i need help fep

Jean Ait Belkhir, Race, Gender & Class Journal

Controlling Media, Controlling Access

Author(s): Akilah R. Carter-Francique and F. Michelle Richardson

Source: Race, Gender & Class , Vol. 23, No. 1-2, Race, Gender & Class 2015 Conference (2016), pp. 7-33

Published by: Jean Ait Belkhir, Race, Gender & Class Journal

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/26529186

REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/26529186?seq=1&cid=pdf- reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms

Jean Ait Belkhir, Race, Gender & Class Journal is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Race, Gender & Class

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Race, Gender & Class: Volume 23, Number 1-2, 2016 (7-33)

CONTROLLING MEDIA, CONTROLLING ACCESS:

THE ROLE OF SPORT MEDIA ON BLACK

WOMEN’S SPORT PARTICIPATION

Akilah R. Carter-Francique Department of Health and Kinesiology

Prairie View A&M University

F. Michelle Richardson Department of Health, Exercise, & Sport Science

The Citadel

Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to provide a critical argument as to how Black females’ historic and contemporary controlling images in the media contribute to their marginalized participation in sport. According to Collins (2000), controlling images are socially constructed characterizations that emerged out of the slave era to maintain the marginalization of Black women in society based on their race, gender, and social class. As a result, Black sports women have faced the most (in)visible journey and are marred by their omission and/or image representation in media. Employing intersectionality theory, this paper explicates how sport media’s hinders Black females’ access and opportunity in sport at the structural, political, and representational levels.

Keywords: Black girls and women; sport participation; media sport cultural complex; critical race theory; intersectionality theory

Akilah R. Carter-Francique, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor in Sport Management in the Department of Health and Kinesiology at Prairie View A&M University. To date, her research interests seek to explicate the intersections of race/ethnicity and women in the contexts of sport & physical activity, education, and health. Having a specific emphasis on Black girls and women, Carter-Francique employs a critical interpretivist standpoint (e.g., Black feminist thought, Critical Race Theory) to illuminate experiential marginalizations and promote social justice strategies to redress inequalities. She has held membership in the North American Society for the Sociology of Sport (NASSS) (former Member-At-Large) and North American Society for Sport Management (NASSM) (former Diversity Chair). Carter-Francique is the co-founder (with Deniece Dortch) and director of Sista to

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

8 Akilah R. Carter-Francique & Michelle Richardson

Sista, a co-curricular leadership development program designed to foster a sense of connectedness amongst Black female college athletes. Address: Department of Health & Kinesiology, Whitlowe R. Green - College of Education, Prairie View A&M University, P.O. Box 519, MS 2415, Prairie View, Texas 77446. Ph: (936) 261-3900, Fax: (936) 857-4422, Email: [email protected]

F. Michelle Richardson, Ph.D. is an Assistant Professor of Sport Management in the Department of Health, Exercise, & Sport Science at The Citadel. Her scholarship interests examine issues on the athletic experience at Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU; the African American and minority womens sporting experience; and issues of organizational commitment in sports and sports organizations. She has held memberships in North American Society for the Sociology of Sport (NASSS), North American Society for Sport Management (NASSS), the Society of Health, and the National Association of Athletic Academic Advisors (N4A). Dr. Richardson has worked with Warner Bros. Records, NIKE, the Golden State Warriors, the PGA, as well as CBS and FOX Sports in various capacities. Address: Department of Health, Exercise, & Sport Science, The Citadel, 171 Moultrie Street, Charleston, SC 29409. Ph.: (843) 953-7957, Email: [email protected]

Send Correspondence to: Akilah R. Carter-Francique, Ph.D.

T he purpose of this paper is to provide a critical argument as to how Black females’ historic and contemporary controlling images in the media contribute to their marginalized participation in sport. In

2014, The Aspen Institute’s Project Play Reimaging Youth Sports in America released a research brief that highlighted the sports participation rates of underserved American youth. The aggregated data revealed that there are gaps between “wealthy and poor, Whites and racial minorities, boys and girls, and able- bodied and disabled youth” (Sagas & Cunningham, 2014:1). That said, Black1

females’ sport participation, or athletic involvement, statistics indicated that 36 percent were non-athletes, 47 percent were moderately involved athletes playing one to two sports a year, and 17 percent were highly involved athletes playing three or more sports a year. When compared to White males (26%, 43%, 31%) and her2

White female (24%, 54%, 22%) and Black male (21%, 49%, 30%) counterparts, Black females lagged behind in sport participation. The report presented rationale for sport participation statistics to include racial discrimination and cultural norms, gender discrimination and myths (e.g., “physical activity could harm the female body”), and social class (e.g., family income) and socioeconomic status (e.g., number of school sport programs) (Sagas & Cunningham, 2014). However, absent from the rationale was the role of the media and its ability to affect sport participation rates.

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Black Women and Sport Media 9

The aforementioned rationale is significant, but media too has played a role with influencing and connecting people to “selected information experiences, people, images, and ideas, ... [in which people] construct [their] sense of reality in the process” (Coakley, 2004:406). More pointedly, media is noted as having an effect on sport participation and physical activity (Coakley, 2004); and, while specific causality is unknown, sport media similar to sport participation perpetuate notions of racial and ethnic supremacy as well as gendered behaviors rooted in biological notions rather than sociocultural constructions (e.g., race, gender, social class).

Nevertheless, overall sport participation rates for girls and women of all races have increased (Acosta & Carpenter, 2014), but as stated there are differences between Whites and Blacks and other women of color (Lapchick, Fox, Guiao, & Simpson, 2015; Sabo & Veliz, 2008). Hence, as Black girls become Black women the sports participation rates become more distinct. For example, at the college level and across all three division levels sport participation rates indicate that Black women represent 4.7 percent of college athletes in comparison to 17 percent White females, 31.4 percent Black males, and 36.9 percent White males (National Collegiate Athletic Association [NCAA], 2014). More directly, Black women within the NCAA are highly concentrated in the sports of basketball and track and field and have limited to no representation across all other sports (see Lapchick et al., 2015). For instance, at the division I level during the 2013-2014 year Black women represented 51.1 percent of players in basketball, 26.8 percent of the athletes in outdoor track and field, and 7.2 percent of the athletes in softball in comparison to their White female counterparts with 33.6 percent, 57.4 percent, and 73.6 percent respectively. (For more detailed information across sports see 1999- 2000 – 2009-2010 NCAA Student-Athlete Ethnicity Report; NCAA, 2010). Based on these statistics women of color are highly concentrated, and segregated (see Bebea, 2009), in the sports of basketball and track and field.

At the professional level, opportunities for women in general are limited. But, similar to Black women’s college sport participation, Black women remain highly concentrated in the sports of basketball and track and field. Dr. Richard Lapchick and his colleagues at The Institute for Diversity and Ethics in Sport (TIDES) revealed that Black women comprise 69 percent (n = 104) of the players in the Women National Basketball Association (WNBA) compared to 23 percent White (n = 35), 14 percent international (n = 21), 1 percent Latino (n = 2), 6 percent other (n = 9) players (Lapchick, Johnson, & Yacaman, 2014). Ultimately, the interscholastic, intercollegiate, and the professional level statistics reaffirm a trickle up effect of decreased participation for Black women due to race, gender, and social class realities that limit their play.

Acknowledging Black girls’ and women’s representational participation in the institution of sport is disheartening because sport participation is recognized as one method to improve social, emotional, and mental health; and, decrease participation in risky behaviors (i.e., drugs and alcohol, sexual activity) (Staurowsky & Snyder, n.d.). While beyond the scope of this paper yet significant to its purpose, these health benefits are important as Black girls and women are a vulnerable population that do benefit from sport engagement as a method to (a) reduce cardiovascular

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

10 Akilah R. Carter-Francique & Michelle Richardson

disease, obesity and obesity related diseases, physical inactivity rates, and teen pregnancy rates (Carter-Francique, In Press; Staurowsky & Snyder, n.d.) and (b) increase high school academic performance and participation in extracurricular activity as well as increased college graduation as a participant in intercollegiate athletics (Staurowsky & Snyder, n.d.). Nevertheless, sport is a cultural institution that is often influenced by and reflective of societal norms (Coakley, 2004; Sage & Eitzen, 2009). Likewise, media is a cultural institution (Coakley, 2004); and in the next section we explicate how its operation is influenced and reflective of societal norms.

The Complexity of the Media, Sport, and the Other

In Women, Media, and Sport, Pamela Creedon (1994) conveys that “Contemporary mass media, like the plays, epic poems, fairy tales, fables, parables, and myths before them, preserve, transmit and create important cultural information” (p. 6). Thus, the media may not tell people what to think, but due to its pervasiveness it has the power to influence what people think, how people interact, and inform people’s decisions (Coakley, 2004). Coakley (2004) states that media content is “edited and ‘re-presented’ by others: the producers, editors, program directors, technicians, programmers, camerapersons, writers, commentators, sponsors, and Internet site providers” (p. 407). Accordingly, the media works to achieve one or more goals that include the opportunity to make profits, shape values, and serve the public all the while they build their respective brands using multiple mediums for self-expression. Acknowledging the respective goals, people with power and the ability to influence are often responsible for the “re-presentation” of ‘information’, its’ interpretation, and its use as ‘entertainment’.

Media Sport Cultural Complex

The interaction between sport and media can be characterized as a symbiotic relationship (Lefever, 2012; Silk, 2004). This notion of the symbiotic relationship is further characterized through various iterations such as the ‘sport/media complex’ (Jhally, 1989), the ‘media-sport-production complex’ (Maguire, 1991), and the media-sport-cultural-complex’ (Rowe, 1999). For this paper, media sport cultural complex is used as it entails the interdependence of sport organizations, media conglomerates, and advertising sponsors collective ability to generate revenue and fans (Lefever, 2012).

The media sport cultural complex rose out of the capitalistic and industrial vestiges of dominant groups (i.e., church and state, political groups) with the ability to “disseminate symbolic content to large heterogeneous and geographically dispersed audiences” (Bennett et al., 1977:9). These dominant groups have the means (i.e., finances, networks) to influence how media sport texts and images to include print (e.g., magazines, newspapers) and electronic (e.g., radio, film, television, Internet) are “ ... manufactured, ‘unwrapped’ and consumed” (Rowe,

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Black Women and Sport Media 11

1999:33). More germane to the representation of media sport texts, van Sterkenburg and Knoppers (2004) convey that the media sport cultural complex is “primarily a White male-dominated institution that often support the dominant (socioeconomic) position of middle to upper class white men” (p. 302). This influence, or more plainly power, is significant as dominant groups not only shape economic conditions, but can frame social issues, cultural traditions, and ideological concepts through their production of the sports media. Thus, the notion of power within the media sport cultural complex is central to and related with upper class White men’s ability to create and maintain policy and the status quo (Rowe, 1999).

Rowe (1999) asserts that “power” tactics (i.e., laissez-faire, mass manipulative models) are used:

Perpetually distracting the population with trivia while getting on with the business of ruling a grossly unequal world to their own advantage by making sure that oppositional values are discredited and neglected. (p. 34)

Acknowledging that statement, the notion of power is not synonymous with negative as power in the sport media has the ability to create positive and purposeful change as well as assert oppressive and unjust interactions through covert practices.

Power and the “Other”

The notion of power in the media sport cultural complex can occur at the institutional level (i.e., media industry and sport industry independent and joint production), the symbolic level (e.g., perpetuation of sport media ideologies), and the relational level (e.g., the effect of sport media ideologies on people and groups) (Rowe, 1999). The three levels work independently and synergistically to influence societies, governments, companies and conglomerates, and mediated imagery and social discourse. Thus, examining the power dynamics within the sports media cultural complex, and subsequent treatment of non-dominant people and groups, can provide an opportunity to illuminate and understand its operation at the aforementioned levels.

The treatment of non-dominant people and groups within the sport media cultural complex is not a new venture (Creedon, 1994; Davis & Harris, 1998; Eastman & Billings, 2001; Williams, 1988, 1994). However, the opportunity to identify, examine, and offer non-dominant people and groups strategies to overcome said treatment, we believe, is a welcomed endeavor. But what do we mean by non-dominant and why is their treatment important to discuss? The “Other” is a non-dominant person or group in society that is marginalized based on hegemonic ideologies and binary categorizations. Patricia Hill-Collins (1986, 2000) explicates that binary categorizations are rooted in the concept of dichotomous oppositional differences, or opposites. Examples of these opposites are found in racial categorization (e.g., white/black), gender categorization (e.g., male/female), and social class categorization (e.g., upper class/lower class). Thus, non-White,

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

12 Akilah R. Carter-Francique & Michelle Richardson

female, lower classed persons are “Othered” (Collins, 1986, 2000; Crenshaw, 1991; Tate, 1997). For Black females in sport and society the effect of being “Othered” is to be rendered invisible and placed on the margins with limited access and opportunities for participation and professional engagement as well as limited and negative media stereotypes (Bruening, 2005; Smith, 1992).

Critical Race Theory and Intersectionality

Societal assumptions regarding race, gender, and class categorizations is significant when examining the mediation of sport. Again, the media sport cultural complex works to maintain dominant notions and reaffirm societal categorizations. Critical race theory accepts that race is socially constructed and is used to differentiate racial and ethnic groups. As a derivative of critical legal studies (CLS), CRT challenges dominant notions of race and racism by examining legislative doctrines that marginalize people of color. Therefore, CRT centers race, and racism, at the fore of discussions with marginalized people and groups and seeks to (a) identify its function in educational and social institutions and (b) assist in the eradication of oppressive practices (Bell, 1980; Delgado, 1989; Delgado & Stefancic, 2001).

Critical race theory (CRT) recognizes that racism is endemic and woven into the fabric of society; and thus, manifest in varying contexts (i.e., K-20 education, sports, media) and in varying ways (i.e., access discrimination, inequitable hiring practices, negative stereotypes). Yet, CRT also has the potential transform race relations with policies, practices, and power. Ergo, CRT is not just a theoretical framework, it is a social movement in which scholars attempt to redress social injustices through its use of a number of tenets to illuminate racist acts that include, but are not limited to: (a) the intercentricity of race and racism, (b) the challenge to dominant ideology, (c) the commitment to social justice, (d) the centrality of experiential knowledge, and (e) the interdisciplinary perspective (Yosso, 2005). Critical race theory can provide perspective and serve as a useful tool to identify, analyze, and transform Black women’s “Othered” experiences in sport and society (see Carter & Hart, 2011; Carter & Hawkins, 2010).

Intersectionality

The concept of intersectionality is in alignment with the CRT tenet of “the intercentricity of race and racism”. Accepting the notion that racial categorization and racism are endemic in society, this tenet also acknowledges that racism is exacerbated and manifest in differing ways at the intersections of a person’s gender, social class, sexual orientation, religion, and culture (Crenshaw, 1991). Kimberle` Crenshaw coined the term intersectionality and conceptualized its necessity due to race-based and gender-based research’s inability to capture the experiential complexities of people that lived at the intersections of marginalization like Black women. Intersectionality theory, or intesectionality, examines identity-based intersections simultaneously within institutions that promote oppressive,

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Black Women and Sport Media 13

discriminatory, and socially inequitable policies and practices (Collins, 1993; Crenshaw, 1991; McCall, 1995). More pointedly, intersectionality connects contemporary issues with postmodern theory and discerns that knowledge is socially constructed. Socially constructed knowledge promotes the belief that there are multiple truths; and for marginalized populations these truths are more often than not a counter-narrative to the truth perpetuated by dominant society. Hence, intersectionality unveils experiences that are “social and systemic what was formerly perceived as isolated and individual” (Crenshaw, 1991:1241-1242).

It is our contention to unveil the media’s role in reducing the value of Black women in the United States (U.S.) in general and reducing the importance of their contributions in sport as well as the benefits of sport participation in their lives specifically. To do so, we will use the critical conception of intersectionality to identify and analyze the ways in which race and gender intersect to malign Black women’s sporting experiences. Therefore, we will discern: (a) structural intersectionality, or how racial and gender norms differentiate Black women from Black men and White women’s experiences in sport; (b) political intersectionality, or how racial and gender based legislation create inequitable access and opportunities for Black women in sport; and (c) representational intersectionality, or how dominant cultural constructions marginalize Black women’s imagery. In addition, we will explicate how these separate but interrelated dimensions can devalue and disempower the beautiful, embolden, and complex greatness of Black women in sport.

Intersectionality, Sport Media, and Sport Participation

Living on the margins of society, Black women in sport made a way for themselves in the midst of oppressive and discriminatory practices that devalues the very essence of their being (e.g., skin color, hair, nose size, body shape) (Bruening, 2005; Carter, 2008; Carter & Hawkins, 2010; Corbett & Johnson, 2000; Lansbury, 2001; Smith, 2000; Vertinsky & Captain, 1998). Black women in sport represent the antithesis of the Whitemale—heterosexual—protestant imagery that dominates society; and their “Othered” status has rendered them invisible and silenced in research, literature, and media (Bruening, 2005). Acknowledging the status of Black women within society, sport, and the media sport cultural complex, it is important and necessary to identify and analyze the role media plays in their sports participation. Employing the three constructs of intersectionality can illuminate the current realities for Black women in sport and provide information to contextualize the current rates of sport participation statistics.

Structural Intersectionality

Crenshaw (1991) contends structural intersectionality affects Black women when the socially constructed conceptions of race, gender, and class converge to

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

14 Akilah R. Carter-Francique & Michelle Richardson

“Other” them. The respective social constructions devalue Black women and people of color’s culture and traditions and can hinder access to education, healthcare, and housing. Similarly, the same social constructions make Black women and people of color susceptible to poor health and health care, violence and crime, and the prison system. In sport, Black women are devalued and encounter hindrances due to the intersection of their race, gender, social class, and sexual orientation as participants (Bruening, Armstrong, & Pastore, 2005; Carter- Francique, Lawrence, & Eyanson, 2011; Foster, 2003; Newhall & Buzuvis, 2008) and as coaches and administrators (Abney & Richey, 1991, 1992; Cunningham & Sagas, 2005; McDowell & Cunningham, 2009). Examining the operation of these constructs within the sport media cultural complex can provide greater insight on the role of the sport media’s ability to influence Black girls and women’s sport participation rates.

Race As alluded, race is a socially constructed category that situates Whites as the

dominant race and places them in positions of power and influence (Winant & Omi, 1986). Winant and Omi (1986) suggest that race is a “pre-eminantly socio- historical concept” in that race categorization and meaning were dependent on the historical context and corresponding social relationships that occurred during its creation. Hence, racism is defined as “a system of ignorance, exploitation, and power used to oppress African Americans, Latinos, Asians, Pacific Americans, American Indians and other people on the basis of ethnicity, culture, mannerisms, and color” (Marable, 1992:5). Racism concerns institutional power and affects numerous racial and ethnic groups. Understanding the conception of race and racism is necessary to contextualize and situate the relationship and experiences between Whites and Blacks, and “Othered” races, in social and cultural institutions like sport.

In the institution of sport Whites are revered for their participation and leadership efforts that reflect their intellectual superiority and personal control in positions such as baseball pitcher, football quarterback, head coach, and general manager. While Blacks are situated as intellectually inferior to Whites in society and sport, and consequently deemed as “dumbjocks” (Edwards, 1984, Sailes, 1998) that are best suited for supportive roles as player and assistants (i.e., coaches, administrators) rather than as leaders. Moreover, Blacks, to include Black women, are deemed “athletically superior”. This assumption is rationalized by Blacks historic enslavement and oppression by Whites and White supremace ideology that purports Blacks “innate” biological physicality as a compliment to their intellectual inferiority (Bruening, 2005; Edwards, 1984; Wiggins, 1997). Similarly, sport media’s characterizations of Blacks and racialized “Others” is influenced by the aforementioned historical constructions of race. Blacks are described as “natural athletes”, a characterization that is counter to White athletes “hard work” and “intelligence” rhetoric (Eastman & Billings, 2001). In addition, imagery of Black athletes evokes a pathology of anger, violence, and crime. The characterization and imagery is problematic as there are cases of White athletes’ that perform negative acts, but do to the racial cast system, White narratives are captured as isolated

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Black Women and Sport Media 15

incidents and not representative of the entire race (Coakley, 2004). In sport media, the negative characterizations of Black women athletes are further compounded due to her intersecting gender.

Gender Gender, like race, is a social construct used to categorized people based on

their sex and accompanying physical and biological characteristics. In the U.S., male is the dominant category in a binary classification system wherein classification is also related to people’s expressions (i.e., actions, feelings, thoughts) of femininity or masculinity. But there are those that live outside of the binary classifications (e.g., lesbians, gays, bisexual, transgender, intersex) and ideological conceptions of gender; and consequently they are placed on the margins of society (Cunningham, 2015).

In Coming on Strong: Gender and Sexuality in Twentieth-Century Women’s Sport, Susan Cahn (1994) unapologetically explains that sport was a masculine endeavor that was not appropriate for women. The male athlete is celebrated for his performance in sports that require athleticism, power, strength, and aggression (e.g., football, basketball) (Burstyn, 1999); while, women in sport are deemed as “invaders” (Coakley, 2004). For example, in the 1950’s the sport of track and field was shunned by Olympic governing bodies for including certain events that were considered unfeminine (e.g., throwing events, 800 run). Consequently, the women that decided to participate were characterized as “amazons”, “muscle molls”, and “hermaphrodites” that motivated the 1967 International Olympic Committee (IOC) to mandate that women participants endure chromosome testing (Cahn, 1994). Dominant society’s ideological stance against women’s participation in “mannish” sports pressured middle-class White women to cease participation. The absence of White women in the sport of track and field opened the door for Black women, resulting in national and international success and eventual domination.

However, for Black women such as Alice Coachman, Mae Faggs, Mildred McDaniel, Wilma Rudolph, Edith McGuire, and Wyomia Tyus, whose successes were valued in the Black community (Cahn, 1994; Hanks, 1979; Williams, 1994), “racial prejudices” were often experiences as their accomplishments “ ... also reinforced disparaging stereotypes of black women as less womanly or feminine than white women” (Cahn, 1994:112). This feminine ideal, or notion of womanhood, is significant as there are distinct racial differences that can promote negative conceptions of Black women in society and sport. For instance, Black womanhood is rooted in Black women’s marginalization that fostered positive attributes of resilience such as “struggle, strength, family commitment, community involvement, and moral integrity” (p. 118). Nevertheless, women’s participation in “mannish” sports like track and field and basketball began to receive negative media coverage as early as the 1920s and 1930s.

Again, the sport media celebrates the male figure and promotes masculinity as the status quo. Bruce (1998) contends, “ . . . women athletes are ignored, trivialized, stereotyped, devalued, or, at best, treated with ambivalence” (p. 373). The treatment is furthered through the sport media cultural complex’s practice to (a) infantilize women by referring to them as “girls” instead of women or by calling

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

16 Akilah R. Carter-Francique & Michelle Richardson

them by their first names; (b) characterize women in ways that reinforced traditional gender roles; and, (c) frame women as less skilled, less aggressive, and weaker than men rather than highlighting their physical skills and strategic competence (Blinde, Greendorfer, & Sanker, 1991; Burton Nelson, 1994; Duncan & Hasbrook, 1988; Duncan, Messner, Williams, & Jensen, 1990; Messner, 1988). This has resulted with women’s historic and present day sporting experiences necessitating that they embody the notion of “womanhood” that is rooted in White sensibility, or femininity, that emanates notions of purity, grace, and delicacy. The White conception of femininity is one ideological construction of how systemic and simultaneous marginalization, or intersectionality, based on race and gender occurs for Black women in context of sport.

Social Class Social class, the third category, is also socially constructed. Social class is the

economic relationship with the “production, distribution, and consumption of goods and services in industrialized societies” (Cunningham, 2010:242). This definition aligns to the political intersections of the economic distribution of wealth and, eventually, the power dynamics and treatment of persons based on their classification, also known as classism. Social class, like race and gender, also differentially effects Black women’s social location in society and sport. But as intersectionality theory alludes, the effect of the aforementioned socially constructed categorizations do not effect Black women independently. Race, gender, class and other socially constructed categories (e.g., sexual orientation, religion, nationality, language; Brewer, 1999; Crenshaw, 1991) occur simultaneously and become the basis for Black women’s daily experiences to include the creation of negative stereotypes.

Simultaneity of Marginalization and Controlling Images The simultaneity of marginalization is significant at the structural level of

intersectionality because it established the framework with which to understand the political and representational experiences of Black women. Black women’s experiences, in many ways, helped to establish Black women’s traditions, culture, and ways of knowing (e.g., Black feminist thought; Collins, 1986, 2000). Black women’s way of knowing, or the “outsider within status” (Collins, 1986, p. S14), also serves as a method to analyze Black women’s experiences. Collins (1986, 2000) Black feminist thought conceptual framework provides a unique standpoint for Black women to analyze, but also discern how stereotypes are perpetuated by the dominant culture.

Stereotypes are “an exaggerated belief associated with a category. Its function is to justify (rationalize) our conduct in relation to that category” (Allport, 1979:191). Acknowledging this definition we believe it is safe to state that Black women endure a host of stereotypes; still, scholar contend that these stereotypes were created to justify systemic marginalization and treatment (Collins, 1999, 2000; St. Jean & Feagin, 1998; Stephens & Phillips, 2003). Collins (1999, 2000) discusses that the manifestation of four stereotypes rooted in Black women’s sexuality were created to support, maintain, and justify White supremace

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Black Women and Sport Media 17

capitalistic desires. Described as controlling images, the mammy, matriarch, jezebel, and welfare queen represented four distinct stereotypes that simultaneously subjugate and justify the treatment of Black women.

For example, the mammy image, or faithful domestic servant, was created to justify the exploitation and economic disenfranchisement of maids and domestics. The matriarch image, or bad Black mother, was created to juxtapose the nurturing mammy and blame the state of Black youth (i.e., lack of education, poverty, learned moral values, school to prison complex) on Black women’s circumstance of single parentage. The jezebel, or “hoochie”, signified Black women’s sexuality and was created to justify frequent sexual assaults on Black women by White men. And, the welfare mama/queen, or poverty stricken/materialistic government assistance recipient, was created to justify the destruction of moral values and the economic drain in America due to her failed work ethic and lack of a male counterpart (Collins, 2000). Providing the descriptions of these controlling images is important as they display how the intersections racism, sexism, classism work simultaneously. Thus, these controlling images become the basis from which society and its respective institutions communicate with, to, and on behalf of Black women.

Political Intersectionality

Political intersectionality examines the ways that political practices, policies, and legislation have marginalized Black women. Crenshaw (1991) states, “The concept of political intersectionality highlights the fact that women of color are situated within at least two subordinated groups that frequently pursue conflicting agendas” (p. 360). Specific to this construct is the notion of the single-axis framework. According to U.S. law, the single axis framework necessitates a claimant to identify one category (e.g., race or sex) to which they declare protection from discrimination (Sargeant, 2011). Thus, if a person occupies more than one marginalized category, they must choose one category to file a legal claim.

Still, when examining historic legislation that impacts the sport and sport participation for race and gendered others the following cases and amendments surface: Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (1954, 1955), Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, Executive Order 11375 also known as (aka) Affirmative Action (1967), and Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 (Title IX). The effort of these legal doctrines appear beneficial to Black women, however, there remain unintended consequences of their enactment.

For example, Title IX prohibited discrimination of the basis of sex at any institution that received federal funding (U.S. Department of Justice, n.d.). In educational institutions, Title IX aimed to increase access and opportunities for women; however, it failed to increase access and opportunities for women of color to the degree that it did for White women. In particular, Title IX has done more to assist the sport career advancements of White men and women. For instance, in 2014 in the five major Division I basketball conferences 39.9 percent of the head coaches are men; and men are head coaches in 59.8 percent of all Division I women’s sports (Youngblood, 2014). Therefore, Dees (2008) argued that Brown

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

18 Akilah R. Carter-Francique & Michelle Richardson

v. Board of Education (Brown), which stated that “separate was not equal” actually open doors to more opportunity for Black women because it represented the dismantling of the Jim Crow South. Dismantling de jure racial segregation in all public facilities, slowly but eventually opened the doors to predominantly White educational institutions; and therefore, created more opportunities for Black women and men to participate in sports.

Interestingly, while the Brown ruling opened doors for Blacks to attend predominantly White educational institutions; it also required states to give historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) federal funding dollars to support the institutions and their sport programs (Carter-Francique & Richardson, 2015). So while, HBCU sport programs for women grew, the sports were usually limited to basketball and track and field because these sports allowed a greater number of participants. Moreover, track and field participation could give participants an opportunity to participate on the national and international levels. Nevertheless, Black women’s participation at the collegiate level (e.g., NCAA) (as presented in the introduction of this paper) remains concentrated in the sport of basketball and track and field. Consequently, while Title IX has increased sport access and opportunities for women, it has not increased racial diversification among women’s sport participation.

Recognizing this unintended consequence, the NCAA’s implemented the strategy of introducing “growth” sports such as crew, soccer, lacrosse, softball, and volleyball into the collegiate athletic repertoire to attract a more diverse pool of women participants. Unfortunately, the “growth” sports leave Black female athletes underrepresented or not represented at all due to the participation cost, access, and availability of these sports at the youth and high school levels. Based on the low participation rates, the Women’s Sports Foundation asserts that Black women have not realized the benefits of NCAA sport participation like their White female counterparts (Staurowsky & Snyder, n.d.). Shifer, Pearson, Muller, and Wilkinson (2015) counter this assertion when they examined three decades (1980s, 1990s, 2000s) of “college-going benefits” from high school to college sports participation. They found that Black female athletes were the only group that experienced significantly reduced college-going benefits in contrast to that of White and Black male athletes during the 1980s and 1990s. Their rationale revealed that Black females who grow up in less than ideal socioeconomic areas usually had limited economic resources and choices for sports participation. Hence, due to limited participation opportunities and a reduced selection of sports to participate, the aforementioned NCAA sports should not be classified as “emerging” or “growth” sports for Black women.

Representational Intersectionality

Structural and political conceptions regarding Black women have a profound effect on the representation of Black women in sport and society (Bruening, 2005; Smith, 2000). Representational intersectionality, therefore, examines the effects of implicit and explicit racist and sexist cultural representations on, not only

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Black Women and Sport Media 19

marginalization, but also objectification of Black women. Vertinsky and Captain (1998) assert that the combination of structural, political, and cultural representation by way of literature (e.g., historical accounts) and imagery (e.g., media, photographs) “ ... has shaped, reshaped, and endorsed a distinctive and profoundly disempowering composite image of black womanhood” (p. 532). More specifically, the effect of aforementioned controlling images give rise for sport media to co-opt the stereotyped conceptions and re-present to the masses mythical imagery of Black women rooted in White supremacy capitalistic racism. Hence, representational intersectionality elucidates how popular culture and the media depict Black women as well as the ways it can further perpetuate characterizations about Black women.

In 2014, the Women’s Media Center (WMC) annual report entitled “The Status of women in the U.S. Media 2014” highlighted an Essence magazine’s survey on the portrayal of Black women. The Essence magazine survey, conducted in 2013, polled 1,200 persons to understand how Black women and the public viewed the television, music video, and social media portrayals of Black women. The survey results indicated that the media was saturated with images of negative stereotypical, or controlling, images of Black women. (See Table 1).

Table 1: Black Women Perceptions of Negative Stereotypes for Black Women in the Media by Age

Note: Adapted from Essence magazine survey (Walton, 2013).

Based on the imagery identified, the Black women perceived that historic controlling images dominated mass media. (See Table 2). The Black women’s perceptions on the prevalence of these negative controlling images was significant because they felt these images pervaded the media. For example, Black women

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

20 Akilah R. Carter-Francique & Michelle Richardson

discerned that negative images of the matriarch, baby momma, modern jezebel, and angry Black women were routinely depicted; while, positive images like modern day matriarchs and community heroines were often absent or invisible in the shadows of the overt negative characterizations of Black females.

Lastly, the survey disaggregated the perceived media imagery of Black women in which they compared Black women’s perceptions to non-Hispanic White women’s perceptions. The results indicated statistical differences between the groups; yet both indicated the presence of the same controlling images. (See Table 3). The statistical discernment, while not generalizable, of Black women’s controlling images is, we believe, necessary. Why? Because White women (having a dominant race) viewed the negative images, but not to the degree as Black women. The inability, or failure, to identify stereotyped identities and negative images is problematic particularly when considering the number of women and women of color that are in upper level positions within the media and sport media industry (See Table 4). To support this assertion, Hobbel and Chapman (2009) contextualize the relevance of employing intersectionality theory to examine mediated images and narratives stating, “Through these identities, women of color are often fed media images of themselves that present stereotypes, narrow constructions of who they are or who they can become” (p. 78).

Table 2: Black Women’s Perceptions of Negative Black Female Stereotype Imagery

Note: Adapted from Essence magazine survey (Walton, 2013).

Fink (1998) suggest “the images we see, the words we hear and read, and the type and amount of coverage provided to certain events are all in the hands of the media” and as an institution they have the ability to “be a vital tool to advance or

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Black Women and Sport Media 21

impede female athletes’ struggle for societal acceptance” (p. 37). The sport media’s growth since its inception entails a power and omnipresence that has, unfortunately, not advanced but rather impeded female athletes’ quest for acceptance. In addition to mass media’s overt representation of negative controlling images, we examine the sport media’s impact of Black women in the sport media through: (a) lack of sport media coverage, (b) negative media coverage, and (c) a dearth of Black women representation in sport media.

Table 3: Black Women and Non-Black Women’s Perception of Black Women’s Imagery

Note: Adapted from Essence magazine survey (Walton, 2013).

Lack of Sport Media Coverage There is a dearth of research that examines the amount of coverage for Black

women. Yet, in 1991 Lumpkin and Williams examined the number of featured articles in Sports Illustrated magazine between 1954 and 1987. They found that Black women received less sport media coverage that their Black male and White female counterparts resulting in a total of 16 of 3,723 articles on Black women’s experiences. In 1994, Williams indicated that there is a noticeable difference between the White media and the Black media as she explicated the framing of the Black and White female athlete:

The inattention to and disregard of the black female athlete by white culture has resulted in a distorted picture, which suggests that the black sportswoman’s experience in sport paralleled that of her white sisters. This distortion is

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

22 Akilah R. Carter-Francique & Michelle Richardson

compounded by the fact that existing literature on the black female in sports is both limited and contradictory. (p. 47)

Hence, Black newspapers like the Philadelphia Courier and the Chicago Defender, sought to elevate Black female athletes, while simultaneously dispelling racial stereotypes and promoting racial equality (Williams, 1988, 1994).

In 1988, Williams’ conducted a content analysis of the two newspapers between the dates of 1932 and 1948 to ascertain how much and in what ways Black women were portrayed by the Black Press. The findings revealed that Black female athletes were covered heartily in the Black Press with coverage of their competitive successes and accolades in the sports of basketball, golf, tennis, and track and field, but also in their recreational/intramural endeavors in badminton, bowling, and softball. The Black Press coverage of Black female athletes was positive and counter to the racist, sexist, and disparaging imagery perpetuated by the White press. Thus, issues of discrimination and oppression became issues of unification for Black men and women. Williams (1994) noted that the Black Press’s support of Black female athletes was so entrenched into the Black community that the newspapers even sponsored their basketball, bowling, and softball teams/leagues.

Negative Media Coverage Reemphasizing Bruce’s (1998) statement on the sport media’s treatment of

women is certainly applicable, if not more so, to Black women in sport. White women experience negative characterizations rooted in White feminine values, but as alluded Black women’s negative characterizations are rooted in their racial and gender intersections and then juxtaposed to White womanhood. Research examining Black women’s negative coverage in sport media is growing (Billings & Eastman, 2003; Carter-Francique, 2014; Cooky, Dycus, & Dworkin, 2013; Davis & Harris, 1998; Denham, Billings, & Halone, 2002; Eastman & Billings, 2001; Williams, 1994); but few scholars’ analyses consider the impact of Black women’s intersectionality. Nevertheless, scholars have discerned negative racial and gender characterizations in the U.S. and beyond.

Therefore, Black women’s mediated marginalization is not bound to the U.S. as Wilma Rudolph, gold medalists from the 1960 Rome Olympics, was one of the first Black female athlete’s (along with Alice Coachman, Althea Gibson) to receive national and international media coverage for her athletic success. Rudolph was nicknamed “La Gazzella Negra”, the Black Gazelle, by the Italian media based on her “speed, beauty, and grace”. However, Cahn (1994) refutes this rationale and contends that Rudolph’s nickname was based on her racial categorization and rooted in Whites’ oppressive treatment of Blacks in the U.S. Thus, Rudolph “ ... was represented as a wild beast, albeit a gentle, attractive creature who could be adopted as a pet for the American public” (Cahn, 1994:137). Carter-Francique (2014) found similar notions of devaluation and exploitation through the media’s framing of Gabrielle Douglas’ with its use of the “Flying Squirrel” moniker bestowed upon her by Marta Karolyi, the U.S. National Team Coordinator and a White female. Carter-Francique (2014) explains that the use of nicknames is common for all racial and gender categories in the sport world; however, employing

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Black Women and Sport Media 23

Black feminist thought and the theme of self-definition and self-valuation illuminated how the use of nicknames for Black females is reductive to their personship and exhibits Whites’ use of conspicuous power and domination.

In 2013, Cooky, Dycus, and Dworkin incorporate Birell and Cole’s (1994) interpretation of mediated messages through their analysis of Black female athlete Caster Semenya. Cooky and colleagues (2013) suggest that the media keenly creates news through frames, values and conventions. In addition, the media’s use of descriptive word choices, photographs, headlines, what to report, and who conducts the interview framed Semenya’s narrative. Through the authors’ comparative examination of the U.S. and South African media, they found that the South African sport media framed Semenya’s gender/sex controversy through a lens of nationalism, strategic essentialism, and human rights. While, the U.S. media depicted the intersexed track and field athlete through a lens of sexual assignment and gender roles that revisited the IOC’s sex testing and gender verification debates.

Additional sport media headlines include tennis greats Venus and Serena Williams lived experiences (e.g., clothing, Indian Wells; Douglas, 2005; Schultz, 2005; Spencer, 2004); the Rutger’s University women’s basketball team from the 2007 NCAA women’s basketball championships and Don Imus (Cooky, Wachs, Messner, & Dworkin, 2010; Gill, 2011; Wachs, Cooky, Messner, & Dworkin, 2012); and issues rooted in the sexual orientation and sexuality of Black female athletes. For example, Black female athletes sexual orientation creates challenges when they intersect with race (Levelle, 2014; Newhall & Buzuvis, 2008). Levelle (2014) examined basketball player Brittney Griner and the sport media rhetoric surrounding her player persona; and found that the mediated rhetoric used simultaneously praised Griner’s talents as a basketball player and attacked her womanhood. Griner, who is an open lesbian, has received numerous gender- mediated characterizations regarding her femininity as a player in the WNBA and as a selected player for the Olympic Games. In particular, Griner declined to participate in the 2012 London Olympics and jokingly conveyed her reasoning was based on not wanting to subject herself to “gender-verification” testing like Semenya (Gordon-Moershel, 2012).

Again, notions of Black womanhood encompass race, gender, and social class ideologies that socially locate Black women as the “Other”. That said, and akin to the controlling images, Black female athletes imagery is also linked to sexuality. Carty (2005) notes that Black female athletes are constantly under surveillance:

Black female athletes must prove themselves as athletes first, and sexuality is usually marginalized or framed very differently.... Therefore, black women historically have been situated outside dominant culture’s definition of acceptable (white) femininity, and black womanhood is viewed differently. This may be why mainstream preoccupation with racial stereotypes of black athletic prowess supersedes the perception of black woman’s sexuality. Black women athletes are seen as more athletic than white women, so their femininity is discounted as irrelevant. (p.140)

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

24 Akilah R. Carter-Francique & Michelle Richardson

To this point, 100-meter Olympic hurdler Lolo Jones found her image and integrity scrutinized based on the mediation of her race, gender, sexuality, and religious intersections.

Framed as the exotic vixen, Christian, virgin of the 2012 London Games, Jones received an overwhelming majority of media attention based on this narrative which some found problematic because she did not earn a medal at the 2008 Games and barely earned a place on the 2012 team. According to Longman (2012), the media attention became problematic when 2008 Olympic gold medalist and teammate Dawn Harper felt she was overshadowed. Jones, bi-racial (White and African American) is light-skinned with light eyes, hair, and White-Eurocentric features (e.g., straight and long hair, narrow nose), while Harper is dark skinned with African features. White Sport media, thus, honed in on notions of womanhood that most reflected that of white femininity; and, promoted notions of colorism by juxtapositioning Jones and Harper. Nevertheless, Jones narrative continued in the wake of her loss, focusing on her efforts to make the U.S. Bobsledding team. Jones was later selected as a member of the bobsled team in which she experienced additional pushback and interrogation from her bobsledding teammates that felt Jones selection was based solely on media recognition and infatuation, rather than on skill and merit (Smith, 2014).

A Dearth of Black Women in Sports Media In 2001, Eastman and Billings examined the racial and gender biases of

televised announcing in college basketball. They found that Black women received less commentary by announcers than White women; and, that Black women also received less performance agreement, or consonance, than their White female counterparts. Thus, bias was deemed a result of an overrepresentation of White announcers and an underrepresentation of women and people of color in sport announcing. While the research was not generalizable, Eastman and Billings (2001) suggested that this examination at the college level could influence media coverage of women at the professional level (e.g., WNBA) and beyond because “ ... what happens on television, and to a lesser extent in the print media, reflects the status of women in the most economically advanced nations ...” (p. 199). Thus, the authors’ purport that sport media has a responsibility to promote positive, non- biased narratives free of racial and gender based stereotypes because it could effect the media and sports economic bottom line.

Sports representation in the media is determined by the columnists, assistant editors, and editors through framing. Employment of this method suggest that “to frame a communicating text or message is to promote certain facets of a ‘perceived reality’ and make them more salient in such a way that endorses a specific problem definition, cause interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or a treatment recommendation” (Entman, 1993:51). Based on this definition the sport media can, again, influence what people think. However, as this section alludes, there is a dearth of women and racialized “Others” in the sport media. In 2015, Lapchick and colleagues at TIDES released the fifth edition of the bi-annual Associated Press Sports Editors (APSE) Racial and Gender Report Card, which evaluated over one hundred newspapers and websites. In their evaluation, the ASPE received a grade

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Black Women and Sport Media 25

of B- and a grade of F for their racial and gender hiring practices that resulted in an overall grade of a D. More specifically, the report cited 84.2 percent of the sports editors, 84.2 percent of the assistant sports editors, 72.3 percent of the columnists, 74.2 percent of the reporters, and 70.1 percent of the copy editors/designers were White men. Ergo, the Entire Staff representation reflected 75 percent White men, 10.3 percent White women, 6.5 percent Black men, and 1.6 percent Black women. (See Table 4). It must be noted, that the Entire Staff of the APSE consist of other racial groups (e.g., Latino/a, Asian), but their representation is less than Black men and Black women. (See Table 4). Hence, the lack of racial diversity and gender representation leave the amount and type of sport media coverage to the ideological and experiential knowings of privileged White men in positions of power, leaving the Black female athlete image and narrative vulnerable.

Table 4: Associated Press Sports Editors Racial and Gender Representation for2014

Entire Staff Race/Gender Number of Staff Percentage of Staff

White men 1295 75% African American men 112 6.5% Latino men 58 3.4% Asian men 24 1.4% Other men 8 0.5% White women 177 10.3% African-American women 27 1.6% Latina women 13 0.8% Asian women 10 0.6% Other women 2 0.1%

Women total 229 13.3% People of Color total 254 14.7% People of Color and Women total 431 24.9%

Entire Staff total 1726

Note. Adapted from TIDES (2015).

Redressing Sport Participation Through CRT

After identifying, analyzing, and internalizing the media’s role in the intersectional realities of Black women’s sporting experiences one may not perceive a transformative outlook. The dominant ideologies of womanhood remain structurally intact in society and sport, access and opportunities remain limited with periodic episodes of political duress, and overt imagery of Black women as athletes, coaches, administrators and the underrepresentation of Black female journalists often overshadow and diminish the extraordinary value that sport has on Black women’s lives. Yet, that is the power of critical theory, as it provides an opportunity for hope in the midst of despair. Again, CRT is a social movement that

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

26 Akilah R. Carter-Francique & Michelle Richardson

encompasses lawyers, activists, and scholars (e.g., education, political scientists) that work to illuminate historically marginalized groups social condition and change it for the better (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). Thus, in this last section, we present four strategies to challenge and promote a transformative standpoint to thwart marginalized categorizations, discriminatory policies and practices, and controlling imagery in sports media. The four strategies were originally crafted by Solórzano (1997) to redress the media’s (i.e., imaging, texts) “deficit” framing of Black students’ educational experiences. In that same vein, there is a need to redress the depiction of Black women in society and sport through (a) providing examples of concepts, (b) identifying media stereotypes, (c) identifying professional stereotypes, and (d) finding examples that challenge.

Provide Examples of Concepts

Solórzano (1997) conveys the need to define, analyze, and review the notion of racial/gender construction, the practice of racism and sexism, and examples of racial and gender stereotypes. Thus, promoting dialogue that critically assesses these notions and daily practices will bring forth Black girls and women’s awareness of racism and sexism in society and sport. Cultivating awareness and consciousness can allow marginalized groups an opportunity to understand, ask questions, and discuss strategies to identify and resists negative conceptions. For example, Watts and Abdul-Adil (1998) and Watts, Abdul-Adil, and Pratt (2002) suggest that facilitating discussion utilizing films and videos can promote critical consciousness. In each of their studies they examined this strategy with young Black men and found that by asking simple to progressively more complex questions regarding world issues could foster critical thinking, verbalization, and identity awareness. The scholars stated that the key to promoting critical consciousness was creating safe spaces to discuss negative stereotypes and experiences (Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000), and promote intellectual exploration. We feel that this endeavor can also benefit Black girls and women.

Identify Media Stereotypes

There are multiple mediums (i.e., television, newspapers, blogs, social media) that the media sport cultural complex utilize to spread positive and negative images and information; therefore, it is important to identify racial and gender stereotypes (Solórzano, 1997). Correspondingly, Black women need to discern how these stereotypes and controlling images are used to justify attitudes and behavior toward and treatment of Black women in sport and society. For example, Love and Basketball (2000) and Just Wright (2010) are two films that could be viewed to discern positive and negative stereotypes of Black women in sport. After viewing these films, questions to process could consist of: What characterizations did you see that were reflective of stereotypes? Why do you think the women were depicted that way? How does that make you feel? (see Watts, Abdul-Adil, & Pratt, 2002). Interestingly, these are the only two fictional sport films that we could locate

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Black Women and Sport Media 27

as examples for review. Therefore, fictional sport films depicting Black males as athletes can also be utilized to examine Black women’s positive and negative stereotypes. These films include, but are not limited to White Men Can’t Jump (1992), Above the Rim (1994), He Got Game (1998), Any Given Sunday (1999), and Crossover (2006).

Identify Professional Stereotypes

Recognizing mediated stereotypes, Solórzano (1997) suggest the need to locate stereotypes of real people (i.e., athletes, coaches, administrators) in the community and juxtapose to real person’s in the media. This comparative activity can allow Black women to understand the systemic methods used to justify the treatment of Black women in sport and society. For example, obtain newspaper clippings of famed Division I basketball coach C. Vivian Stringer and compare her characterizations to a local Black female coach. Questions to process could include: What characterizations do you recognize? Are their characterizations similar or different? How are their characterizations similar and different? What can be attributed to their mediated characterizations? Black women can also perform a content analysis of sport magazines (and mainstream magazines) and (a) identify the number of pictures and (b) categorize the type of articles covering Black women compared to White and Black men and White women. In addition, Black girls and women can review and discuss how the respective groups were framed utilizing the aforementioned questions.

Find Examples That Challenge

After acknowledging stereotypes in society, identifying stereotypes in the media, and identifying stereotypes on known people, it is imperative to find people, places, and organizations within the surrounding community that reject negative stereotypes and promote positive critical consciousness. Locating places and spaces that work to redress and transform Black women’s imagery within and throughout their community is vital towards fostering a healthy sense of self, sociocultural and psychosocial development, and a desire to participate in activities, programs, and institutions dominated by Whites such as sport (e.g., golf, tennis, swimming) (Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2002; Solórzano & Villalpando, 1998). These organizations can be found from the local level to the national level and may include: historically Black Greek Letter Organizations (e.g., Delta Sigma Theta Incorporated, Alpha Kappa Alpha Incorporated), political and business organizations (e.g., National Council of Negro Women Incorporated, 100 Black Women of America), and sport and physical activity based organizations such as Black Girls Run!, a movement for Black girls and women that promotes health and education through running (www.blackgirlsrun.com), and Sista to Sista, a co- curricular leadership program for Black female college athletes (www.sistatosista.org).

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

28 Akilah R. Carter-Francique & Michelle Richardson

Conclusion

Through this paper we attempted explicate the role of the media on influencing Black girls and women’s participation in sport. Employing intersectionality theory illuminated how systemic oppression at the structural, political, and representational levels affect the totality of the Black female experience in the U.S. This critical examination is essential to understanding how systemic oppression and exploitation based on a person’s race, gender, and social class can hinder access, opportunities, and desires to participate in social and cultural institutions like sport. In the context of sport, the Black female athlete has exhibited historic and contemporary experiences of success; however, then and now, the sport media – overwhelmingly dominated by White men—continues to marginalize Black women through its narratives, imagery, and lack of Black female representatives (e.g., editors, columnists) in the industry. Centering Black women is, thus, necessary to not only identify mediated oppressions and analyze the simultaneity of that oppression; but to, and ultimately, determine strategies that transform the sport media’s negative framing into Black girls and women’s willingness to participate and have positive sporting experiences.

Notes

The terminology Black and African American are used interchangeably; however, for this paper there1

is a distinct difference. Black is used to represent a socially constructed category; while, African American is used to represent to an ethnic group of people that share a cultural experience and social history as descendants of African slaves (Davis, 1991; Smith, 2000). Adapted from the Women’s Sports Foundation (2008) report.2

References

Abney, R. & Richey, D. (1991). Barriers encountered by black female athletic administrators and coaches. Journal of Physical Education, Recreation & Dance, 62(6):19-21.

Abney, R. & Richey, D.L. (1992). Opportunities for minority women in sport—The impact of Title IX. Journal of Physical Education, Recreation & Dance, 63(3):56-59.

Acosta, V. & Carpenter, L. (2014). Women in intercollegiate sport: A longitudinal, national study thirty-seven year update 1977-2014. Retrieved from http://www.acostacarpenter.org/

Allport, G. (1979). The nature of prejudice. 25 Anniversary Edition. Reading, MA:th

Addison-Wesley. Bebea, I. (2009 February). Female athletes of color. The Network Journal: Black

Profess ional s and Smal l Bus iness News. Retr ieved f rom http://www.tnj.com/%20female-athletes-of%20-olor

Bell, D. (1980). Dialectics of school desegregation. The. Ala. L. Rev., 32:281. Billings, A. C. & Eastman, S.T. (2003). Framing identities: Gender, ethnic, and national

parity in network announcing of the 2002 Winter Olympics. Journal of Communication, 53(4):569-586.

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Black Women and Sport Media 29

Blinde, E.M., Greendorfer, S.L., & Sankner, R.J. (1991). Differential media coverage of men’s and women’s intercollegiate basketball: Reflection of gender ideology. Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 15(2):98-114.

Brewer, R.M. (1999). Theorizing race, class, and gender: The new scholarship of Black femininst intellectuals and Black women’s labor. Race, Gender, & Class, 6(2):29-27.

Bruce, T. (1998). Audience frustration and pleasure: Women viewers confront televised women’s basketball. Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 22(4):373-397).

Bruening, J. (2005). Gender and racial analysis in sport: Are all the women white and all the Blacks men? Quest, 57:340-359.

Bruening, J.E., Armstrong, K.L., & Pastore, D. L. (2005). Listening to the voices: The experiences of African American female student athletes. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 76(1):82-100.

Burstyn, V. (1999). The rites of men: Manhood, politics, and the culture of sport. University of Toronto Press.

Burton Nelson, M. (1994). The stronger women get, the more men love football: Sexism and the American culture of sports. New York, NY: Harcourt Brace.

Cahn, S. K. (1993). From the “muscle moll” to the”butch” ballplayer: Mannishness, lesbianism, and homophobia in US women’s sport. Feminist studies, 343-368.

Cahn, S. (1994). Coming on strong: Gender and sexuality in twentieth-century women’s sport. New York, NY: Free Press.

Carter, A. (2008). Negotiation identities: Examining African American female collegiate athlete experiences in predominantly white institutions. Unpublished Dissertation, University of Georgia.

Carter, A.R. & Hawkins, B.J. (2011). Coping strategies among African American female collegiate athletes’ in the predominantly white institution. In K. Hylton, A. Pilkington, P. Warmington, and S. Housee (Eds.), Atlantic Crossings: International Dialogues in Critical Race Theory, pp. 61-92. Birmingham, United Kingdom: Sociology, Anthropology, Politics (C-SAP), The Higher Education Academy Network.

Carter-Francique, A.R. (In Press). Sports and health and their impact on African American girls. In P. Larke, G. Webb-Hasan, & J. Young (Eds.), Cultivating achievement, respect, and empowerment (CARE) for African American girls in PreK-12 settings: Implications for access, equity, and achievement. Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing.

Carter-Francique, A.R. (2014). “Re” Presenting “Gabby”: Examining the digital media coverage of Gabrielle Douglas at the 2012 London Olympic Games. International Journal of Sport Studies, 4(9):1080-1091.

Carter-Francique, A.R., Lawrence, S.M., & Eyanson, J.C. (2011). African American female athletes’ stories about race: A phenomenological exploration. Journal of Global Intelligence & Policy, 4(4).

Carter-Francique, A.R. & Richardson, F.M. (2015). Black female athlete experiences at Historically Black Colleges and Universities. In B. Hawkins, J. Cooper, A. Carter- Francique, and J.K. Cavil (Eds.), The athletic experience at Historically Black Colleges and Universities: Past, present, and persistence, pp. 61-83. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.

Carty, V. (2005). Textural portrayals of female athletes: Liberation or nuance forms of patriarchy? Frontiers, 26(2):132-155.

Coakley, J. (2004). Sports in society: Issues and controversies (8 edition). New York,th

NY: McGraw Hill. _______. (1986). Learning from the outsider within: The sociological significance of

black feminist thought. Social Problems, 33(6):S14-S32.

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

30 Akilah R. Carter-Francique & Michelle Richardson

_______. (1993). Toward a new vision: Race, class, and gender as categories of analysis and connection. Race, Sex, and Class, 1(1):25-45.

_______. (1999). Moving beyond gender: Intersectionality and scientific knowledge. In M.M. Ferree, J. Lorber, and B.B. Hess (Eds.), Revisioning gender, pp. 261-284. London: Sage Publications.

_______. (2000). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment, 2nd Edition. New York, NY: Routledge.

Cooky, C., Wachs, F.L., Messner, M., & Dworkin, S.L. (2010). It’s not about the game: Don Imus, race, class, gender and sexuality in contemporary media. Sociology of Sport Journal, 27(2):139-159.

Corbett, D. & Johnson, W. (2000). The African American female in collegiate sport: Sexism and racism. In D. Brooks and R. Althouse (Eds.), Racism in college athletic: The African American athlete’s experience (2 ed.), pp. 199-226. Morgantown, WV:nd

Fitness Information Technology. Creedon, P.J. Ed. (1994). Women, media and sport: Challenging gender values.

Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc. Crenshaw, K. (1991). Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, identity politics, and

violence against women of color. Stanford Law Review, 1241-1299. Cunningham, G.B., & Sagas, M. (2005). Access discrimination in intercollegiate athletics.

Journal of Sport & Social Issues, 29(2):148-163. Davis, L. R. & Harris, O. (1998). Race and ethnicity in US sports media. In L.A. Wenner

(Ed.), MediaSport, pp. 154-169. New York, NY: Routledge. Delgado, R. (1989). Storytelling for oppositionists and others: A plea for narrative.

Michigan Law Review, 87:2411-2441. Delgado, R. & Stefancic, J. (2001). Critical race theory: An introduction. New York, NY:

New York University Press. Denham, B.E., Billings, A.C., & Halone, K.K. (2002). Differential accounts of race in

broadcast commentary of the 2000 NCAA men’s and women’s final four basketball tournaments. Sociology of Sport Journal, 19(3):315-332.

Douglas, D.D. (2005). Venus, Serena, and the Women’s Tennis Association: When and where “race” enters. Sociology of Sport Journal, 22(3):256.

Duncan, M.C. & Hasbrook, C.A. (1988). Denial of power in televised women’s sports. Sociology of Sports Journal, 5:1-21.

Duncan, M.C., Messner, M.A., Williams, L., & Jensen, K. (1990). Gender stereotyping in televised sports. Los Angeles, CA: Amateur Athletic Foundation of Los Angeles.

Eastman, S.T. & Billings, A.C. (1999). Gender parity in the Olympics: Hyping women athletes, favoring men athletes. Journal of Sports and Social Issues, 23(2):140–70.

_______. (2001). Biased voices of sports: Racial and gender stereotyping in college basketball announcing. Howard Journal of Communications, 12(4):183-201.

Edwards, H. (1984). The Black "dumb jock": An American sports tragedy. College Board Review, 131:8-13.

Eitzen, D.S. & Sage, G.H. (2009). Sociology of North American sport. Paradigm Pub. Entman, R.M. (1993). Framing: Towards clarification of a fractured paradigm. Journal

of Communication, 43(4):51-58. Fink, J.S. (1998). Female athletes and the media: Strides and stalemates. Journal of

Physical Education, Recreation & Dance, 69(6):37-40. Foster, K.M. (2003). Panopticonics: The control and surveillance of black female athletes

in a collegiate athletic program. Anthropology & education quarterly, 34(3: 300-323. Gill, E. (2011). Rutgers women’s basketball & Don Imus controversy (RUIMUS):

Privilege, new racism, and the implications for sport management. Journal of Sport Management, 25:188-130.

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Black Women and Sport Media 31

Gordon-Moershel, E. (2012, April 4). How a female athlete’s body became a battle ground for gender assumptions (again). The F Word: Feminist Media Collective. Retrieved from http://www.feminisms.org/4916/how-a-female-athletes-body-became-a- battleground-for-gender-assumptions-again/

Hanks, M. (1979). Race, sexual status, and athletics in the process of educational achievement. Social Science Quarterly, 60:482-496.

Hobbel, N. & Chapman, T.K. (2009). Beyond the sole category of race: Using a CRT intersectional framework to map identity projects. Journal of Curriculum Theorizing, 25(2):76-89.

Jhally, S. (1989). Cultural studies and the sport/media complex. In L. A. Wenner (Ed.), Media, sports, and society, pp. 70-93. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Lansbury, J. (2001). “The Tuskegee Flash” and “the slender Harlem stroker”: Black women athletes on the margin. Journal of Sport History, 28(2):233-252.

Lapchick, R., Fox, J., Guiao, A., & Simpson, M. (2015, March 3). The 2014 racial and gender report card: College sport. The Institute for Diversity and Ethics in Sport. Retrieved from http://www.tidesport.org/2014%20College%20Sport%Racial%20&20 Gender%20Report%20Card.pdf

Lapchick, R., Johnson, A., & Yacaman, A. (2014, October 8). The 2014 women’s national basketball association racial and gender report card. The Institute for Diversity and Ethics in Sport. Retrieved from http://www.tidesport.org/The%202014%20WNBA %20Racial%20and%20Gender%20Report%20Card.pdf

Lapchick, R., Guiao, A., Salas, D., Sanders, D., Howell, E., Robinson, L., Simpson, M., Nelson, N., Cabral, N., Van Berlo, V., Robbins, M., & Moyer, B. (2015, June 10). The 2014 Associated Press Sports Editors racial and gender report card. The Institute for Diversity and Ethics in Sport. Retrieved from http://www.tidesport.org/2014% 20APSE%20RGRC%20Final.pdf

Lefever, K. (2012). New media and sport: International legal aspects. Netherlands: T. M. C. Asser Press.

Lumpkin, A. & Williams, L. (1991). An analysis of sports illustrated feature articles, 1954- 1987. Sociology of Sport Journal, 8:16-32.

National Collegiate Athletic Association. (2010). 1999-2000 – 2009-10 NCAA Student- Athlete Ethnicity Report. NCAA. Retrieved from http://www.ncaapublications.com/ productdownloads/SAEREP11.pdf

National Collegiate Athletic Association (2014). Sport sponsorship, participation, and demographic search. Retrieved from http://web1.ncaa.org/rgdSearch/exec/saSearch

Newhall, K.E, & Buzuvis, E.E. (2008). (e)Racing Jennifer Harris sexuality and race, law and discourse in Harris v. Portland. Journal of Sport & Social Issues, 32(4):345-368.

Maguire, J. (1991). The media-sport production complex: The case of American football in western European societies. European Journal of Communication, 6:315-335.

Marable, M. (1992). Black America. Westfield, NJ: Open Media. Mathewson, A.D. (1996). Black women and gender equity and the function at the junction.

Marquette Sports Law Journal, 6(2):239–266. McCall, L. (2005, Spring). The complexity of intersectionality. The University of Chicago

Press, 30(3):1771-1800. McDowell, J. & Cunningham, G.B. (2009). Personal, social, and organizational factors that

influence Black female athletic administrators' identity negotiation. Quest, 61(2):202- 222.

Messner, M. (1988). Sports and male domination: The female athlete as contested ideological terrain. Sociology of Sport Journal, 5:197-211.

Rowe, D. (1999). Sport, culture, and the media: The unruly trinity. Buckingham, United Kingdom: Open University Press.

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

32 Akilah R. Carter-Francique & Michelle Richardson

Sabo, D. & Veliz, P. (2008). Go out and play: Youth sports in America. Women’s Sports Foundation. Retrieved from http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED539976.pdf

Sagas, M. & Cunningham, G.B. (2014). Sport participation rates among underserved American youth. The Aspen Institute’s Project Play: Reimaging Youth Sports in America. Gainesville, FL: University of Florida Sport Policy & Research Collaborative. http://www.aspeninstitute.org/sites/default/files/contents/docs/education /Project_PlayUnderserved_Populations_Roundtable_Research_Brief.PDF

Sailes, G.A. (1998). The African American athlete: Social myths and stereotypes. In G. A. Sailes (Ed.), African American in sports: Contemporary themes, pp. 183-198. New Bruswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.

Sargeant, M. (2011). Age discrimination & diversity. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.

Schultz, J. (2005). Reading the Catsuit Serena Williams and the Production of Blackness at the 2002 US Open. Journal of Sport & Social Issues, 29(3):338-357.

Shifer, D., Pearson, J., Muller, C., & Wilkinson, L. (2015). College-going benefits of high school sports participation: Race and gender differences over three decades. Youth & Society, 47(3):295-318.

Smith, Y. (2000). Sociocultural influences of African American elite sportswomen. In D. Brooks and R. Althouse (Eds.), Racism in college athletics: The African American athlete experience, (2 ed.) pp. 173-197). Morgantown, WV: Fitness Informationnd

Technology, Inc. Solorzano, D.G. (1997). Images and words that wound: Critical race theory, racial

stereotyping, and teacher education. Teacher Education Quarterly, 5-19. Solorzano, D., Ceja, M., & Yosso, T. (2000). Critical race theory, racial microaggressions,

and campus racial climate: The experiences of African American college students. Journal of Negro Education, 60-73.

Solorzano, D.G. & Villalpando, O. (1998). Critical race theory, marginality, and the experience of students of color in higher education. In C.A. Torres & T.R. Mitchell (Eds.), Sociology of education: Emerging perspectives, pp. 211–224. Albany, NY: State University of New York.

Spencer, N.E. (2004). Sister act VI: Venus and Serena Williams at Indian Wells: “Sincere fictions” and white racism. Journal of Sport & Social Issues, 28(2):115-135.

Staurowsky, E. & Snyder, M. (n.d.). Women’s Sports Foundation. Research findings pertaining to girls and women of color in sports. Women’s Sports Foundation. Retrieved from https://www.womenssportsfoundation.org/en/home/programs/sports-4- life/research-findings-pertaining-to-girls-and-women-of-color-in-sports

St. Jean, Y.S., & Feagin, J.R. (1998). Double burden: Black women and everyday racism. ME Sharpe.

United States Department of Justice (n.d.). Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972, 20 U.S.C. Retrieved from http://www.justice.gov/crt/overview-title-ix-education- amendments-1972-20-usc-1681-et-seq

van Sterkenburg, J., & Knoppers, A. (2004). Dominant discourses about race/ethnicity and gender in sport practice and performance. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 39(3):301-321.

Vertinsky, P. & Captain, G. (1998). More myth than history: American culture and representations of the black female’s athletic ability. Journal of Sport History, 25(3):532-561.

Wachs, F.L., Cooky, C., Messner, M.A., & Dworkin, S.L. (2012). Media frames and displacement of blame in the Don Imus/Rutgers women’s basketball team incident: Sincere fictions and frenetic inactivity. Critical Studies in Media Communication, 29(5):421-438.

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

Black Women and Sport Media 33

Walton, D. (2013, October 7). ESSENCE’s images study: Bonus insights. Essence Magazine. Retrieved from http://m.essence.com/2013/10/07/essence-images-study- bonus-insights

Watts, R. & Abdul-Adil, J. (1998). Promoting critical consciousness in young, African- American men. In R. Watts & R. Jagers (Eds.), Manhood development in urban, Af- rican-American communities. Binghamton, NY: Haworth Press.

Watts, R.J., Abdul-Adil, J.K., & Pratt, T. (2002). Enhancing critical consciousness in young African American men: A psychoeducational approach. Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 3(1):41.

Wiggins, D.K. (1997). Edwin Bancroft Henderson, African-American athletes, and the writing of sport history. Sport and the color line: Black athletes and race relations in Twentieth-Century America.

Williams, L.D. (1994). Sportswomen in Black and White: Sport history from an Afro- American perspective. In P.J. Creedon (Ed.), Women, media and sport: Challenging gender values, pp. 45-66. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Winant, H. & Omi, M. (1986). Racial formation in the United States. Yosso, T.J. (2005). Whose culture has capital? Race, Ethnicity and Education, 8(1):69–91. Youngblood, K. (2014, April 6). More men are coaching women’s basketball teams.

Minneapolis Star Tribune. Retrieved from http://www.startribune.com/more-men-are- coaching-women-s-college-basketball-teams/254056561/

This content downloaded from �����������131.252.49.216 on Thu, 27 Jun 2024 19:19:51 +00:00�����������

All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms