedd

power of womens bodies. For example, Dao-

ism views womens menstrual fluid as powerful,

not as polluting. Similarly, the Native American

Blackfeet of northern Montana considered men

MENSTRUATION

t is not surprising that menstruation is often

given special attention, because religions tend to be very concerned with women's bodies and

their sexuality. The onset of menses is often the

transition point into womanhood for a girl. Some strual blood to be so powerful that male warriors

Teligions honor a girls first menses with a rite oT passage, a ritual that observes and facilitates her transition from one life stage to another. For example, in traditional Native American ritu-

would smear their wives' menstrual blood on

themselves as a denmonstration of their strength

before going into battle. Pliny the Elder retlected

a classical view of menstruation as taboo when

s, multiple days of ceremony, song, and dance struct the young woman in her new role. The

gnt-day Apache ceremony, called Isanaklesh Gotal, involves a ritual fire, singing, dancing Dlessing the girl, a feast, and a period of contemplative isolation for the girl.

he wrote that, among the many dangers of

menstrual fluid, "contact with the monthly flux

of women turns new wine sour, makes crops

wither, kills grafts, dries seeds in gardens, causes

the fruit of trees to fall off, dims the bright sur-

face of mirrors, dulls the edge of steel and the

gleam of ivory, kills bees, rusts iron and bronze,

and causes a horrible smell to fill the air"

ther religions may acknowledge a girl's dnsition to becoming a woman at about the

97

Part 1 Religion and Culture in the Space of Politics

it. In some places, veils are marlh status, and sexual attractivenessmarkers ot weathCLOTHING

which is he As women grow to adulthood and into adult opposite of what Westerners encounter hich

jn sexuality, religions increasing/y tend to regulate

their daily bodily practices, even down to the

details of dress and hairstyle. Religions often

dictate norms of modesty and femininity for

women's daily attire and grooming.

Head coverings are a common form of reli-

gious clothing. Orthodox Jewish women cover their hair, either with scarves or wigs. In the

Christian New Testament, the apostle Paul argues

that early Christian women should cover their of these symbols helps create the foundation heads in prayer (and that men should not), per- haps because he is trying to protect the commu-

nity againstaccusations of sexual impropriety (see I Corinthians 11). Today, women's hats remain a part of appropriate attire for many Christian

women who wish to obey this biblical passage. African American churchwomen have a particu- larly strong culture of church-hat aesthetics.

Appropriate attire for Muslim women has been a topic of much controversy in recent years, especially in cities where Europeans and Middle Easterners interact. In some countries, Muslim

the media.

MARRIAGE

Although the onset of menstruation sometimes marks the passage into adulthood fo

WOmemarriage is another rite that can signal this tra sition. Marriage rituals and wedding contracts mark womens entry into married life. The fom or the longest stage ina

daily married life, often woman's life course.

Contemporary US culture idealizes ove marriage, in which partners choose each other based on romantic feeling, but this form of marriage is a relatively late and unusual devel. opment in the history of marriage. More com monly, religious cultures structure marriages around community economic and social needs For example, traditional Chinese marriages are arranged for the production of children, and Hindu marriages tend to be arranged for social

purposes as well. There is evidence of polygamy in the Hebrew Bible and in early Christianity, n the early years of Islam, polygyny, marriage o

one man to multiple wives, was encouraged part as a way of dealing with the need for

te

community to support widows economicau Marriage customs define appropriate beha

iors for wives. In a Hindu wed

women are forced to wear a hijab, or headscarf, when in public and during the sexually active years. The purpose of modest dress is to dis-

courage men from thinking of women as sex

objects. It also serves to create a kind of sacred

space through which a woman can move in pri vacy, even in public spaces outside her home. In this way, the hijab imitates the harem, the pri- vate inner sanctum of the home that is women's

ing, the bride

Eiven to the groom, a male priest directs

he

rite, and veiled women sing from the sidelines

An ideal Hindu wife who is totally devo her husband is called pativrata. Traditi

domain. Today, Western women often look pity- ingly on women who wear veils, assuming that the veil is a symbol of their oppression. In fact, in some Western countries, wearing veils has been banned. But many Muslim women feel that the veil is an important symbol of their cultural and religious identity, and they often choose to wear

sive ritual called habisha that it even when their communities do not require

to

Hindu women belie that a husband is quired

Caste

for their own religious salvation. Hg menopausal Hindu women pertor xpen kee

sive ritual called habisha that is intended to ket

their husbands healthy and alive. 98

Whedon, Women

Similarly, in Islam, marriage, nikah, involves

a contract describing

the duties of a husband Ages are an example of such a means for womento opt out of an otherwise compulsory role.

lth the in

a contract desc

emporary marriage, called

muta, that allows

for sexual enjoyment ithout breaking the strict

rule against sex outside of marriage, although

and wife. In Shia

Islam, there is a provision for

SEX AND CONTRACEPTION

Religious authorities usually dictate norms for women's sexuality, including sexual relations, contraception, conception, and child-rearing. The diversity of religious understandings of sexuality range from imagining sex as primar- ily sinful, or polluted, to sacralizing sex. How ever, marriage is usually the formal religious precondition for women's sex and sexuality to be

this practice is widely frowned upon.

The end of marriage can be as consequential es

for a woman as its beginning. Laws and customs

for divorce and widowing can be as critical for

women's daily lives as marriage norms. Many

religions make divorce difficult for women to

obtain, and some make it difficult to live as a divorced woman, often for reasons of economic

need. Muslim men, for example, have histori-

cally been able to access divorce more easily than

ts

socially acceptable. Seeing women's sexual activity as sacred can

take diverse forms. Evangelical women in the United States provide an example of those who sacralize marital sex. Although they frown on sex before marriage, within the context of mar- riage, they delight in its pleasures and ability to unite a husband and wife. In a different sort

women.

For Hindu widows, circumstances have his- torically been bleak. They could not remarry,

wear jewelry, or attend many important ritu-

als, and they were often considered to be evil

witches. In Hindu tradition, sati means a virtu- ous woman. A wife could become sati by means

of immolation on her husband's funeral pyre. Ih the past, widows chose this practice because they were looked down upon, dependent upon their sons, and required to maintain sexual fidel- ity to their husbands. As satis, however, they wOuld be glorified. Given the constraints placed on widows, it is difficult to see this choice as hav- ing been a truly free choice, and this practice is now largely frowned upon.

Most religions have historically allowed lit- ue space for women who do not wish to marry Decause they prefer independence or because

of example, the contemporary feminist Pagan movement, with its emphasis on the immanence of divinity and the sacredness of nature, includ- ing human bodies, has sacralized sex, particu-

larly queer sex.

Jewish rabbinical laws provide a great deal of structure for married women's sexuality and frame sex in a positive light. They stipulate the onah, the husband's martial obligation to pro- vide sexual pleasure for his wife. Jewish laws

governing when and how married women may have sex are called niddah. By beginning the sex-

ual cycle on a woman's most fertile days, these

laws favor reproduction. Families, mostly in the Middle East and they do not desire men sexually. In these tradi-

therefore sfor rel be pulsory. Sometimes opportuni- killings. A man may kill his wife or female rela- the tions,

ripht heterosexual marriage is assumed to be southern Asia, sometimes hold women to very

une right and best path for adult women and may ties for religious celibacy have allowed womento escape the demands of marriage, housework, a and en raped, or seeks a aiv child-1-rearing. Catholic convents in the Middle

strict sexual moral codes, resulting in "honor

tive to preserve his family's honor if she is sus-

pected of having sex outside of marriage, has

been raped, or seeks a divorce. Although Islam

99

Part 1 Religion and Culture in the Space of Politics

is often characterized as furtherino has been handed the blame for these murders. honor killings are best understood as driven by

which

whore

they dichotomy

are limited that Western

to the polarized enfac

rdes oí Among Catholics who revere the Virgir Mary

irgni women face, in cultural norms; Islamic laws do not pernit the

desexualized mother or sexually active les abuse or murder of women. sinner Women sometimes resist the sexual and

contraceptive rules of their religious traditions. motherhood is seen as a sacred duty. The Sh

although they were celibate, used images of moth- erhood to represent God. The founder and leaderof the movement was known as Mother Ann and she represented the highest ideal of mother. hood. For traditional Hindus, motherhood given much praise in Brahmanical texts, but mar

ried women enjoyed little status and often wished for the birth of a son to help secure their status

Childbirth and the process of becoming a mother are often ritualized and imbued with

sacred meaning. Around the world, rituals serve to protect the mother and baby from harm.

ShakersMost Protestants in the United States today favor contraception within marriage, but there is deep division over the issue of women seeking abor-

tions. Similarly, there is a signiticant gap be the Roman Catholic Church's directives on fam-

en

was ily planning and their actual implementation by Western women who enjoy sex but cannot or do

not wish to raise large families of children. Cath- olic leadership officially leads the fight against abortion rights, but the laity is split on the issue.

In Japan, women have long practiced abor- tion. Since the 1970s, Japan has seen a marked increase in Japanese women's participation in Israeli Jewish women, like many other women,

mizuko kuyo, rituals to appease the hungry

ghosts of fetuses aborted even decades before. as a miraculous experience. In the United States

These rituals are practiced by Japanese women it has been demonstrated that Christian. Jewish,

regardless of religious affiliation. Japanese wom- Goddess spirituality, and less formally spiritual

en's growing belief that it is necessary for them

to perform these rituals reflects the misogyny in contemporary Japanese culture.

speak of giving birth and meeting the new baby

women who choose home birth all find religious

meaning in the birth process, finding power in

procreation. In several traditions, women also

engage in rituals following the birth, such as the

tradition of ritually burying the placenta

As mothers, women often bear the bulk ot MOTHERHOOD

For many women, the possibility of motherhood responsibility for raising children and are

aso

is an essential part of religious life. Whether,

when, and how a woman mothers greatly affects tion in the home. Sometimes this responsio

her daily life and community status, as does

whether and how her religion values mother-

hood. Religions in which womens leadership dominates tend to sacralize maternity, but this is

by no means unique to them. Many religions honor sacred mother figures,

but honoring of sacred mothers is inmperfectly correlated with honoring of real human mothers. Roman Catholicism reveres the Virgin Mary as the mother of God. The cult of the Virgin Mary

usually responsible for children's religious edua

can become a way for women to gain

author

school. Teaching in Sunda

elical

ity outside the home, as with

Christian wOni

who teach Sunday schools in the nineteenth

century, evangc ideal

women in the United States combined the

Woman with a new

stress on rig

action. In Jewish tradition, however,

fathers a

responsible for children's education,

whie

of the virtuous are

is

f Jew

required by conservative interpretations

ish law for sons, but not for daughter

100

Whedon, Women

For aging women, the role of mother some-

times transitions to the

roles of grandmother and

elder. Grandmothers may continue to take part

in the care and religious education of children,

For example, elderly Oriental Jewish women

of Jerusalem concern themselves with care for

the ancestors and descendants of their families

through a variety of ritual practices.

Deities

Most religions have at their core deities or other sacred beings. Relationships with divine figures are often important for women's identities and

participation within a religion. The kinds of relationships available may be dependent on the genders and other qualities of the religion's dei- ties, if any.

In some religions, deity is only or primarily male. At the center of Christian traditions is the SYMBOLS: MYTHS AND DEITIESs

male savior Jesus Christ, the son of a God, who Religious symbols serve to orient women's reli-

gious lives. Myths, the sacred stories of a reli-

gious tradition, often provide a framework for

understanding who women can be and what

they can do. Deities, saints, and other spiritual

figures provide models for womanhood. Other kinds of symbols can include images, ritual imagined

to have no body and therefore no gen-

objects, or elements of sacred narratives.

is predominantly imagined as male. In Catholi- cism in particular, the maleness of the divine fig- ure has been used to argue that priests must be male, whereas women may be friends, brides, or lovers of Jesus. The Jewish God is traditionally

der; however, in practice, this divinity is most

often spoken of and treated as male.

KUAN YIN

Kuan Yin is the Chinese name for the female bodhisattva of compassion, the most

DEIOved bodhisattva in all eastern Asia, known in Japan as Kannon. A passage

of the

Lrus Sutra in Sanskrit describes a male deity whose name means "all seeing." But, in

e hinese version, the name is translated as Kuan Yin, meaning "all hearing"

and the

gure is female. She is described as having such great power that calling on her name

Keep someone thrown into a great fire from burning, rescue someone from drown

Or save a person from demons. She appears to save those who are in danger,

and

sh fearlessness. In art, she is represented in many different ways.

Usually, she

nolding a lotus or a water bottle, but she is also sometimes depicted

with many

cn expressinga different expression that is appropriate to helping

with differ

problems, or she is shown with many arms, each holding a diferent implement use

SVng different problems. Rarely, she is even made to

look like the Virgin Mary,

called Maria-Kannon, reflecting Christian infiuence.

101

Part 1 Religion and Culture in the Space of

Politics

In this passage, the are My rituals.".

There are goddesses and other holy female

figures throughout the world's religions. To name

some examples, Roman Catholicism reveres the

Virgin Mary as the mother of Jesus Christ; Bud-

dhism recognizes Tara as a goddess and female

Buddha, and there are popular female bodhisat-

tvas; and Judaism calls the feminine aspect of

deity is rep creation and destruction, and sacralizing resented as a emale, associated with natue

ng of love pleasure. This text is sometimes re temporary Pagan ritual, and women quent and ominent roles in these rituals

con take fre.

God Shekinah. In Nigeria, Osun is a Yoruba Myths river goddess. As a representation of the sacred-

ness of water, she is intimately connected to the daily use of water. Osun's waters not only sustain

life, but she is also the source of creativity and human procreativity.

The presence of a central female divine fig- ure does not necessarily correlate with high sta- tus for women within any given society. On the one hand, in the history of Indian religion, we can see changes in understandings of deities that reflect changes in society. The view of the god- dess came to be carefully crafted to reflect the understanding of the human wife as subordinate by Christians) contains two stories of God's cre to her husband. On the other hand, early Daoists saw females as closer to the Dao than males, and the Dao De Ching describes the Dao as a Mother.This understanding meant elevated social possi- Adam first and then makes his companion Eve bilities for women, and early Daoism created for out of one of Adams ribs. The latter story makes women important religious offices and convents. woman derivative of man, because Eve was cre

Very few of what religion scholar SusanStarr Sered calls "women's religions"-religious traditions predominantly led and participated in by women-worship a Goddess figure. However, contemporary Pagans and feminist theologians are examples of religious women who frequently imagine deity as a Goddess or as many god- desses. The Wiccan or Pagan Star Goddess is said to speak through the words of the Chargeof the Goddess, which, in feminist Pagan authorStarhawk's version, includes the words, "I am the soul of nature that gives life to the universe. From me all things proceed and unto Me they must return. Let My worship be in the heart that rejoices, for behold-all acts of love and pleasure ual labor, and Eve with painu

Myths and other sacred stories also helh locatewomen in religious life. Myths of origin-whic tell how the world came into being and how humans came to be gendered beings living in it often explicitly or implicitly address the nature of women and their place in that world. Traditions of textual interpretation can be just as important as the sacred text itself. These texts' power comesin part from the attention given them by rabbis,monks, and other religious thinkers. The Hebrew Bible (called the Old Testament

ation of the first woman, Eve. In the first story God creates male and female humanity at once,in his image. In the second story, God creates out of one of Adam's ribs. The latter story makes

ated in support of Adam, the first human. Jewish traditions also tell stories about Li-

ith, whose earliest mention is in ancient Sume rian culture. In some stories, Lilith was Adan nrst wife, before Eve, but she refused to sub to his wil, specifically refusing to take the Do tom position during sex, and so lost her place Eden. Lilith came to be feared as a demon wh es on top of sleeping men, forcing them to have

Tikianth

sex with her.

In the Hebrew Bible, the creation story S

fromfollowed by an account of humanygrace, in which Adam and Eve eat of the forbid- den fruit. Adam is punished with difnc

ult man-

Eves Eves 102

ual labor, and Eve with painful childblr.

Whedon, Women

In the Buddhist creation myth, as the Earth is formed, beings of light begin to eat of it, and out of this meal many distinctions are made. As the savory is distinguished from the bitter, so is the male from the female. When this happens, the woman and man begin to lust for each other,

p.

and out of their union comes continued creation of boundaries, now in more negative ways, cre ating property and drawing boundaries between

people. So the man and woman emerge simulta- neously, but their difference and thus desire for each other have negative consequences.

SACRED SPACE: HOME AND TEMPLE

When we look at the organization of space for

women's daily religious practice, we see frequent

emphasis on women's practices in the home. Religious activity at home can give women authority within the domestic sphere and can serve to sacralize all or part of that sphere. From one perspective, associating women with

the domestic sphere and men with the pub- lic sphere means that women have less power. From another perspective, it simply means that A statue of the Bodhisattva Kuan Yin in Green

Gulch Zen Center near San Francisco, California (c. July 2006).

women can exercise their power in more inti-

mate and immediate ways than men. Victorian Protestant women, for example,

role in the fall into sin has been emphasized over Adams in Christian history. In this narrative, we can hear echoes of earlier Greek mythology, In which the gods make Pandora as a punishment r the rebellion of Prometheus. Hesiod tells in Some detail how she is created to bring sex and death into the world.

were seen as appropriately presiding over home

and family. Their supposed natural piety and

morality were thought to serve as a counterbal-

ance to their husbands' supposed harsh natures,

which were made necessary by their work in

the competitive public sphere. The importance

of women's religious influence in the domestic

sphere was used in the United States to support

arguments for prohibition and woman's suftrage,

because it was believed that women's natural

Contrastingly, in the Quiche Maya's sacred Dook, the Popul Vuh, humankind was created by a primordial "mother-father, strikingly na ng the mother portion of the figure first in the Ext. Archaeological evidence, however, suggests that Mayan culture naintained a atriarchal

morality and concern for the home would cause

them to vote for measures to protect families.

many religions and cultures hierarchy.

Across

womens daily religious lives are played out in

103

Part 1 Religion and Culture in the Space of Politics

1 CORINTHIANS 11:2-16

nead of just as I handed them on to you. 3But I want you to understand that Christ iraditione 1 commend you because you remember me in everything and maintain tho

ne traditions

sbut any man who prays or prophesies with something on his head disgraces his hest. Any Any every man, and the husband is the head of his wife, and God is the head of Chrddof

woman who prays or prophesies with her head unveiled disgra graces her head- and the same thing as having her head shaved. °For if a woman will not veil hersel

onaf

she should cut off her hair; but if it is disgraceful for a woman to have her hair off

should

veiled, or to be shaved, she should wear a veil. 7For a man ought not to have his head ing thes

deed, since he is the image and reflection of God; but woman is the reflection of man. "Ind ing nmes man was not made from woman, but woman from man. Neither was man created fa. the sake of woman, but woman for the sake of man. 1°For this reason a woman ouks to have a symbol of authority on her head, because of the angels. "Nevertheless, in 'the Lord woman is not independent of man or man independent of woman. "For just as woman came from man, so man comes through woman; but all things come from God Judge for yourselves: is it proper for a woman to pray to God with her head unveiled Does not nature itself teach you that if a man wears long hair, it is degrading to him, but if a woman has long hair, it is her glory? For her hair is given to her for a

But if anyone is disposed to be contentious-we have no such custom, nor do the churches of God.

nlert

s tithis

In la

0 Con

FOOD

The pr daily 1

a dom

These significant ways in the home. Women's domes- tic work requires us to consider their relation-

ships to money, property, and earning. We also observe that, in the home, women are often pri- marily responsible for the preparation of food, maintaining household altars and prayers, and healing sick family members. Yet women also have places in more public spaces of ritual and

worship, where gender structures space, power,

economic sphere makes a big difference in thei

power at home and beyond. Religion is linked o Women's ability to earn, inherit, and own money

and property-and even to whether they them selves are considered to be property.

author

presidi and sh=

ior ph

tosters particun many contexts, women are

constraineu

in their ability to own, inherit, or earn monce

In the United States, womer could not legaly

spiritua

SaCted Own money until the mid-nineteenth centu and were therefore legally dependent upon n bands and fathers. Even when women nay

sUnset and belief. nine ar Own

value

MONEY AND PROPERTY Irom men's money. There were

traditional Pacitic

Island cultures where men and women

ctually

money, it can have different meaning and

bake in dbse Women's relationships to money, property, and

work are directly related to when and how they spend time in the home, all of which is influ- enced by religion. Women's authority in the

tespon A dowry, or bride price,

is a comnon

lea used different currency.

ture of marriag rituals. Traditional

Chines

104

Whedon, Women engagements include a sum of money given from

c the grooms family to the bride's family. There is it is usually women, working as individual volun- debate over whether this constitutes the saleof teers or through church women's organizations, the bride or an early transfer of inheritance.

In Protestant churches in the United States,

jtions ad of who prepare food and drink for coffee hours and The Laws of Manu, Manu Smriti, which set church picnics. At the huge US revival-camp forth the orthodox Hindu laws, prohibit the sale

of a woman into marriage but allow women to sibility meant a great deal of cooking work for Own property and protect that property from Protestant women. male relatives. They also suggest that women

should be honored and cared for, including giv- ing them gifts on holidays as a means of ensur-

ing men's welfare.

Women's manipulation of money in religious natural being, who accepts food offerings from contexts includes donating to charities, as well the women in exchange for which the being as tithing and donating to religious institutions. offers aid with healing or some other domestic In Taiwan, women ritually burn money for the gods in temples and other spaces, using money to connect the earthly and heavenly spheres.

Any t any meetings of the nineteenth century, this respon- one then

Food can be offered to the superhuman as well as to humans. Iranian Shi'ite Muslim

t off iled,

women perform a food ritual called sofreh. The ritual establishes a relationship with a super

eed for ght the t as problem.

Abstention from food can also be a way for women to exercise religious power. For example, the evangelical organization Women's

Aglow Fellowship instructs women to diet for God as a sign of their faith in him. Medieval Catholic women mystics' fasting and other food practices provided important ways in which they used their bodies in pursuit of religious meaning-making.

Jod. ed?

aim, ing the

FoOD

The production and distribution of food for daily meals and for special ritual occasions is a domain where women often enjoy power. These practices can include the exercise of social authority, the knowledge of ritual details, and presiding over the pleasure of food. The creation HouSEHOLD ALTARS and sharing of food is not just an opportunity 1Or physical nourishment. Sharing meals also In many traditions, women are responsible for tosters social cohesion, and special foods for maintaining household altars. This responsi particular religious observances can also have bility can include setting up altars and keep- spiritual meaning.

in their

ked to

money them

rained

ing them clean; making offerings such as food, flowers, or incense; and conducting prayers. Altars create symbolic pathways of connection between the human and the divine, and house-

noney

The center of Jewish life is Shabbat, the sacred time demarcated from sunset on Friday to Sunset on Saturday. Shabbat is considered femi-

egaly

nine and is celebrated especially by women, who hold altars encourage relationship between the

do the lighting of the ritual candles (hadlikner), home or family and the spiritual realms.

ntury

7 hus

ow

bake challah, a special bread, and lead the famlyn observance of the sacred day. Women are also

value

acifhc

ualy

Roman Catholic women may keep altars in

the home for Jesus, the Virgin Mary, or other

a responsible for maintaining kashrut, or dietary beloved saints. Mexican Catholics also build aWS, in the preparation of food and the feeding of their families throughout the week.

altars, in commemoration of family members who have died, for El Dia de los Muertos (the fea

Mese

105

Part 1 Religion and Culture in the Space of

Politics

Day of the Dead), an October holiday. These the family's celebrations and focus on protecting the family's welfare.altars can include images of deceased relatives,

marigolds, favorite foods of the deceased, and

brightly decorated sugar skulls.

Chinese women are responsible for main-

taining proper relationships with ancestors and

spirits of the home, making offerings of incense,

mmenpena

HEALING

ajrxaeton

As part of caring for home and famiy are often responsible for religiously o orie food, and prayers. They often have a picture or suffering healing. In and religions healingwheretend womento be particularly d inate

omen nted where women dominat

altar for Kuan Yin, a female bodhisattva of com-

passion. (A bodhisattva is a person who chooses to put off the final stage of enlightenment to help sistently present in contemporary feminist the.

other people become enlightened.) Kuan Yin is

attributed with the power to bring children to a Muslim, Buddhist, indigenous, Mormon, or new

woman. She is important, both historically and today, for Chinese women whose status depends Women's healing work takes multiple forms

on their ability to produce an heir. In Hindu practice as well, the home is a

center of spiritual life, including daily worship (puja) performed by women. Indian women also to saints provides a forum for prayers of healing

gather together on auspicious occasions, such as a birth or home consecration, to sing all night might be directed to Saint Jude, the saint of hope

to their ancestors and to the deities who protect

prominent themes. These themes are also con-

Hauliayg

ology, whether it be Protestant, Catholic, Jewish

LIendt-

Eiufr tounde

aeater an

Curstian Sc religious.

We have already seen that Mormon women have

exercised the blessingot healing the sick through laying on of hands. Catholic women's devotion

Pthmn

Wihen h

diress dedn

OLer won.

for themselves and their families. Such prayers 01 1gu and and in Ce

less causes. During illness, traditional Chinese

women exorcised the home of evil spirits. Mus them. In Korea, women's sacred household objects lim women have historically held the powers or

are less obvious as an altar than in many other parts of the world. Nevertheless, women main-

tain packets of pine needles, bowls of wine, women hold zar ceremonies to rid themsee jars of grain, or other objects in specific places

within their houses, as offerings to household

healing and magical practices, such as the ability to ward off jinn.In Egypt and the Sudan, Muslim

mlnde

gods. Household gods are believed to exist in Rudolfo Anaya novel Bless Me Ultima),

drawing

Spirit possession. Mexican women do popular

healing, called curanderismo (as portrayed in tne

every house, and such offerings help protect the members of the family.

Women often also have primary responsi- bility for seasonal festivals that are celebrated within the home. Several Jewish festivals are

and involving: a variety of techniques. Curaner

on Catholic and indigenous Mexican tra litio

tast ismo can include such practices as praye

ng, use of magical plants, and altered

Consciousness for diagnosis and curing performed prominently in the home, such as Pesach, which celebrates the Israelites' escape from slavery in Egypt. Hindu women's calendri- cal festivals tend to focus on the well-being of family and household. Women's domestic rituals at Divali, a Hindu festival of lights, which honors the goddess Lakshmi, extend beyond the rest of avariety of fertility needs. Aboriginal s

Women's healing work also ca

include mid-

wifery, facilitating the physical a and spiritual

pro-

cesses of childbirth. Indigenous women

Americas have worked as ealers

and mic

West African Sande wom use

herbal m

f the

dwives.

medi-

magical remedies

to au tralian

cine, amulets, and

address

106

Whedon, Women women pertorm childbirth rituals that are char-

acterized by observance of food taboos, spells during the five daily prayers. Muslims usually explain this as an issue of modesty and as a way of protection for the birth, the belief that blood to keep men from being distracted from prayerissuing from a woman's genitals is dangerous to by the sight of women. Women usually pray at men, and segregation of women. Hindu women

perform extensive prenatal rituals during preg- nancy to ensure the well-being of their unborn

home, rather than at the mosque, however. Orthodox Jews also seat men and women nte

separately during worship, and women tradi- tionally may not be counted toward the minyan, or quorum of ten people necessary for public

nale children.

Healing has also often been important in

new religions in which women are leaders. In prayer. Indeed, there are cases where womennineteenth-century New England, Mary Baker Eddy founded the new religion of Christian Sci- services, but they choose to attend because they ence after an experience of spontaneous healing. Christian Scientists believe that matter is funda- make personal prayers of petition. mentally an illusion, so healing of the body can come through right thought.

When healing fails, women's rituals may also own sacred spaces. In Morocco, going to saintsaddress death. For example, women, particularly older women, are prominent in the performance self-determination in their personal and reli- of dügü and the other death rites of the Black Carib in Central America. Muslim women per- form a ritual in the home called mevlüt, forty- seven to fifty-two days after a person dies and then annually in the years following. These ritu- als include gathering of women, readings and teachings (sometimes by a male), weeping, and a meal together.

COD- the

cannot understand or even hear the synagogue ISh, DeW

believe the services to be auspicious times to

Sometimes exclusion or segregation in places of worship causes women to seek out their

INS,

ave

1gn

tombs is a way for Muslim women to claim the

10n

gious lives that is denied them by the orthodox system. Far more women than men visit these tombs, which creates religious spaces where men may feel uncomfortable. From the saints, women seek healing that is more accessible than within the medical system.

ers

ese

S-

of

AUTHORITY

In recent decades, two major trends in religious authority have made a significant ditference tor women's daily practice of religion-the develop- tic sphere. This is because the gendered power ment of feminist theology and of new religious fundamentalism. Feminist theology specitically addresses issues of misogyny and of women's

oppressions in traditional religions. It also creates

liberating theologies tor wonien and destabilizes gender roles in these and new religions. Fun-

danmentalist religious movements have broader concerns than women's roles, but they do pay

signiticant attention to theni, creating important

changes in women's ways of engaging with their

religions and atfecting their day-to-day lives.

AT TEMPLE

Thus far, we have focused primarily on the domes- Structures of religions often relegate women to the home. In turn, the home becomes a place where women have the most religious authority and

responsibility. But women also frequently engage religion in the public sphere, including politics, the marketplace, and places of worship.Even when men and women worshp Ogether, at some places of worship, women and en are physically separated from each other. a mosque, Muslim women stand behind men 107

Part 1 Religion and Culture in the Space of Politics

female networkin in part because sister-wyve Religious undamentalist movements seek to basis, whereas opportunities for interactions

FUNDAMENTALISM

live and interact with each other on wwes reglar ng with husbands are more limited.

restore an imagined golden age of religion, which believers see as a purer, better time. These movements are responding to the rapid social changes of the modern era, often reacting to

experiences of colonialism, industrialization, or poverty. Fundamentalist movements gener ally concern themselves with women in two major ways. First, they tend to focus on womens domestic roles and attempt to limit their activ- ity in the public sphere. Second, they are usually concerned with control of women's sexuality and with sexual purity, making women's bodies into symbols of the community. Despite the restric-tiveness of fundamentalist movements, women

Wome

FEMINIST THEOLOGY

In recent decades, women around the world ha LICalk

hax employed the interpretative and organizational strategies of feminism to reform traditional relk gious practices and to create new ones. Feminit movements identity gender inequalities in sorial structures and seek to redress these inequalities Some feminist women have argued that women; daily religious practices have been limited to the home, which has kept them away from positions of power in churches, synagogues, temples, or mosques. Others have pointed to reclamation of the enormous significance of their activi- ties on the highly localized levels of family and community.

Religion scholar Mary Farrell Bednarowski has analyzed twentieth-century feminist reli gious thinking and found five common themes.valuing ambivalence in women's identities and

emin

MnISte

rom

may be drawn to fundamentalism for a variety of reasons, ranging from feelings of spiritual alien- ation to basic economic need. Den to Fundamentalist movements are not neces- sarily oppressive of women. Women may find certain kinds of freedoms through fundamen- talist religion, feel restricted by the movement, or experience a complicated mixture of freedomand restriction. In Sri Lanka, for example, Bud- dhist fundamentalism has included efforts to experiences; immanence of the sacred; seeing reslore an order of nuns and provide new reli-gious opportunities for women. Fundamental- ist Protestant women can find community and empowerment in gathering together for prayer,song, and sharing about the work of Jesus Christ in their lives.

the sacred in the ordinary world; valuing rela tionship with others; and pervasive healing of injustice and spiritual pain, as much as heahng physical bodies. These themes all retlect the taxt that womenis religious meaning-making dernestrom the messiness of daily life, more than trou rarefied prayer and contemplation.

Fundamentalist Mormon communities are an interesting case. In 1890, the orthodox Mor mon Church (Latter-Day Saints) renounced the nineteenth-century revelation directing mem- bers to engage in plural (polygynous) marriageas a key to heavenly salvation, but fundamental ists maintain the practice. These communities are patriarchal, yet women gain power through

Many women have made names for tnc" Selves as feminist theologians. Judith Plaskou and Tamar Frankiel are examples of pro Jewish feminist theologians. inent

Buddhism as a feminist. lisabeth Schüsser Rita Gross critique

theo Florenza is a leading Catholic feminb logian. Sallie McFague is a Protestant femir with theologian who is also deeply concernc

108

Whedon, Women

environmentalism. Amina Wadud has chal- daughter. Different forms of the ceremony, gen-

lenged traditional barriers by leading prayers for erally including community welcoming, nam

Feminists within established religions not Orthodox, Conservative, and Reform Judaism. women in mosques

in the United States. ing, and reciting of Scripture, are accepted in

only do interpretative work to render theology Goddess spirituality is an entire feminist move-

through a feminist lens, but they also work to

create new rituals that better serve women and

work toward women's empowerment. Liturgical tion, worship, and ecstatic experience.

change can be as simple (or complex) as chang- ing language to address female as well as male THE EXTRAORDINARY

ment that emphasizes women coming together to create new rituals for celebration, transforma-

members of a ritual community or to imagin

ing God in feminine as well as masculine ways.

Feminists have also struggled to gain greater

access to traditional ritual roles, such as those of

For some women, everyday life is not so every- day. Thus far, we have focused primarily on practices and experiences of laywomen, but we should also remember exceptional and pro fessional religious women. Women have been

ministers, nuns, gurus, shamans, priestesses, missionaries, saints, and prophets. Women can be religious leaders at the front of congregations and communities, or they can be contemplatives

for themselves. For example, the Jewish feminist and mystics who live in seclusion. Often, tak- ing on one of these extraordinary roles has been

ministers, priests, and rabbis. Even though they

have made great strides, women are still barred

from many religious leadership roles. For exam- ple, the Catholic Church continues to allow only

men to enter into the priesthood.

Women are also creating entirely new rituals

ritual simhat bat celebrates and blesses a new

RABI'AH (C. 717-801)

Rabrah is revered as one of the greatest of Sufi (Muslim) saints. She escaped the ordi-

nary expectations of women of her time and lived her daily life in extraordinary relation

Sp with God. Rabi'ah described herself as a weak woman, but a consideration of her

8raphy suggests otherwise. She had a conversion experience to Islam as a slave, and

dter, In her status as a freed slave, she had the ability to refuse marriage and did so

EVEral times, claiming that her mystical union with God prevented her from marrying

d man. Rabi'ah lived as a recluse and an ascetic, many times refusing offers of gifts. she

to have performed miracles, such as blowing on her fingertips, whicn then sned

gnt like a lamp. This saint had an intimate and assertive relationship with God, address

Enus: "My God, do kings treat a helpless woman this way? You invited me to your

Use, then killed my donkey in the middle of the journey." The men who wrote about

e were troubled by the idea that so great a religious figure could be female and

SBEested that her devotion made it inappropriate to call her a woman.

109

Part 1 Religion and Culture in the Space of Politics

the only way for women to escape their culture's

restrictive demands that they become wives and

mothers.

most iltures, it is natural to ask wheth life. The answer is that it has the possibili and power to do both. Careful examinatior of

and the

ether rel rsens the conditions of dail. gion improves or

If we were to study extraordinary religious women, we might want to know about the ancient Greek ecstatics known as the Maenads;

medieval Christian nmystics, such as Hildegard of

Bingen; Muslim saints, such as Rabiah; or mod- ern religious innovators, such as Ann Lee and Mary Baker Eddy. We might also wish to know about the far less famous women whose religious calling causes them to guide and minister to con-

gregations and other communities every day.

religiov religious lives of women in different and cultural contexts helps us see the nuan of these daily negotiations of power, privileg piety, prayer, and prophecy.

GLOSSARY

Biological Determinism: Argument that wom. anhood is shaped primarily by bodies-hor mones, physical features, and reproductive capacities. Distinguished from social construc tivism (see entry).

CONCLUSION

Religion is a powerful force in women's life courses, shaping their experiences of their bod- ies, their sexuality, their families and communi- ties, and their identities. Myths, symbols, and rituals help them orient themselves in the world and tell stories about who they are as women in relationship to other people, the divine, and the natural world.

Feminism: Social and political movements to identify and redress social inequalities between men and women. Feminist theology is the reli- gious arm of feminist thought. Fundamentalism: Conservative movement within any religion that seeks to return to the

fundamentals" of that religion.

Sometimes it is religion that creates or reinforces women's suffering, and sometimes it is religion that provides the antidote and the opportunity for freedom through salvation, self-determination, or spiritual authority. Reli- gion can dictate how to be a wife and a motherand how to maintain a home ritually in right relationship to the divine. At the same time, reli- gion can provide the tools for women to changetheir life courses, reorganize their relationships,bring new messages from the divine to their communities, and break out of existing structures that pattern sacred and profane spaces.If we accept the assertion that women have been structurally in subordinated positions in

Intersectionality: The idea that women and n experiences of oppression are best described oy the intersections of their social circumstances

gender, race, class, religion, age, and so o in

Patriarchy: Hierarchical social struet which men generally hold more

power than

women. wom

Soclal Constructivism: Argument anhood is shaped primarily by society

deals.

structures as well as cultural and religious

Distinguished from biological determinism

(See

entry).

110

Whedon, Women

Grifith, R. Marie. God's Daughters: Evangelical Women and the Power of Submission. Berke-

ley: University of California Press, 1997. minatn FOR FURTHER READING

Ahmed, Leila. Women and Gender in Islam. New Sered, Susan Starr. Priestess, Mother, Sacred Sis

ter: Religions Dominated by Women. New

York: Oxford University Press, 1994. Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992.

Bednarowski, Mary Farrell. The Religious Imagi-

nation of American Women. Bloomington: Sharma, Arvind, ed. Women in World Religions. Indiana University Press, 1999. Albany: State University of New York Press,

1987. Eller, Cynthia. Living in the Lap of the God dess: The Feminist Spirituality Movement in Young, Serinity, ed. An Anthology of Sacred Texts

America. Boston: Beacon, 1993. by and about Women. New York: Crossroad, 1993. ent thav Falk, Nancy Auer, and Rita M. Gross. Unspoken

Worlds: Women's Religious Lives. 3rd ed. Bel-

mond, CA: Wadsworth, 2001. bodi reprode ial cn

Ovemen

ties benre

yis the:

mor

Nandt

O 0

111