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Chapter 7

Choose Your Parents Carefully: Social Class, Post-secondary Education, and Occupational Outcomes

By Harvey Krahn

<H1>Introduction

Advances in the science of genetics have made it possible for parents to pre-select the sex of their children

(Wertz and Fletcher 1998). With cloning specialists shifting their attention from the animal world to the human

species, it may be only a matter of time before someone chooses to bring a copy of her- or himself into exist-

ence. While the ethical implications of such actions need to be seriously debated (Harris 1997), science has

brought us to the point where parents literally can choose their children. What if the laws of time and physics

could be reversed and we could choose our parents? Given the opportunity, whom would you choose? Famous

parents? Gorgeously beautiful parents? A loving, caring mother and father? Someone who would get off your

back? This chapter concludes that, if you are concerned about your own educational and career future, and if

you really could select your parents, you would clearly benefit from making them better educated and more af-

fluent.

<H1>Social Class and Life Chances

Over the past century, sociologists from different theoretical camps have debated the extent to which social

class—one’s position in an economic hierarchy defined by occupation, education, or income—affects people’s

life chances (Grabb 2007). There has generally been agreement that, compared with their working-class coun-

terparts, middle-class North Americans and Europeans enjoy a more comfortable and worry-free existence, tend

to live longer and healthier lives (Wilkinson and Pickett 2010; Raphael 2011), fare better in the criminal justice

system (King and Winterdyk 2010), and are more likely to pass such advantages on to their children (Turcotte

2011).

Even so, some have argued that the importance of social class in Western industrial societies has declined.

The rapid expansion of colleges and universities during the 1960s and 1970s allowed many talented young peo-

ple, including some born into poor families, to acquire post-secondary credentials and, thus, move into better-

paying professional careers. On the basis of this and related trends, Daniel Bell (1973) argued that, in post-in-

dustrial society, rigid social inequalities based on accidents of birth (e.g., were you born into a wealthy or a poor

family?) were replaced by more fluid and less severe income differences based on educational attainment. More

recently, social theorists such as Anthony Giddens (1991) and Ulrich Beck (1992) have suggested that the rapid

social and economic change characteristic of globalized, postmodern society have provided young people with

more opportunities to shape their own destinies, even though postmodern society has also generated more risks.

In short, the argument goes, social class is no longer as relevant an explanation of social inequality as it once

was; rather, it has become “an increasingly outmoded concept” (Clark and Lipset 1991: 397).

However, the labour market in Western industrial societies has been changing in recent decades, and many

full-time, well-paying, and secure jobs have been replaced by much more precarious (e.g., part-time, temporary,

lower-paying) forms of employment (Vosko 2005; Kalleberg 2011; Krahn et al. 2015). Researchers examining

the connections between individuals’ educational accomplishments and their family of origin have continued to

report persistent patterns of intergenerational reproduction of social inequality. Specifically, young people from

more advantaged backgrounds are more likely to finish high school (Tanner et al. 1995) and succeed in the

post-secondary education system (Davies and Guppy 1997; Knighton and Mirza 2002; Lehmann 2007; Turcotte

2011; Bukodi and Goldthorpe 2013; Frenette and Chan 2015). The most obvious explan-ation is that wealthier

parents can pay for better and more post-secondary education.

In addition, children from more advantaged backgrounds are less likely to participate in non-academic (vo-

cational) secondary school programs that typically leave graduates without the high school credits required for

university entrance (Taylor and Krahn 2009). This “streaming” may be a function of teachers and advisers

providing more encouragement and advice to middle-class youth compared with their less advantaged peers. It

may also reflect the educational choices of working-class youth, who typically report lower educational and oc-

cupational aspirations (Andres et al. 1999) than do their middle-class peers. The latter are more likely chal-

lenged by parents and teachers to “aim higher.”

Related to these patterns is the differential distribution of cultural capital (Bourdieu 1986). Children from

more affluent backgrounds are more likely to have been exposed to the experiences (e.g., preschool education, a

“book” culture in the home, exposure to the fine arts) and beliefs (e.g., “You have to get a university degree to

be successful in life”) that are valued in the formal education system (Sullivan 2001) and, so, are more likely to

enjoy and do well in high school and university (Lehmann 2007, 2014). In contrast, working-class youth with-

out such advantages are more likely to do poorly.

Thus, despite the observations of those who forecasted the declining relevance of social class, research

clearly shows that social class continues to matter. The most convincing evidence comes from longitudinal stud-

ies that track individuals as they move into, through, and out of the formal educational system into their adult

occupational careers. The rest of this chapter discusses research findings from a unique longitudinal study that

tracked the educational and occupational ambitions and experiences of a large sample of Canadians over a 25-

year period, from when they were completing high school in 1985 until they were 43 years old in 2010.

<H1>Research Design

The Edmonton Transitions Study (ETS) began in 1985 with a survey of 983 high school seniors from six differ-

ent Edmonton high schools located in both middle- and working-class sections of the city.1 Since most of these

young people were born in 1967, they would be considered part of “Generation X,” while their parents would

have been early “baby boomers” (Krahn and Galambos 2014). Survey participants (17 or 18 years old) com-

pleted questionnaires in class in May and early June, before they wrote their final examinations. Follow-up sur-

veys were conducted by mail in 1986, 1987, 1989, and 1992 (by now, study participants were 25 years old, on

average). In each follow-up survey, only those individuals who had participated in the previous wave of data

collection were contacted.

In 1999 (ETS sample members were now 32 years old), yet another follow-up survey was conducted, this

time by telephone, since many of the postal addresses recorded in 1992 were out of date. This survey attempted

to interview as many of the baseline (1985) respondents as possible, whether or not they had participated in all

four intervening waves of data collection. In 2010, when ETS sample members were in early midlife (43 years

old, on average), a seventh survey involving both telephone and web survey technologies, was completed, again

targeting all of the 1985 original study participants. In total, 405 ETS respondents were interviewed in 2010 (41

per cent of the complete 1985 sample).2 Almost all of the non-participants in the 2010 study could not be lo-

cated or, if located, could not be reached by telephone, e-mail, or Facebook, despite repeated attempts. Very

few (only 6 per cent of the potential respondents) refused to participate in the 2010 survey after being con-

tacted.3

<H2>2010 Sample Characteristics

Fifty-three per cent (n = 213) of the 405 ETS respondents (in 2010) were female, and 47 per cent (n = 192) were

male. Eighty-six per cent had been born in Canada, while 14 per cent were immigrants, much like the propor-

tion of immigrants in the city of Edmonton in the mid-1980s. Ten per cent of those who answered the survey

question about race indicated that their mother was either Aboriginal or a member of another visible minority

group, and a similar proportion said the same about their father’s racial origin.4

Thirty-seven per cent of the 2010 ETS sample members (who had answered this question in 1985) indicated

that their mother had acquired at least some post-secondary education; 16 per cent said their mother had a uni-

versity degree. Half of the 2010 respondents reported that their father had participated in the post-secondary

system following high school, with 28 per cent indicating that their father had completed university.5 In total, 29

per cent of the 2010 ETS sample members reported that at least one of their parents had completed a university

degree. In the following analyses (all of them based on the 405 ETS sample members who responded in 2010),

this simple binary variable—whether or not at least one parent had completed a university degree—is used to

measure family socio-economic status (SES), a proxy for the concept of social class.

<H1>Socio-economic Status (SES) and Education Values

When first surveyed in 1985, the 18-year-old study participants were asked to indicate how much they agreed or

disagreed (on a 1–5 scale where 1 meant “strongly disagree” and 5 meant “strongly agree”) with a range of

statements about different aspects of education and work. In total, almost three out of four (73 per cent) of the

2010 sample members agreed (scores of 4 or 5) that “overall, I have enjoyed my time in high school.” While

ETS participants from higher SES families were somewhat more likely to agree (79 per cent) than were those

whose parent(s) had not completed university (70 per cent), the difference between the two groups was not sta-

tistically significant.6

While this first statement focused on individuals’ personal reaction to school, a second changed the topic to

whether or not they felt it would be useful for future employment. More than three-quarters (78 per cent) of the

2010 ETS sample agreed that “continuing my education will help me get a good job.” There was virtually no

difference between sample members from higher SES (79 per cent agreed) and lower SES families (77 per cent

agreed), although those with university-educated parents were a little more likely to “strongly agree” with this

statement (57 per cent versus 49 per cent). This difference, however, was not statistically significant.

These findings reinforce those reported by other researchers (e.g., Tanner et al. 1995) who have concluded

that there is very little evidence of outright rejection of, or “resistance” to, formal education among high school

students in Canada, or of greater rejection among young people from less advantaged backgrounds. Thus, if we

find that lower SES study participants eventually acquire less post-secondary education, it is likely not because

they failed to recognize the value of higher education.

<H1>Socio-economic Status (SES) and High School Education

In 1985, two-thirds (68 per cent) of the ETS sample members were enrolled in academic high school programs

that should, if successfully completed, provide graduates with the course credits needed for university entrance.

The rest were enrolled in a range of non-academic programs. Table 7.1 shows a strong relationship between

family social status (SES) and the type of high school program in which youth participated. Almost nine out of

10 (87 per cent) students from higher SES families were enrolled in academic high school programs, compared

with only 60 per cent from families in which neither parent had completed university. While this study cannot

explain the process whereby “streaming” into different high school programs occurs, it can tell us, as we will

see below, whether the type of high school program a young person completes makes a difference for subse-

quent educational and occupational attainment.

Table 7.1 High School Program and Grades by Parent(s)’ University Education, Edmonton High School Sen-

iors, 1985

Parent(s)’ Education No Degree (%) Degree (%) Total (%)

High School Program*

Academic 60 87 68

Non-academic 40

Grades in Past Year*

< 60% 17

60–9% 48 40 46

70–9% 27 34 29

80%+ 8

Total % 100 100 100

(N) (289) (116) (405)

*Differences in percentages are statistically significant (p < 0.05; chi-square test).

Table 7.1 also demonstrates a strong relationship between family SES and students’ performance in high

school. One-half (51 per cent) of the survey respondents from families where at least one parent had acquired a

university degree reported average grades of 70 per cent or higher in their senior year in high school, compared

with only 35 per cent of the young people from less advantaged family backgrounds.

As noted above, young people from lower SES families, like their more advantaged peers, generally recog-

nize the value of higher education. Even so, other research (e.g., Sullivan 2001) has suggested that the greater

“cultural capital” available to middle-class youth is part of the explanation for differences in school perfor-

mance. University-educated parents may provide more encouragement to their children to do well in high

school, and can likely provide more advice and, also, additional resources (e.g., paying for tutoring) that would

lead to higher grades. In turn, teachers may expect more from young people from more affluent families and, as

a result, pay more attention to them. Better grades in high school improve one’s chances of being accepted into

university and, furthermore, into “better” (higher-status) universities and into programs that lead to higher-pay-

ing careers.

<H1>Socio-economic Status (SES) and Young People’s Aspirations

While young people whose parents did not attend university recognize the value of higher edu-cation, we now

know that, on average, they are less likely to be enrolled in academic high school programs that “stream” stu-

dents into university. Compared to their peers with parents who did attend university, they are also less likely to

have high grades in high school. Do these differences perhaps translate into lower post-secondary educational

and future occupational aspirations?

When asked in 1985, virtually all of the ETS sample members indicated that they intended to acquire some

post-secondary education—only 7 per cent of the total sample said they intended to finish high school and noth-

ing more (Table 7.2). One-half (49 per cent) planned a college (or technical school) education,7 while almost as

many (44 per cent) expected to acquire a university degree, including 16 per cent who intended to complete a

second degree.

Table 7.2 Post-secondary Education Plans and Occupational Aspirations by Parent(s)’ University Education,

Edmonton High School Seniors, 1985

Parent(s)’ Education No Degree (%) Degree (%) Total (%)

Post-secondary

Educational Plans*

Finish high school 9 – 7

1–2 years

college/university

57 31 49

3–4 years university 24 39 28

5+ years university 10 30 16

Occupational Aspirations*

Managerial/professional 60 77 64

Other occupations 40 23 36

Total % 100 100 100

(N) (289) (116) (405)

*Differences in percentages are statistically significant (p < 0.05; chi-square test).

The 1985 survey participants were also asked, “What kind of job or career do you want eventually?” and

answered with responses like “teacher,” “mechanic,” “rock star,” “engineer,” “hairdresser,” and “lawyer.” Rec-

ognizing that many high school seniors may not have firm career plans, their answers to a question like this still

signal general preferences for employment in the future. To simplify the analysis, the many different specific

occupational aspirations recorded by sample members in 1985 have been collapsed into two basic categories,

“managers/professionals” (managers of all kinds and professionals such as nurses, lawyers, teachers, engineers,

and artists) and “other occupational aspirations” (included here are all other lower-status occupations as well as

the “don’t know” responses provided by a small minority of respondents).

Table 7.2 demonstrates that, when finishing high school, almost two-thirds (64 per cent) of the total sample

hoped to someday be in a managerial or professional occupation, the type of job that typically pays better, pro-

vides more fringe benefits, and is generally more rewarding (Krahn et al. 2015). Since, by 2012, only about 40

per cent of all employed Canadians were in managerial or professional occupations (Krahn et al. 2015: 67), it is

again apparent that not all of these high career aspirations would have been attained. Along with the high educa-

tional and occupational aspirations of the total sample, what also stands out in Table 7.2 are the statistically sig-

nificant SES differences. Specifically, over two-thirds (69 per cent) of the survey respondents from university-

educated families expected to acquire one or more university degrees, compared with only one-third (34 per

cent) from families where neither parent had completed a university degree. The SES differences in occupa-

tional aspirations are not quite as large, but are still pronounced: More than three-quarters (77 per cent) of the

Grade 12 students from more advantaged backgrounds hoped to become a manager or professional someday,

compared with 60 per cent of the high school seniors from lower SES backgrounds. Thus, family socio-eco-

nomic status (or social class, using another related term) does matter for education and career aspirations. Does

it also matter for post-secondary education and subsequent career outcomes?

<H1>Socio-economic Status (SES) and Educational Attainment

By 2010, when ETS study participants were in early midlife (43 years old, on average), a large majority (76 per

cent) were married or in a long-term relationship, and over three-quarters (78 per cent) were parents (of children

living with them or someone else). Sixty per cent were still living in the Edmonton region, 23 per cent were liv-

ing elsewhere in Alberta, and 17 per cent had moved out of the province (including 6 per cent who were living

outside Canada).

Over the previous 25 years, sample members had been extensively involved in the post-secondary education

system. Only one in six (16 per cent) had not gone beyond high school, and another 13 per cent had completed

some college, technical school, or university training. One-third (34 per cent) had acquired a college or tech-

nical school diploma, one-quarter (25 per cent) had received a university undergraduate degree, and 12 per cent

had received an advanced or graduate degree. In total, 71 per cent reported a diploma or a degree as their high-

est level of education. A majority of those with post-secondary credentials (a diploma or a degree) had received

them by age 25 (in 1992), and most of the others had done so by age 32 (in 1999). Only a small minority had

returned to school or completed a degree or diploma later.

Male ETS participants were somewhat more likely to have completed a degree or diploma (74 per cent,

compared to 68 per cent of women), but this gender difference was not statistically significant. A more detailed

analysis of earlier data from this study (results not shown), however, demonstrated that women were somewhat

more likely to receive community college diplomas and university undergraduate degrees, while men were

more likely to receive technical school diplomas (including completed apprenticeships).

It is interesting to note that, 25 years earlier when they were completing high school, 93 per cent of these

ETS participants had planned to obtain post-secondary credentials (Table 7.2). The central question addressed

in the following analyses is whether family SES or, in other words, class background had an impact on post-

secondary educational attainment. As Figure 7.1 demonstrates, the answer very clearly is “yes.”

<CAPTION>Figure 7.1 Post-secondary Educational Attainment by 2010, by Parent(s)’ University Education*

*N = 405; differences by parent(s)’ education are statistically significant (p < 0.05).

By 2010, only 18 per cent of ETS participants from higher SES families (one or both parents with a univer-

sity degree) had not acquired some kind of post-secondary educational credential, compared to 34 per cent of

those from less advantaged family backgrounds. Six out of 10 (59 per cent) of those with university-educated

parents had completed a degree themselves (including 23 per cent who had completed graduate or advanced de-

grees), compared to less than half as many (only 28 per cent) of those without a university-educated parent. ETS

sample members from such lower SES families were somewhat more likely to have acquired a technical school

or college diploma (38 per cent compared to 23 per cent).

These longitudinal survey findings highlight the remarkably strong impact of family socio-economic status

(SES), but they cannot directly explain the differences. However, we know that educational ambitions differed

significantly between young people in lower- and higher-SES families (Table 7.2), and it is likely that familiar-

ity with academic systems and institutions did as well, along with access to a range of educational resources.

Furthermore, as we have already noted (Table 7.1), children from more advantaged backgrounds were much

more likely to complete an academic high school program that provided all of the necessary prerequisites for

university education.

Thus, Figure 7.2 reveals that only 9 per cent of the 1985 sample members whose parents had not completed

university and who had been enrolled in non-academic high school programs had completed a university degree

by 2010. In sharp contrast, 63 per cent of the higher SES graduates of academic high school programs had a de-

gree by 2010. The additional cultural capital that would result from completion of an academic high school pro-

gram was, no doubt, augmented by additional financial resources that more affluent parents could provide, with

the result being that middle-class youth were much more likely to have obtained university credentials by 2010.

<CAPTION>Figure 7.2 University Degree by 2010, by High School Program* by Parent(s)’ University

Education

*N = 405; differences by parent(s)’ education are statistically significant (p < 0.05).

<H1>Socio-economic Status (SES) and Occupational Outcomes

How well had the “class of 1985” turned its post-secondary credentials into satisfactory and rewarding employ-

ment? By 2010, at age 43, 92 per cent of the ETS participants were employed (including 13 per cent who were

holding at least two jobs). Only 2 per cent were unemployed (out of work and actively seeking work), while the

remaining 6 per cent were out of the labour force (likely for family-raising reasons). Almost half (48 per cent)

of the employed study participants were in managerial or professional jobs, including 20 per cent in managerial

positions, 6 per cent in science or engineering professional positions, 6 per cent in professional positions in the

health-care sector, and 9 per cent in education and social science professions. Just over one-quarter (27 per cent)

of the 2010 ETS sample members held jobs usually requiring at least a technical school or college diploma or a

completed apprenticeship, while almost as many (25 per cent) were working in lower-status, lower-skill cleri-

cal, sales, service, or manual labour jobs.

In 2010, male ETS respondents were over-represented in management positions (24 per cent of employed

men, compared to 15 per cent of employed women), while women were somewhat more likely than men (31 per

cent versus 27 per cent) to be holding a professional job. Men were also over-represented in jobs requiring a

diploma or apprenticeship (32 per cent compared to 21 per cent of women), while women were more likely than

men to be in lower-skill jobs (33 per cent compared to 17 per cent of men). In short, the occupational distribu-

tion of these ETS study participants at age 43 had a distinct gendered pattern, as does the occupational distribu-

tion of Canada’s total labour force (Krahn et al. 2015: 82). Figure 7.3 documents the extent to which family

background (SES) and respondents’ own educational attainment had influenced their career outcomes. While 48

per cent of all employed sample members were in managerial/professional occupations, the odds of having ac-

quired a higher-status occupation were considerably higher (67 per cent) for young people from families where

at least one parent had completed university. Within this subgroup, over three-quarters (77 per cent) of those

who had acquired a university degree were in a managerial or professional position when surveyed in 2010,

compared to about half (52 per cent) of sample members without a degree.

<CAPTION>Figure 7.3 Managerial/Professional Occupation in 2010, by Respondents’ University Education*

by Parent(s)’ University Education

*N = 372; differences between respondents with and without degrees are statistically significant (p < 0.05).

Among ETS sample members from non-university families, those who had acquired a university degree had

much the same chances (73 per cent) of working in a managerial or professional occupation by early mid-life

(age 43) as did degree-holders from higher SES families (77 per cent). In contrast, only 28 per cent of ETS par-

ticipants without a degree and from lower SES families were in managerial or professional occupations by age

43, compared to 52 per cent of their equivalently educated peers with higher SES backgrounds.

In short, a university degree can help less advantaged youth get ahead in the labour market but, as we saw in

Figure 7.1, less than half as many lower SES youth compared to young people from university-educated fami-

lies (28 per cent compared to 59 per cent) manage to obtain university degrees. In contrast, focusing only on

ETS sample members who did not complete a university degree, those from more advantaged backgrounds

were almost twice as likely (52 per cent compared to 28 per cent of those whose parents had not completed uni-

versity) to move into a managerial or professional occupation by midlife.

<H1>Socio-economic Status (SES) and the Match between Aspirations and Outcomes

In Table 7.2 we observed that 64 per cent of ETS participants had aspired to managerial or professional occupa-

tions when completing high school in 1985. Our 2010 follow-up study revealed that only 34 per cent had both

aspired to a managerial/professional occupation and then, eventually, moved into such a career. Having now

shown how SES strongly influences both educational attainment and occupational outcomes, we turn to a final

research question: Does SES also influence one’s chances of finding the type of employment one had hoped to

obtain? Figure 7.4 provides a clear answer. As already noted, 64 per cent of the total 2010 sample (259 individ-

uals) had aspired to managerial or professional occupations when they were completing high school at age 18.

Fifty-seven per cent of these “high-goal” individuals had attained their goal by 2010 (Figure 7.4). However, by

age 43, only half (51 per cent) of “high-goal” sample members from less advantaged families were employed in

a managerial or professional occupation, compared to 7 out of 10 (69 per cent) of “high-goal” study participants

from higher SES families.

<CAPTION>Figure 7.4 Managerial/Professional Occupation in 2010, by Respondents’ University Education*

by Parent(s)’ University Education: “High Goals” in 1985 Subgroup

*N = 241 respondents who aspired to a managerial or professional occupation in 1985; differences between re-

spondents with and without degrees are statistically significant (p < 0.05).

This big difference is largely explained by the previous findings that the children of university-educated par-

ents were more than twice as likely as their less advantaged peers to obtain a university degree (Figure 7.1), and

that a university degree significantly enhances one’s chances of employment in a professional or managerial

occupation (Figure 7.3). In fact, with a university degree, young people from both lower and higher SES back-

grounds had similar chances (75 per cent and 76 per cent, respectively) of reaching their occupational goal (Fig-

ure 7.4). Without a degree, however, young people from non-university educated families were much less likely

(37 per cent) than their more advantaged peers (57 per cent) to find themselves in the managerial or professional

type of career to which they had aspired 25 years earlier.

<H1>Summary and Policy Implications

Summarizing the findings from this longitudinal study of school–work transitions, we have seen that middle-

class youth typically do better in high school and are more likely to complete academic high school programs

that will improve their chances of gaining entry to university. Even though young people from both lower and

higher SES families recognize the value of higher education, the latter tend to have higher educational and oc-

cupational aspirations. In the 25 years following high school completion, members of this ETS sample acquired

an impressive array of post-secondary credentials; 71 per cent reported holding either a college/technical school

diploma or a university degree. These longitudinal survey data show that children of university-educated par-

ents were much more likely to obtain a university degree themselves and, as a result, were much more likely to

move into managerial or professional employment and to find the type of higher-status employment to which

they had originally aspired when leaving high school. In short, this study clearly demonstrates that social class,

as measured by SES (parents’ university education in this study), continues to matter. In fact, it matters a great

deal. So choose your parents carefully!

Class matters as a result of “streaming” into academic and non-academic programs in high school. It matters

because of the different educational and occupational aspirations of teenagers from lower and higher SES fami-

lies. It matters because more educated and affluent parents can provide more cultural capital, including

knowledge of the post-secondary system and more financial support for their children. Ultimately, class matters

the most because of the different post-secondary educational “choices” made by young people from more and

less advantaged backgrounds since, in our credential-focused society, a university degree continues to be the

prerequisite required to compete for most of the better-paying, higher-status, and often more satisfying types of

employment.

If social class matters this much, should we, as members of society, do something to reduce these SES-

based differences in education and career opportunity? If you begin with the premise that public policy inter-

ventions are always inappropriate, then your answer would be “no.” Alternatively, you might argue that unequal

educational and employment opportunities as a result of family background are unfair. You might also propose

that an economy in which some potentially very talented people do not have equal opportunity to compete for

the best jobs is an economy that is less productive than it could be. Both the fairness and the economic produc-

tivity arguments invite suggestions for public policy responses.

Having observed the impact of “streaming” in the high school system—and specifically the much higher

probability of obtaining a university degree if one completes an academic high school program—we should

look carefully at how high school programs are organized and how young students are channelled into them. On

one hand, it is difficult to reject the argument that some young people may not have the ability or aptitude to

complete highly challenging high school courses that lead to university entrance. High school programs that

lead into non-university careers are a useful and important alternative. On the other hand, it is possible that

some young people who could complete academic high school programs are not encouraged to try, or are even

actively discouraged, perhaps because of cultural capital deficits.

High school counsellors and others involved in advising young people about educational and career choices

need to be acutely conscious of the significant impacts they can have on students’ futures. In addition, high

school programs, both academic and non-academic, need to be designed in such a way that young people in

them can continue to make choices. For example, several Canadian provinces have designed youth apprentice-

ship programs that allow high school students to apprentice for trades while still obtaining the high school cred-

its needed for university entrance, should they decide to go that way in the future (Lehmann 2005).

The longitudinal survey data examined in this paper highlight a substantial class effect on occupational out-

comes via post-secondary educational attainment. In other words, children of university-educated parents are

much more likely to complete university themselves and, as a result, are more likely to obtain higher-status and

more rewarding occupations. Greater access to cultural capital among middle-class youth is part of the explana-

tion, but material capital—money—also plays an important role. Most of the Edmonton youth in this study had

completed university by the late 1980s or early 1990s. As we might expect, many had taken out student loans,

and many took years to pay back these loans. And, no doubt, many had relied heavily on parents to help finance

their post-secondary education.

However, the cost to students of a university education in the late 1980s was relatively low compared with

the situation today. In 1980, Canadian universities received only 13 per cent of their total revenue from stu-

dents’ tuition fees. By 1995, this had risen to 24 per cent (Little 1997: 2), and tuition fees have continued to rise

steadily in almost all provinces since then. For example, by 2010–11, in Ontario, student tuition made up 44 per

cent of universities’ total operating costs (Macdonald and Shaker 2012). As tuition costs continue to increase

across the country, universities and provincial governments are promising to put in place funding programs to

assist the less advantaged to attend university and other post-secondary institutions. It remains to be seen

whether these new sources of financial assistance will be sufficient and, furthermore, whether they will really be

directed towards those who are most needy. If not, we can expect to see an even more pronounced impact of

social class on educational and occupational attainment in the future. As we have observed, class already mat-

ters a great deal with respect to post-secondary education. Without appropriate policy interventions of the type

discussed above, it may matter even more in the future.

<EMH>Questions for Critical Thought

1. What are some of the key social and cultural factors that led to you attending college or university? Was

your family’s socio-economic status (SES) one of them?

2. Many post-secondary institutions across Canada are raising tuition rates, arguing that this is necessary to

maintain high-quality education as provincial governments cut back on funding. What effect might this have

on patterns of educational inequality in Canada? What other policy alternatives might be used to reduce the

likelihood of growing educational inequality?

3. Aboriginal youth in Canada are among the least likely to complete college or university. What might ex-

plain this fact, and what might be done about this problem?

4. Larger proportions of Canadian youth are attending and completing university, but the numbers of jobs re-

quiring university education are increasing less quickly. What are the implications of this trend for patterns

of social inequality in Canada, and what, if anything, might be done about it?

<EMH>Recommended Readings

Davies, Scott, and Neil Guppy. 2014. The Schooled Society: An Introduction to the Sociology of Education, 3rd

edn. Toronto: Oxford University Press.

Lehmann, Wolfgang. 2007. Choosing to Labour: School–Work Transitions and Social Class. Montreal and

Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press.

Macdonald, David, and Erika Shaker. 2012. Eduflation and the High Cost of Learning. Ottawa: Canadian Cen-

tre for Policy Alternatives.

Wotherspoon, Terry, and Bernard Schissel. 2003. The Legacy of School for Aboriginal People: Education, Op-

pression and Emancipation. Toronto: Oxford University Press.

<EMH>Recommended Websites

BC Teachers’ Federation:

www.bctf.ca/PovertyResearch.aspx

Canadian Federation of Students:

http://cfs-fcee.ca

People for Education:

www.peopleforeducation.ca/pfe-news/is-inequality-growing-in-canadas-public-schools/

The Wealth Paradox:

www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/time-to-lead/our-time-to-lead-income-inequality/article15316231/

<EMH>Notes

1. The author of this chapter has directed this study since 1985. Dr Graham S. Lowe (Professor Emeritus, De-

partment of Sociology, University of Alberta) was co-principal investigator from 1985 until 2002. Dr Nancy

Galambos (Professor of Psychology, University of Alberta) became co-principal investigator several years

later. The initial study involved surveys of both high school and university graduates in three cities (Edmon-

ton, Toronto, Sudbury). The Edmonton high school sample is the only component of the original study that

has been tracked for 25 years (http://www.artsrn.ualberta.ca/transition). The Population Research Labora-

tory, Department of Sociology, University of Alberta, has been responsible for data collection and pro-

cessing. The primary funding source has been the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Can-

ada (SSHRC), followed by the government of Alberta.

2. Since only 894 of the original 983 respondents provided their name and address for follow-up purposes back

in 1985, the 2010 sample (N = 405) represented 45 per cent of the original respondents who could have par-

ticipated.

3. Additional analysis of attrition bias in this longitudinal study indicates that female respondents were some-

what more likely to remain in the study from start to finish, as were 1985 respondents with higher educa-

tional aspirations.

4. Thirteen per cent of the sample members did not answer these questions (or respond to the 1986 follow-up

survey when the question was first included).

5. Ten per cent of the 405 sample members (in 2010) did not answer these questions, presumably because they

were unsure about how much education their parent(s) had acquired.

6. When we say that a difference between two groups is statistically significant, we mean that, with a sample

of this size, the probability of differences this large occurring by chance alone is less than 5 per cent (p ,

0.05).

7. Included in this category are about 5 per cent of the total sample who stated that they expected to complete

one or two years of university.

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96 | PART II Socio-economic Bases of Social Inequality

By 2010, only 18 per cent of ETS participants from higher SES families (one or both parents with a university degree) had not acquired some kind of post-secondary educational credential, compared to 34 per cent of those from less ad- vantaged family backgrounds. Six out of 10 (59 per cent) of those with university-educated par- ents had completed a degree themselves (includ- ing 23 per cent who had completed graduate or

advanced degrees), compared to less than half as many (only 28 per cent) of those without a university-educated parent. ETS sample mem- bers from such lower SES families were somewhat more likely to have acquired a technical school or college diploma (38 per cent compared to 23 per cent).

These longitudinal survey findings high- light the remarkably strong impact of family

Non-academic HS

Parent(s)—no degree Parent(s)—degree

Non-academic HSAcademic HS Academic HS

30P e r

ce n t

Figure 7.2 University Degree by 2010, by High School Program* by Parent(s)’ University Education *N = 405; differences by parent(s)’ education are statistically significant (p < 0.05).

High School Some PSE Diploma Degree Advanced Degree

Parent(s) without degree

Parent(s) with degree

14 13

23 20

P e r

ce n t

Figure 7.1 Post-secondary Educational Attainment by 2010, by Parent(s)’ University Education* *N = 405; differences by parent(s)’ education are statistically significant (p < 0.05).

96 | PART II Socio-economic Bases of Social Inequality

These longitudinal survey findings high- light the remarkably strong impact of family

Non-academic HS

Parent(s)—no degree Parent(s)—degree

Non-academic HSAcademic HS Academic HS

30P e r

ce n t

Figure 7.2 University Degree by 2010, by High School Program* by Parent(s)’ University Education *N = 405; differences by parent(s)’ education are statistically significant (p < 0.05).

High School Some PSE Diploma Degree Advanced Degree

Parent(s) without degree

Parent(s) with degree

14 13

23 20

P e r

ce n t

Figure 7.1 Post-secondary Educational Attainment by 2010, by Parent(s)’ University Education* *N = 405; differences by parent(s)’ education are statistically significant (p < 0.05).

98 | PART II Socio-economic Bases of Social Inequality

occupations by age 43, compared to 52 per cent of their equivalently educated peers with higher SES backgrounds.

In short, a university degree can help less ad- vantaged youth get ahead in the labour market but, as we saw in Figure 7.1, less than half as many lower SES youth compared to young people from university-educated families (28 per cent com- pared to 59 per cent) manage to obtain university degrees. In contrast, focusing only on ETS sample members who did not complete a university de- gree, those from more advantaged backgrounds were almost twice as likely (52 per cent compared to 28 per cent of those whose parents had not completed university) to move into a managerial or professional occupation by midlife.

Socio-economic Status (SES) and the Match between Aspirations and Outcomes In Table 7.2 we observed that 64 per cent of ETS participants had aspired to managerial or profes- sional occupations when completing high school in 1985. Our 2010 follow-up study revealed that only 34 per cent had both aspired to a managerial/

professional occupation and then, eventually, moved into such a career. Having now shown how SES strongly influences both educational at- tainment and occupational outcomes, we turn to a final research question: Does SES also influence one’s chances of finding the type of employment one had hoped to obtain? Figure 7.4 provides a clear answer. As already noted, 64 per cent of the total 2010 sample (259 individuals) had as- pired to managerial or professional occupations when they were completing high school at age 18. Fifty-seven per cent of these “high-goal” in- dividuals had attained their goal by 2010 (Figure 7.4). However, by age 43, only half (51 per cent) of “high-goal” sample members from less advan- taged families were employed in a managerial or professional occupation, compared to 7 out of 10 (69 per cent) of “high-goal” study participants from higher SES families.

This big difference is largely explained by the previous findings that the children of university-educated parents were more than twice as likely as their less advantaged peers to obtain a university degree (Figure 7.1), and that a university degree significantly enhances one’s chances of em- ployment in a professional or managerial occupa- tion (Figure 7.3). In fact, with a university degree,

Figure 7.3 Managerial/Professional Occupation in 2010, by Respondents’ University Education* by Parent(s)’ University Education *N = 372; differences between respondents with and without degrees are statistically significant (p , 0.05).

Total Total R has no degree

Parent(s)—no degree Parent(s)—degree

R has degree

R has no degree

R has degree

Total

48 41

73 67

77 P

e r

ce n t

7 Choose Your Parents Carefully | 99

young people from both lower and higher SES back- grounds had similar chances (75 per cent and 76 per cent, respectively) of reaching their occupational goal (Figure 7.4). Without a degree, however, young people from non-university educated families were much less likely (37 per cent) than their more ad- vantaged peers (57 per cent) to find themselves in the managerial or professional type of career to which they had aspired 25 years earlier.

Summary and Policy Implications Summarizing the findings from this longitudinal study of school–work transitions, we have seen that middle-class youth typically do better in high school and are more likely to complete aca- demic high school programs that will improve their chances of gaining entry to university. Even though young people from both lower and higher SES families recognize the value of higher edu- cation, the latter tend to have higher educational and occupational aspirations. In the 25 years following high school completion, members of this ETS sample acquired an impressive array of post-secondary credentials; 71 per cent reported holding either a college/technical school diploma or a university degree. These longitudinal survey

data show that children of university-educated parents were much more likely to obtain a uni- versity degree themselves and, as a result, were much more likely to move into managerial or professional employment and to find the type of higher-status employment to which they had orig- inally aspired when leaving high school. In short, this study clearly demonstrates that social class, as measured by SES (parents’ university education in this study), continues to matter. In fact, it matters a great deal. So choose your parents carefully!

Class matters as a result of “streaming” into academic and non-academic programs in high school. It matters because of the different educa- tional and occupational aspirations of teenagers from lower and higher SES families. It matters because more educated and affluent parents can provide more cultural capital, including know- ledge of the post-secondary system and more financial support for their children. Ultimately, class matters the most because of the different post-secondary educational “choices” made by young people from more and less advantaged backgrounds since, in our credential-focused society, a university degree continues to be the prerequisite required to compete for most of the better-paying, higher-status, and often more satis- fying types of employment.

Total

P e r

ce n t

Total TotalR has no degree

R has no degree

R has degree

75 69

Parent(s)—no degree Parent(s)—degree

Figure 7.4 Managerial/Professional Occupation in 2010, by Respondents’ University Education* by Parent(s)’ University Education: “High Goals” in 1985 Subgroup *N = 241 respondents who aspired to a managerial or professional occupation in 1985; differences between respondents with and without

degrees are statistically significant (p < 0.05).