Indian History Paper

10/8/12 1:13 AMIndia’s Rich Benefit From Schools’ Affirmative Action - NYTimes.com

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October 7, 2012

With Affirmative Action, India’s Rich Gain School Slots Meant for Poor By GARDINER HARRIS

CHENNAI, India — The two women both claim that affirmative action cost them coveted spots at

elite public universities. Both cases have now reached the Supreme Court.

One of the women, Abigail Fisher, 22, who is white, says she was denied admission to the

University of Texas based on her race, and on Wednesday, the United States Supreme Court is to

hear her plea in what may be the year’s most important decision. The other woman is from the

southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu, and two weeks ago the Indian Supreme Court ordered that

she be admitted to medical school pending the outcome of a broader court review.

“When I came to know that I could not get into any medical college, I was really shocked,” C. V.

Gayathri, the Indian student, said in an interview. “I didn’t speak to anyone for a week. I cried. I

was very depressed.”

Though the outlines of the two cases are similar, differences between how the world’s two largest

democracies have chosen to redress centuries of past discrimination are striking. While affirmative

action in the United States is now threatened, the program in India is a vast system of political

patronage that increasingly works to reward the powerful rather than uplift those in need.

Indeed, the caste-based affirmative action here raises questions, not only for India and the United

States, but also for nations like Brazil and Malaysia that have adopted similar anti-discrimination

programs. Without diligent judicial oversight, experts say, the efforts can help perpetuate

inequality rather than redress it.

In Tamil Nadu, for instance, 69 percent of university admissions are now set aside for what the

state has determined to be “backward castes.” Many of those favored with these set-asides have

controlled Tamil Nadu’s government and much of its resources for generations, but they claim

special status by pointing to a caste survey done in 1931. (Ms. Gayathri, 17, is a Brahmin whose

parents are civil servants with modest incomes.)

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Five prominent university officials in Tamil Nadu said in interviews that those given set-asides at

their institutions were generally the children of doctors, lawyers and high-level bureaucrats. The

result is that rich students routinely get preference over more accomplished poor ones who do not

happen to belong to the favored castes. None of the officials would allow their names to be used for

fear of angering the government ministers who benefit politically and personally from the program.

India’s caste system was created nearly 1,500 years ago to organize occupations in a feudal

agricultural society. Those at the bottom of the system, now known as Dalits, were forbidden in

some places from even allowing their shadows to fall on those at the top, known as Brahmins. Most

castes were deemed “backward,” which meant that they were consigned to menial jobs.

Over the last 30 years, however, India’s economy has been transformed, much of its populace has

moved from villages to sprawling cities, and once distinct castes have been scrambled. That has led

to the erosion of historic differences in education and increased income mobility within castes in

India, recent studies have found.

“Caste is no longer an economic restriction,” said Viktoria Hnatkovska, an assistant professor of

economics at the University of British Columbia, and a co-author of several studies on the changing

role of caste in India.

Nonetheless, quotas have transformed the taint of “backwardness” into a coveted designation.

The Gujjars of Rajasthan, for instance, held violent riots two years ago to protest the government’s

refusal to declare them as “most backward.” Politicians win elections in India by promising to

bestow this one-time curse, which has led to a dramatic expansion in those considered backward

decades after the designation had true economic meaning.

Indeed, caste awareness among the young is sustained in part because of set-asides, so a program

intended to eliminate the caste system is now blamed by many for sustaining it.

“When I was filling out my college application forms, there was this box for caste,” said Sneha

Sekhsaria, 25, of Calcutta. “I had to ask my dad what our caste was, and he had to think about it for

15 minutes before telling me that we were in the general category.”

The general category meant that she received no preference, a fact that Ms. Sekhsaria blames for

her failure to qualify for medical school. She went to dental school instead.

“Being a doctor was always my dream, but I got a dental degree instead and that’s O.K.,” she said.

10/8/12 1:13 AMIndia’s Rich Benefit From Schools’ Affirmative Action - NYTimes.com

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But she remains bitter that some of her friends who scored more poorly than she did on entrance

exams were able to become doctors even though she and others in her circle were entirely unaware

that they were “backward.”

Nonetheless, the benefits that flow from caste quotas have made them popular, and supporting

them is one of the few issues on which the present government and its opposition agree. Within the

next few months, the Indian Parliament is expected to overwhelming approve a constitutional

amendment that would allow caste-based quotas not just in educational settings and in

government hiring but also in government promotions.

The Supreme Court has repeatedly tried to curtail the scope of caste quotas, but the Parliament has

passed amendments in response to protect and even expand them. The court has ruled that quotas

should not exceed 50 percent of university admissions, but Tamil Nadu has ignored this restriction

and a case challenging the state’s larger quota has been pending since 1994.

In the meantime, the court has ordered the state to provide extra slots to at least some students

who contest the higher quotas, including Ms. Gayathri, who has been admitted to Tirunelveli

Medical College. In an interview, Salman Khurshid, India’s law minister and minister for minority

affairs, said that wealthy beneficiaries of caste quotas should acknowledge that they no longer need

set-asides and voluntarily bow out of the system.

Some rules forbid the wealthy — or “creamy layer” — from taking advantage of quotas, but those

rules have not been implemented in many states and are widely ignored in others.

D. Sundaram, a retired professor of sociology from Madras University and a longtime member of

Tamil Nadu’s now-disbanded Backward Classes Commission, defended the state’s quotas by saying

that even three generations of wealth and power cannot reverse centuries of backwardness.

“The system has not been in place long enough,” Dr. Sundaram said.

To be sure, many Dalits and people from tribal backgrounds are still overwhelmingly poor, and

even many critics of India’s caste-based quotas acknowledge that set-asides for them may still be

worthy.

Ravi Kumar, general secretary of a Dalit political party in Tamil Nadu, agreed that many of those

who benefit from the state’s vast caste-based quotas are wealthy and powerful. But his party

supports quotas, also known as reservations, for the wealthy “because if we opposed them they

would stop all reservations,” Mr. Kumar said.

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Pratap Bhanu Mehta, president of the Center for Policy Research in New Delhi, said that caste-

based quotas will gradually become less important as the quotas themselves make public

universities less attractive to the most talented students. “The talented people will simply migrate

away,” he said.

But that is no comfort to Ms. Sekhsaria, whose family ended up spending tens of thousands of

dollars to send her to a private dental school after she was turned down for a government medical

school, where the fees are modest.

“Of the thousands of reasons to hate the government, reservations is definitely one of them,” she

said.

Niharika Mandhana contributed reporting from Chennai and New Delhi.

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