INTL101 Week 8
piggy_cute
Carmichael.pptxThe rise of black power and Stokely carmichael
(aka, Kwame ture)
Reviewing some key characteristics of black power politics (peak period, mid-1960s to early 1970s)
Perceived as more radical than those of the traditional civil rights organizations like sclc and the naacp
Many different organizations (including, eventually sncc, congress of racial equality, and the black panther party) with disagreements among them, but they all generally:
Focused on black nationalism, black pride, and black self-determination
Shifted away from interracial activism
were more critical of nonviolent protest; often embraced armed struggle
In some cases, like the nation of islam, this was the worldview from the beginning (pre-dating the term “black power”); in other cases, as was the case with sncc, there was a trajectory from interracial and nonviolent ideals and practices to black power
The formation of the student nonviolent coordinating committee (SNCC)
College students began the sit-in movement in 1960
From 1960-61, about 70,000 people participated in sit-ins and similar actions all over the south, mainly students
Ella baker—an active community and civil rights activist since the 1930s, had organized in support of the 1955 Montgomery bus boycott, and eventually managed operations in the sclc’s atlanta headquarters—organized a conference for 150 students at her alma mater, shaw university
Baker was concerned the movement would lose its momentum and she wanted to help the students form an independent movement that did not mimic the aspects of the civil rights movements that she looked upon with with disapproval
Baker objected to the rigid male leadership structure of the sclc
She advocated decentralized leadership and participatory democracy
Ella Baker
The formation of the student nonviolent coordinating committee (SNCC)
At the April 1960 meeting at shaw university, delegates representing over 50 colleges and high schools from 37 communities and 13 states discussed how to keep the movement going
With baker’s guidance, they formed sncc, which adhered
Sncc’s next big campaign was the freedom rides (other groups had launched similar campaigns in 1947 and 1961 to test supreme court decisions)
1946, Morgan v. virginia (ruled that segregation in interstate transportation was illegal)
1960, Boynton v. virginia (ruled that segregated facilities for interstate travelers, such as bus terminals, restaurants, and restrooms, were also unconstitutional)
FREEDOM RIDES, 1961
Interracial groups of bus riders tested the supreme court decisions
They were first organized by core (included john lewis and 12 other activists)
The first group was met by a violent mob of 100 people in alabama in may of 1961; one of the buses was firebombed and the fleeing passengers were attacked; this became a huge national news story
Core chose to stop the campaign, so sncc continued it
FREEDOM RIDES, 1961, cont’d
The federal government had ordered the local police in Montgomery, alabama to protect the freedom riders when they arrived, but the police never showed up
Unprotected, the Freedom riders were beaten severely
Like the sit-ins, this became a movement, and students from all over the country purchased tickets to the south and ended up crowding the jails in Mississippi
In November of 1961, the interstate commerce commission ruling that banned segregation on interstate buses and facilities went into effect (kennedy administration had ordered this ruling)
Firebombed Freedom rider bus, May 1, 1961
Anniston, Alabama
Freedom riders arrested in Mississippi
March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom
Lincoln Memorial, 8/28/63
About 250,000 attendees
(1964 Civil Rights Act, prohibiting forms of discrimination and segregation, passed the following year)
SNCC AND THE FREEDOM SUMMER
Sncc moved to organize a voter registration drive in mississippi
Led by sncc member bob moses, the students organized the snc-led council of federated organizations (cofo) to collaborate on this project
After much debate, sncc and cofo decided to invite white northern students to participate in the Mississippi project to register black voters and participate in an education project; about 1000 were drawn from some of the most prestigious universities
Cofo warned the students about what they would confront, and after the freedom rides, most of them know anyway
Murdered Freedom Summer volunteers, Andrew Goodman (21), James Chaney (21) and Michael Schwerner (24)
SNCC AND THE FREEDOM SUMMER, cont’d
Shortly after the project began, three volunteers went missing and were later found shot to death
During the summer campaign, approximately 30 homes and 37 churches were bombed, 35 civil rights workers were shot at, 80 people were beaten, six were murdered, and more than 1000 were arrested
Still, the project established community centers and 41 freedom schools attended by more than 3000 students studied traditional subjects as well as black history, the philosophy of the civil rights movement, and leadership skills to continue organizing the community
Murdered Freedom Summer volunteers, Andrew Goodman (21), James Chaney (21) and Michael Schwerner (24)
MISSISSIPPI FREEDOM DEMOCRATIC PARTY
Sncc and cofo created the Mississippi freedom democratic party (mfdp) in early 1964 as a part of freedom summer
White mississippians routinely excluded blacks from the political process, and Robert moses encouraged cofo to establish the mfdp to challenge the state’s regular delegation at the democratic convention
Under the leadership of veteran activists fannie lou hamer and others, the mfdp held its first state convention on august 6; approximately 80,000 citizens put their names on the rolls
The convention elected 64 delegates who traveled to the national convention to present their credentials an be admitted; this created problems for the democratic party
Fannie Lou Hamer
MISSISSIPPI FREEDOM DEMOCRATIC PARTY, cont’d
Many in the party wanted to seat the civil rights delegation, but president johnson, running for reelection, was afraid of alienating white southerners
A compromise sat the traditional delegation and gave two “at large” seats to the mfdp members; king and others counseled the mfdp to accept the compromise, but they were unwilling to settle for token representation
Such experiences led sncc members to question the ability to work within the traditional white-led Establishment
Fannie Lou Hamer
INCREASED MILITANCY IN SNCC AND THE MOVE TOWARD BLACK POWER
Of all the civil rights organizations, sncc had the most potential of fully embracing black power and greater militancy and already had the reputation as having the most militant figures in the movement
The organization was founded on the strategy of non-violence, but the group was not ideologically static and was willing to abandon the tactic when the policy to avoid using self-defense proved ineffective
Thus, sncc became radically different from the organization that founded in 1960, which declared in its original statement of purpose:
“We affirm the philosophical or religious ideal of nonviolence as the foundation of our purpose, the presupposition of our faith, and the manner of our action. Nonviolence as it grows from Judaic-Christian traditions seeks a social order of justice permeated by love. Integration of human endeavor represents the crucial first step towards such a society. Through nonviolence, courage displaces fear; love transforms hate. Acceptance dissipates prejudice; hope ends despair. […] justice for all overthrows injustice.”
INCREASED MILITANCY IN SNCC AND THE MOVE TOWARD BLACK POWER
However, by the mid-1960s, sncc was increasingly cynical about the ability to use moral suasion to appeal to the white power structure
The constant violent attacks in the south and the inability to trust federal officials mad sncc workers less faithful to the gandhian principles of nonviolence and more critical of all branches of government
Sncc members felt a growing frustration with the moderation of the other civil rights groups and even invited nation of islam ministers to some of their meetings; this despite the fact that the other civil rights leaders wanted to ostracize the noi
Some in the sncc leadership began to emphasize that sncc’s goal was desegregation not integration, marking a shift from their 1960 statement of purpose cited above
INCREASED MILITANCY IN SNCC AND THE MOVE TOWARD BLACK POWER
The evolution of sncc continued as members moved further away from the language of love, reconciliation with racists, and nonviolence, especially after many acts of deadly violence against the movement and three years of federal, state, and local government apathy and antipathy toward the efforts of nonviolent activists
In a nutshell, they did not believe that nonviolence, love, and reconciliation was possible or could change hearts and foster mutual love and respect
These ideals of nonviolence now appeared incredibly naïve after all the activists had been through and witnessed
Furthermore, many of the local communities that sncc worked in did not believe in being sitting ducks; to them, armed self defense was safer and increasingly sncc members embraced this perspective, even if secretly at first
By 1965, sncc was significantly more militant and distant from the nonviolent positions it held at its foundation
INCREASED MILITANCY IN SNCC AND THE MOVE TOWARD BLACK POWER
Although Malcolm x had a big influence on sncc, many sncc activists did not respect the nation of islam because they saw the noi as all talk and no action, as they were not at the frontlines of the struggle
James Meredith’s march against fear, June 1966
Meredith, who had integrated the university of Mississippi in 1962, was conducting a one-man march through the state of Mississippi to encourage blacks to use their right to vote
Meredith was shot Two days into the march
Wounded, He was not able to continue so other civil rights leaders came to finish it; this would publicly reveal the growing disagreements between them over strategy
Leaders of the naacp and the urban league wanted the march to encourage congressional action
James Meredith shot during his March against Fear, June 6, 1966
INCREASED MILITANCY IN SNCC AND THE MOVE TOWARD BLACK POWER
James Meredith’s march against fear, June 1966 (cont’d)
Stokely Carmichael, by then sncc chairman, disagreed and wanted the march to demonstrate that the people would no longer cower to racist terrorism; legislation was secondary
Traditional civil rights leaders thought that Carmichael was too militant and would alienate the johnson administration; they left the march
After attacks from state troopers, sncc organizer willie ricks demanded that blacks abandon pleas for white acceptance and adopt a strategy of “black power”
Carmichael energized the crowd by calling for chants of “black Power” which core leaders participated in
The divide between the more militant members of sncc and core and the other major organizations was set
James Meredith shot during his March against Fear, June 6, 1966
INCREASED MILITANCY IN SNCC AND THE MOVE TOWARD BLACK POWER
After this call for black power in June 1966, black nationalist fervor continued to grow
However, most civil rights organizations denounced the call in the most virulent terms
Other civil rights leaders issued a statement titled “crisis and commitment” in the new York times, to assure the public that not all black organizations were spoke such ”militant” and “threatening” words as “black power”; they wrote that they were committed to integration
INCREASED MILITANCY IN SNCC AND THE MOVE TOWARD BLACK POWER
Wilkins, leader of the naacp was harsher, calling black power “a reverse hitler, a reverse ku klux klan”
King did not sign the statement so as not to “isolate” the advocates of black power, but he wrote that it “connotates black supremacy and and anti-white feeling that does or should not prevail”
President johnson lamented the new “extremism”
Black power advocates like Stokely Carmichael and Floyd mckissick explained that black power “does not mean the exclusion of whites from the negro revolution, does not advocate violence and will not start riots”
INCREASED MILITANCY IN SNCC AND THE MOVE TOWARD BLACK POWER
Black organizations that most denounced black power also depended on white leadership or derived income from white donors
For them, evoking anger and hostility would not be beneficial to the movement, and indeed sncc and core saw a decline in its total income for the the first time in movement began, while the naacp and urban league saw an increase in income (the sclc also experienced a decline in income, but this was largely due to king’s denunciation of u.s. military actions in Vietnam)
INCREASED MILITANCY IN SNCC AND THE MOVE TOWARD BLACK POWER
the nonviolent civil rights movement contributed to the divisions in the country related to black power
Traditional interracial civil rights organizations
The attention that the movement drew increased the participation of whites and their financial support
The movement had important legislative successes and did not want to abandon the model that they believed was strengthening the movement
White communities
In the mid-1960s, many whites felt that the civil rights movement had “won” with the passage of the civil rights act of 1964 and the voting rights act of 1965
many did not understand or support the continuation of the movement, much less one that was more radical
Although many did understand black power, the majority was unsupportive
INCREASED MILITANCY IN SNCC AND THE MOVE TOWARD BLACK POWER
It’s clear that the nonviolent civil rights movement largely created the divisions in the country related to black power
Black (and other young people of color) youth, especially in urban areas
At the moment that many whites felt that the movement had done what it came to do, blacks across the country, especially the young urban generation, continued to gravitate to new levels of racial consciousness and militancy as black power took shape, giving rise to its own movement (urban uprisings like those in watts in 1965 foreshadowed this)
For those who had been active in groups like sncc, nonviolent activism was increasingly perceived as inadequate and dangerous
They also did not want blacks to defer to whites, and they wanted blacks to feel empowered to overcome fear
INCREASED MILITANCY IN SNCC AND THE MOVE TOWARD BLACK POWER
The nonviolent civil rights movement contributed to the divisions in the country related to black power
Black (and other young people of color) youth, especially in urban areas, cont’d
The movement grew as organizations like the black panther party were founded
the material conditions, i.e., housing situation, lack of economic or educational opportunities in their neighborhoods, etc., were poor and continued the same after the “successes” of the civil rights movement
Many of these groups would offer strong criticisms of capitalism
These blacks understood that the removal of legal jim crow would not create the circumstances for freedom
Young people around the world were also more militant in the late 1960s regardless of race, class, or region
the multilayered impact of the cold war context
The Soviet Union had outlawed racial discrimination and it used u.s. racial violence, laws, and practices against the united states, especially in its attempts to attract allies in non-European countries
Diplomats and dignitaries from the newly-independent African and the Caribbean nations would travel to the united states and experience racism, which created diplomatic headaches
Thus, the exposure of its racism not only embarrassed the so-called beacon of democracy on the global stage, but also jeopardized us foreign policy initiatives during the cold war (remember the access to nuclear materials, etc.)
These concerns had a big influence on pushing presidents to support civil rights in order to protect the country’s image and interests abroad
The independence movements in Africa and asia also inspired the black power movement, shaped its international, anti-imperial, pan-african politics, and led to the development of real solidarity and relationships abroad
Stokely Carmichael (aka Kwame ture) in memory
