Discussion 2

CHAPTER 6

Advertising Choices

Influences of Stereotypes and Taste

I am sure I can't define good taste any more successfully than our highest courts can. Indeed, when one goes to the theatre or to the movies, he must wonder if there are any bounds at all. Compared to that, advertising language has almost the: moral purity of a Gregorian Chant.

-A. J. Seaman

Much of the actual "work" of advertising and advertising agencies involves choices: choices regarding whom to target, which media to purchase, or whether the magazine advertisement will be single page or a spread. To create an advertisement, advertising pro� fessionals make dozens of choices . All these choices made during the development qf an advertising campaign help in the creation of the meanings of the advertisement. Thus, all choices can be important. and all choices can potentially have societal effects that go beyond the goal of the advertising message itself.

In this chapter, we discuss two specific choices that advertising agency str,ategists, art directors, and copywriters make during the development of advertising campaigns, and we examine how advertising professionals select specific imagery and messages that can shape societal beliefs. First, we investigate the role of stereotypes in advertising messages and in society. Second, we examine how some agency personnel choose to "push the enve� lope" in terms of propriety by selecting messages and imagery that may be perceived by some as in.appropriate and in poor taste. We look at how questions of taste are viewed by the public and can be addressed by advertisers.

STEREOTYPES IN ADVERTISING

The term stereotype originated as a printing term: A. stereotype was originally a metal print� ing �late that was cast from a mold of a raised printing surface. It is much closer to what

74

CHAPTER 6 Advertising Choices 7 5

we think of as a photocopy today. In that way, then, the term stereotype is value free: It denotes neither a positive nor a negative characteristic. Today, we define stereotypes as one group's generalized and widely accepted beliefs about the personal attributes of members of another group. The essence of a stereotype is the perception that every person who belongs to the group is a generic exemplum of a type rather than a unique individual (Tuylor & Stern, 1997, p. 48).

We use the term stereotype today in a descriptive way that may have either positive or negative connotations (To.ylor & Stern, 1997). These connotations derive from the quantita­ tive and qualitative components of each specific stereotype. The quantitative aspect comes into play when we consider that most stereotypes originate because some proportion of a specific population is reflected in the stereotype. For example, take the following two statements:'

1. Children love to play with toys.

2. Women love to shop. '

If we think of the definition of a stereotype given earlier, we see that both statements could be defined as stereotypes. However, individuals would rarely describe the first state­ ment as a stereotype but more as a statement of fact. The second statement might be seen as a stereotype because it treats all women as a generic exemplum of a type (shoppers). The problem, though, is that the second statement is not completely true. You have prob­ ably met at least one woman who does not like to shop. In fact, we could probably state that both statements are false because there may be a child somewh�re that does not love to play with toys. To state the phrases correctly, we would have to say that most children love to play with toys or some women love to shop. As we quantitativ_ely assess the propor­ tion of the population that meets the statement, we can judge the quantitative component of the stereotype. By not including some indication of the size of .the specific group, then, the statement suggests stereotypical behavior.

The qualitative aspect involves the context under which the statement is made. The term stereotype has a negative connotation today. If we are celebrating the freedom and carefree nature of childhood, we see the first statement positively and may not think of it as a ste­

reotype. If we are suggesting that shopping is a wasteful and unproductive activity, we might see the second statement about women as stereotypical. When we see the charac­ terization in a negative context, the stereotype takes on an unfavorable nature. When a characterization is used in a positive context, we may not always see it as a stereotype (Dobzynski, 2000).

We can better evaluate the quantitative and qualitative aspects of stereotypes in the advertising context and the roles of stereotypes in society by thinking about stereotypes from three different perspectives:

1. The range of stereotypes presented in advertising messages

2. The valence of stereotypes presented for a specific group

3. The frequency of the portrayals of each stereotype

We will discuss each of these individually.

·t(<_�- ;,c

,·,·

76 CONTROVERSIES IN CONTEMPORARY I\DVERTISING

Range of Stereotypes

If you watch television for half an hour, you will be able to develop a list of what you would consider stereotypes in both the programming content and the content of commer­ cials. For example, a recent six-commercial block on a single television program presented the following stereotypes: the supermom. the computer geek, the trendy youth, the good dad, the dumb blonde, and the frat boy. It is likely that these descriptors have painted an image in your mind of the specific people in the advertisements and may even suggest the types of products that were advertised in the commercials featuring the characters.

Why do advertisements use so many stereotypes? Advertisements present brief dra� matic stories with a message (i.e .. a se�ling message) in a very short time period. For example, television commercials take place in 30 seconds, and most print advertisements fit into a single page of a magazine. Since stereotypes are considered the "coin of the realm of the dramatic arts" (Lerner, 2001, p. I 6), using stereotypes in advertising messages quickly sets the stage for the messages: Stereotypes convey characters and images quickly and clearly.

Although the term stereotype has a negcltive connotation today, some stereotypes pres� ent positive images of a specific group ?f individuals, whereas other stereotypes present negative images. We will discuss some of these images in the upcoming chapters. At its best, advertising presents a range of images of one group of people. Therefore, people view­ ing the commercials do not think of indfvidl:lals in that group as being one�dirnensional but rather see individuals in the group as all being alike. For example. women between the ages of 20 and 30 are seen frequently in advertisements for a range of products and services. A variety of portrayals of this group are seen: executive, mom, student, artist, and so on.

Women over age 40, though, are seen much less frequently in commercials. When they appear, older women are often portrayed as suffering from medical problems. Although some older women do fit this c�tegory, many others do not. Since a limited range of por� trayals of older women is presented, we do not get a true picture of older women in sqciety from advertising messages.

Valence of Portrayals

Valence refers to the emotional significance of any given portrayal. To sta'te it another way, we often connect positive or negative values to stereotypes. We choose the value depending on the context in which the specific stereotype appears and given the other types of images we see. For example, when you look at the advertisements in Figures 6.1 and 6.2, who do you think the woman is? Both headlines spell it out: these are moms. These images appearing in a magazine like Good Housekeeping are likely to be perceived positively by the magazine's readers because many readers-can persooally relate to the image of the mom as nurturer. When the stereotyped attributes are positive, they can make a very quick linkage between an emotion (the pride of being a good mom) and an action (packing a healthy lunch with Tum-E Yummies or taking Nyquil). Thus, advertisements suggest behaviors for people who see themselves as emulating the stereotype (Lerner, 2001).

When we think of stereotypes as negative, we are thinking about the context, or the qualitative aspect. Many believe that stereotypes are problematic because they have the

F

CHAPTER 6 Advertising Choices 7 7

Figure 6.1 The mom buying Tum-E Yummies "earned big points toward Mom of the year."

ability to reduce people or objects to classes based on inferences that are made from an

individual or social context (Vanden Bergh & Katz. 1999, p. 67). For example. if a working

woman picks up Good Housekeeping in the dentist's waiting room and sees a number of

"good mom" portrayals in the advertisements, she may think that society believes her place

is in the home, not in the office. She may feel that society chastises her for breaking with

tradition by working full time, or she may feel guilty for not being as good a mom as the ad

suggests she could be. In this way, the portrayal may be negative.

Frequency of Portrayals

The idea or concept of a range of portrayals is very important to consider when contem�

plating stereotypes. A single advertisement or any onetime portrayal of a group will not

create a stereotype. The continued reinforcement of information about a group develops the

l

•

•

78 CONTROVERSIES IN CONTEMPOR/\RY /\DVERTISING

Figure 6.2 Mom takes Nyquil so she can be "dress-up Mommy."

DON'T LET A COLD TAKE AWAY. DRESS UP MOMMY,

.... ..... , __ ..,., ,.,,. c.J ,J •• • " -' .,_,-c �- " ,.,,,,.;,"'-"'

,._.,

stereotype. In post-World War II America, for example, the majority of adult women were homemakers. In a 30-year period, though. the number of working women increased to 50% of all adult women. As women accepted and reveled in their new roles outside the home, advertising continued to portray women as homemakers and rarely recognized that women

had roles other than the traditional role at home. Advertising messages continue to portray women in this homemaker role, even when statistics prove the quantitative aspect of the

stereotype to be untrue. Such portrayals continue to irk many women to this day.

1f we see a range of portrayals for a single group. and we are consistently exposed to a range of portrayals. stereotyping is generally not a problem. lt is when we see a single

portrayal consistently. to the exclusion of other images. that the stereotype moves to an

exemplum-that is, a single-faceted representation of a group. An incessant recurrence of

a single depiction throughout mass media content, coupled with the paucity of compensat­

ing images. marks the depiction as a stereotype. Seeing one single, consistent portrayal of

t '

i

CHAPTER 6 Advertising Choices 79

a group of people can affect how we perceive all members of the stereotyped group, either while we are creating advertising messages or when we encounter members of the group in the real world.

Let us consider the "good mom" stereotype again. In terms of the frequency of the por­ trayal. we would ask-how often we see the "good mom" stereotype relative to other depic­ tions of women in advertisements. If the only image we see is the "good mom" stereotype, we may come to think that women should only be found in the home. This could have the effect of limiting the roles of women in society.

As illustrated earlier, the individual most powerfully affected by a stereotype is the per­ son targeted by the stereotype. Studies have shown that if you have knowledge of how others stereotype people who are part of your own demographic group, you will start act-· ing that way. An experiment exposed selected groups of individuals to stereotypical imag­ ery about their groups (e.g., blonde women are stupid, elders are forgetful) and then had them perform a series of intellectual and physical tasks. Those exposed to stereotypical images of their groups did worse on the tasks than those who were not exposed to the stereotype!; (Begeley, 2000). This study suggests that if no one reminds you of a stereotype about your specific group, you will not be affected by the stereotype.

The real power of stereotypes is their ability to change the behavior of the person hold­ ing the stereotype. Begeley illustrates this with an observation about women. He suggests that one stereotype of women shows them strongly affected by premenstrual syndrome (PMS), a hormonal fluctuation that naturally occurs during a woman's monthly cycle. Begeley (2000) writes, ,,·if you think women are ninnies ruled by hormonal swings, you don't name them CEO" (p. 67).

HOW STEREOTYPES WORK

How do stereotypes work in our society in general? Three specific theories help to describe the process by which stereotypes c_reate imagery among groups of people.

Cultivation Theory

How have stereotypes become so powerful? George Gerbner's Cultivation Theory attempts to describe the power of media in our culture. Media are

the most ubiquitous wholescilers of social roles in industrial societies. Mass media form the common_ mainstream of contemporary culture. They present a steady, repetitive and compelling system of images and messages .... This unprecedented condition has a profound effect on the way we are socialized into our roles. (Gerbner, 1993, p. 25)

The two main concepts within this theory are mainstreaming and resonance.

Mainstreaming, according to Rosenberry and Vicker (2009), describes how people from different social groups will come together to share a common perception as a result of their

80 CONTROVERSIES IN CONTEMPORI\RY ADVERTISING

exposure to television. This idea suggests that viewing of media messages of all types ,

including advertising, can be a gr eat equalizer of op inions and perce ptions across vastly

different social groups. Resonance ,

according to Rosenberry and Vick.er (2009) ,

describes

how some images can have a gr eater imp act for p eop le whose real life reflects that which

is shown in the media. This means that if the messages the media are showing happen to

reflect what certain groups think is true ,

they are going to be more affected by them than

those whose l ives are drastically different.

Specifically with regard to image r y on television ,

Gerbner sugg ests that there is a pattern

of setting, casting, social typin g, actions, and related outcomes that cuts across most pro­ gram types and defines the world of television (Gerbner

, Gross

, Morg an

, & Sig norelli

, 1986

, p. 19). The medium of television is seen as one of the strongest cultivation agents in society. Perse suggests that television creates an idea of mainstream life that homog enizes the out­ looks and social reality beliefs of vi ewers in a direction consistent with television context.

What we see on televi sion, then ,

becomes a strong part in our worldview. Television Can _

do

this because it is consistent in its deviation from reality (PerSe & Ferguson, 1994) .. For

example ,

people who watch a lot of television are mor e likely than others to exp ress sex­ stereotyped beliefs such as m en are breadwinners and women are nurturers. This is

because television consistently provides such stereotyp ical images to its viewers (Perse &

Ferguson ,

l 994).

Social Identity Theory

Social Identity Theory suggests that everyone strives to belong to a group, and once an

individual belongs to a group, he or she sees that group as the "in-group" and other groups

at the "out-groups." Tojfel and Turner (1979) proposed that there are three mental processes

involved in evaluating others as "us" or "them" (i.e_, "in�group" and "out-group." Individuals

first categorize people using social categor ies that divide people by things like race, occupa­

tion, nationality, and religion. It also recognizes that, for better or worse, individuals relate

certain types of behavior to each category. Individuals then engage in a process called

social identification, where indivi duals adopt the identity of the group with which they

identify. If a student changes his or her major from biology to theater, it is likely that this

student will begin to act in the ways he or she believes theater act (and conform to the

norms of the group). One's self¥esteem will become bound up with group membership.

Finally, individuals engage in social comparison where we compare our own group (what

we consider the in-group to other groups (or what we consider the out-group). If self­ esteem is to be maintained, our group needs to compare favorably with other groups. This

is critical to understanding prejudice, because once two groups identify themselves as

rivals, they are forced to compete in order for the members to maintain rheir selfesteem.

Expectancy Theory

Recall that we earlier suggested that one power of a stereotype is that it makes someone

act differently. This is captured in Expectancy Theory, which suggests that advertising

portrayals build or reinforce expectations and influence social reality. If advertising stereo•

types specific groups of people in certain ways, persons in the group will start to act that

,,

y

s

CHAPTER 6 Advertising Choices 81

way because it is expected of them. You could take this to the next step and say that if we present a stereotype (e.g., good mom) and associate a product with it (e.g.,Jif peanut butter). we can make a somewhat effortless connection and a meaningful advertising promise: If a woman wants to be a good mom, she will buy Jif peanut butter.

If expectancy theory is valid, then the use of stereotypes hinders one's view of any indi­ vidual as a complete person. The mass media's use of stereotypes suggests that the mass media will rarely portray men and women (or African Americans, Caucasians, or Hispanics) as complete people with full and meaningful lives (Lerner, 2001). The "good mom" stereo­ type, for example, suggests that women have a very specific purpose in their lives focused on the home and the family. In reality, a good mom may also be running a Fortune 500 company while keeping children healthy. However, the time and space limitations of adver­ tising do not allow this complete representation to be provided in a single message.

Obviously, such stereotypes can affect how each of us· feels about ourselves: whether we are doing what is right, whether we will be accepted by others, and whether we are fulfilling the roles expected. of us in society. Expectancy theory also suggests that we develop a worldview of different groups of people who are not like us (whether they are

younger or older, a different gender or a different race, or simply living in a different part of the country) through the images we see in the media, including advertising. Depending on our lifestyles and how much media we are exposed to, we may see a wide range of images of different groups of people or a very limited range of portrayals of the group.

How Stereotypes Affect Advertising Messages

Do stereotypes work in advertising? The answer is, It depends. If people in the target audience relate positively to a stereotypical portrayal, the portrayal may help sell the prod­ uct. If people in the target audience create opinions about groups of people other than the group that they are in, and these opinions put the stereotyped group into a negative light, a stereotyped portrayal could be problematic. Although we can all recognize stereotypes that are blatantly offensive, how we view other portrayals depends on the taste and sensi­ tivity of members of the target audience. For example, many advertisements targeted to women portray husbands and fathers as incompetent around the home. Women may laugh at these portrayals, but men viewing the same commercials may be less amused.

A type of advertising called recursive advertising turns stereotypes on their ears. Athletic shoe manufacturer Reebok's campaign for it� women's product line features women watch­ ing a televised football game while a man cleans up after them. In another spot, a group of men entertain during a women's basketball game time-out. These ads are meant to poke fun at other advertisers' use of stereotypes or marketing techniques (Voegele, 2002). While the spot makes fun of traditional femalefmale roles, we must ask whether such advertising really does anything to change them. Does this type of adverdsing merely promote the tra­ ditional stereotypes that currently exist? Is it, as Reebok suggests, really a woman's world?

In the riext several chapters, we will discuss portrayals of men and women, minorities, children, and elders in advertising. At the end of each chapter, we will provide ways for you to think about portrayals as you develop advertising campaigns both in school and in the future. From this chapter, though, you should be able to tell that as an advertiser, you will probably not be able to avoid using stereotyping, but you should be sure that you present

82 CONTROVERSIES IN CONTEMPORARY ADVERTISING

a range of images in your body of work. Throughout the chapters ahead. we will continu­ ally admonish you not to take the easy way out. Rather, think about unique and interesting images of all types of people that will resonate with individuals in your target audience. Take women out of the kitchen, strip men of their pinstripe suits, and try to present imag� ery that is more complex in the ads you create. One way to do this is by recursive advertis� ing, and another way is to get outside.and look at the huge variety of people on the street during any given day. Understand more about the complexities of these individuals and use that knowledge to create better advertising that resonates with target audiences.

Of course, advertisers are always concerned with breaking through the clutter. Certainly, recursive advertising gets attention if for no other reason than it causes us to reevaluate the stereotypical ideas that we each have in our minds anct·memories. Advertising, as you know, is challenged to be fresh, to be exciting, and to attract attention, as well as to convince fickle media audiences not to turn the page or change the channel. This leads to all kinds of tech­ niques that some may find problematic. particularly with regard to taste and advertising.

SENSITIVITY, TASTE, AND ADVERTISING

Advertisers have an obligation to be aware that many consumers may find the use of cer� tain stereotypes questionable and possibly even offensive. This use of stereotyped images ·edges onto the slippery slope of sensitivity and taste in advertiSing messages. In general, advertisers need to routinely examine and evaluate imagery and language that they use to determine how consumers are affected by the messages, both in terms of the meaning consumers derive from the messages and the overall appropriateness of the strategic approach. In particular, any messages that may cross the fuzzy boundaries of good taste should be closely evaluated.

How do We know when this boundary is crossed? Bob Garfield, a populJr writer at the trade magazine Advertising Age, wrote that "there is nothing crass about commercialism: there are only times when commercialism seems crass. T his is why there are no billboards in cemeteries" (Garfield , 2001a, p. 29). Images that are shocking, disrespectful, or out-and­ out disgusting must be evaluated within the context of where they w'ill appear, in terms of both the advertising channel and the market. The sensibilities of the target audience who will see the message must also be considered. This recognizes that a message that is com� pletely appropriate to one target audience (e.g .. men aged 18 to 24) may be inappropriate for another (e.g .. women aged 65 and older).

The challenge to any discussion of sensitivity and taste is that each individual has his or her own ideas of what constitutes "good" and "bad" taste. If you ask any number of different indi� victuals what they consider tasteful or distasteful, you are likely to get unique answers from each of them. Van Bake! (200!) suggests that advertising mirrors a culture. and thus. it should reflect the dominant tone of a culture. When cultural icons include such controversial individuals as Eminem and Tom Green, the dominant tone can become quite crude (Van Bakel, 2001 ).

This is not to say that certain individuals and groups do not try to quantify good and bad taste. The Wall Street journal once attempted to draft guidelines for journal advertisers that ?: � would describe the types of imagery that cross the line of decency and taste. In addition. it

CHAPTER 6 Advertising Choices 83

considered creating a review board to screen submitted advertising to see if advertisements met the guidelines. Many organizations. including the Association of American Advertising Agencies (AAAA), the American Advertising Federation (AAF), the Association of National Advertisers (ANA), the Magazine Publishers of America (MPA), and the Newspaper Associa­ tion of America (NAA), all agreed that the Wall Street journal's plans were not feasible. This decision was based on the perception that decency and taste are more a matter of indi­ vidual choice than industry policy (Elliott, 2001).

The growth of social media allows consumers to publicly state which ads are offensive and which are not marketers who keep track on these conversations have to make some hard decisions based on these conversations. In an interview for the Advertising and Society

Review, the president and CEO of the National Advertising Review Council, said,

Social media has really expanded the impact of offending a substantial group of consumers. One recent ad, I think it was a Superbowl ad, involved a humorous take on a machine committing suicide. There was an immediate outcry about the ad. I think that the ad only ran one or rwo times and was then pulled, even though the coAipany had spent a substantial amount of money producing the ad. That kind of buzz was not one any company wanted. There have been multiple exam­ ples of that. I'm sure if you did a Google search of Ad Age, you'd find five or ten instances every year where the advertiser goes over the line and they hear back from the public very loudly and very quickly. (Peeler and Scott, 2012)

Advertising tends to be the first medium to jump on national trends (Valenti, 2001). It is one way that advertisers can find ways to push the envelope and break thro:ugh the clutter. Given this, how can advertisers make good decisions and wise choices about taste in terms of imagery, depictions, stereotypes, and the like? Keith Reinhard, chief executive officer of DDB Needham Worldwide, gave a speech at a meeting of advertising agencies that provided ideas for agency personnel to consider with regard to taste. Specifically, Reinhard (2001) suggested that advertisers consider issues of intent, relevance. context, "and pride.

Intent

First, Reinhard (2001) suggested that advertisers ask themselves about the intent of each advertisement. Specifically, advertisers should determine what the advertisement is designed to do. Most advertisements are designed to sell products, build brands, and communicate other types of information. Other advertisements, however, may have a purpose not directly related to the product but may be designed to shock people, to win an award, or to create a contro­ versy. This latter group of advertisements may be stepping on the boundaries of bad taste.

Fashion brands often look for shock value in advertising to make them seem cutting edge. For example, an ad for Bulgari (Figure 6.3) featured actress Julianne Moore in the nude, Bulgari handbags and jewelry, and baby lions. The ad ran in numerous international fashion maga� zines, yet it was banned from being displayed as an outdoor poster in St. Marks Square in Venice, Italy. The mayor of Venice, Giorgio Orson. called the image too racy and inappropriate for St. Mark's Square. The president of the Venice Foundation added, "I take account of the fact

84 CONTROVERSIES IN CONTEMPORARY I\DVERTIS!NG

Figure 6.3 Bulgari's ad with Julianne Moore was appropriate for fashion magazines, but not for an outdoor board.

that Venice is part of the real word. . but we cannot accept these Hollywood�style images. There are intelligent sponsors, and we need to come up with advertising that suits Venice, not Times Square ('"Venice Bans 'Risque" Handbag Billboard," 2010).

Relevance

The relevance question asks how the advertising content is related to the product and to the target. A relevant ad is placed appropriately for its target; an irrelevant ad is not and may be problematic. For example, an ad for Antonio Federici ice cream that ran in several British ads featured a pregnant nun about to indulge in ice cream while in a church (Figure 6.4). The tagline reads, "Immaculately conceived�ice cream is our religion." The ad was banned on the eve of the Pope's visit to Britain in 2010, amid worries over its appropriateness relative to the timing of the placement and amid worries of a perceived decline in moral values in the United Kingdom. The British Advertising Standards Authority (/\SI\) said in its ruling,

We coµ��dered the use of a nun pregnant through immaculate conception was likely to be seen as a distortion and mockery of the beliefs of Roman Catholics. We

FigurE

ContE

CHAPTER 6 Advertising Choices - 8 5

Figu re.6.4 Anto nio Fe derici's Ice Cre am ad.wa s ban n ed prior to the Pope' s vi s it to t heUnited Kingdom.

concluded that to use such an imag e in a lig ht h ea rted w a y to advertise ice cream was likely to cause serious offence to rea ders , pa rt ic u l

a r l

y th ose w ho

p ractised t he Roman Catholic faith. (BBC. 2010

)

The ASA in the United Kingdom also· banned a na d fo

r Samsung phones that featured a cartoon character of a winkingJesus givi ng a t

hum bs�up to t h

e h e

ad li

ne, w hich react "Miraculous Deals on Samsung Galaxy Android Pho n es." Giv en t h

at the ad ran during the Easter holiday, consumers complained that the acts m o cke d re l

ig ion

(" W

in ki ng Jesus

P h one

A d

vert," 2 0

1 1) .

Context

Questions of context cons ider not on ly w hat is sa id

in t h

e message but also where the message wiII appear. The Bulgari advertisem en ts discu ss ed ear lier were see n as qu estionable

I,.

86 CONTROVERSIES IN CONTEMPORARY ADVERTISING

Pride

to present in an outdoor setting, such as a billboard or a taxi top. Another example was an unfortunate billboard placement for the television show The Walking Dead (Figure 6.5), which features a storyline about zombies. The billboard was placed next door to a funeral home in the United Kingdom. Both the cable system airing the program and the agency placing the ad apologized for the placement.

Questions of pride evaluate an individual's own personal feelings about the message that he or she has created. At the micro level, an individual working at an agency needs to ask himself or herself, Would I be proud to sign my name to the ad? To tell people I did the ad? How would I feel about showing an ad to my parents or grandparents? At the .mesa level, agencies need to question how far they are willing to go to bat for the ad. Your convic� tion to the message is essential for the message to be made. As an advertiser, you need to take responsibility for your choices.

CHOICES IN ADVERTISING

When advertisers make choices in questionable taste, the messages rn.ay (and often do) succeed in cre�ting awareness, generating attention, and gaining publicity fo.r their clients. However, the reason that these messages succeed is not because they are so highly creative

Figure 6.5 This billboard ad for the Walking Dead was thoughtlessly posted.

CHAPTER 6 Advertising Ch6ices 8 7

but rather because most other advertising messages play by the rules in terms of taste and decency. If every advertiser employed crude innuendo and used imagery in questionable taste, taking the "high road" would be seen as an innovative way to approach an advertising problem (Fletcher, 2001).

The great advertising copywriter Bill Bernbach once said, "all of us who professionally use the mass media are the shapers of society. We can vulgarize society. We can brutalize it. Or we can help lift it onto a higher level" (Van Bake!, 2001, p. 4). Keith Reinhard (2000) echoes these sentiments when he says that advertising should not only be informative and/ or entertaining, but it should also remind people of ways to make their lives better. This may cause advertising agencies to make some tough choices; however, to echo Bernbach, "a principle isn't a principle until it costs you money" (Reinhard, 2000).

SUMMARY

Jn this chapter, we discussed in general terms concerns about stereotyping and taste in advertising messages. We provided ways to think about the _effects of such messages on consumers. In the next four chapters, we will examine imagery in advertising directed to and featuring men and women, ethnic groups, elders, and children. Refer back to this chapter when analyzing the arguments and the advertisements presented in later chapters to better understand these issues as they are presented.

Cultivation Theory 79 Expectancy Theory 80 MainstreamJ,ng 79

Recursive advertising 81 · Social Identity

Theory 80

Stereotype 7 4 Valence 76

I. Ad agency people often hear from consumers who don't like a certain ad. What should the response �e? How does one know if a criticism is a valid criticism? Does a negative comment on social media hold a different amount of weight than a negative letter?

2. Watch an hour of television and identify what types of stereotypes you see in commercials. How problematic do you find stereotypical portrayal'? Is your reference group (i.e., college students) portrayed in an appropriate way?

3. Are all stereotypes problematic, or are certain stereotypes ok'?

4. Have you experienced mainstreaming as defined by cultivation theory? In what context?

8

8

CONTRO VERS IE S IN CON TEMPOR AR Y ADVERTISING

-- -- ------ --- ---- --- -

B ecke r. G. (1998). Accounting for tastes. Cambridge. MA; Harvard Univ ersi t y Press .

Kahnem an, D. (2012). Thinking fast and slow. New York, NY: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.

Ne uhaus, J. (2011). Hous ework and housewives in Am er ic an advertising: Marr ied to th e

mop. New Yor

k ,

N Y:

Palgr ave Ma cm illa n.