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Mediating Discrimination: Resisting Oppression among African-American Muslim Women Author(s): Michelle D. Byng Reviewed work(s): Source: Social Problems, Vol. 45, No. 4 (Nov., 1998), pp. 473-487 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Society for the Study of Social Problems Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3097208 . Accessed: 05/11/2012 03:05

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Mediating Discrimination: Resisting Oppression Among African-American Muslim Women*

MICHELLE D. BYNG, Temple University

Using qualitative data from interviews with twenty African-American Muslim women, this analysis con- trasts the understanding of experiencing discrimination gained from Feagin and Sikes' Living with Racism (1994) with that gained from Patricia Hill Collins' Black Feminist Thought (1991). I demonstrate Collins' theory of a matrix of domination and the both/and conceptual stance through examining these respondents' experiences with the intersection of race, gender, and religious discrimination. Furthermore, I argue that these women are able to mediate, or resist the oppression of, discrimination through the self-definition and determina- tion, provided by a humanist vision of themselves and others. Finally, the respondents' membership in the Mus- lim community provides them with a safe social space to transform their life and their consciousness. Through these cultural and social structural means, this group of respondents are able to socially construct a reality that allows them to mediate the discrimination they experience.

Much of our understanding of how blacks and other non-whites experience discrimina- tion is based on the apparent painfulness that lies at the heart of these encounters (Allport 1979; Cose 1993; Feagin 1991; Feagin and Sikes 1994). Discrimination victimizes by denying its intended target access to resources and labeling him or her as an outsider-one who is marked by an essentialist flaw. Yet, is it possible for those who are targets of discrimination to construct a social reality where they are active agents in interpreting the meaning of discrimi- nation in their lives (Guba and Lincoln 1994; Nagel 1994; Schwandt 1994; Stanfield 1994)? Can African Americans develop in response to the oppression of discrimination, as they have in reference to other forms of oppression, a culture of resistance (Blauner 1972; Carmichael and Hamilton 1967; Collins 1991; Cruse 1967; DuBois 1989; Hodge 1990)?

Racial discrimination, in most studies, is viewed as such a pervasive experience for Afri- can Americans that it shrouds the complexity of discrimination and its potential to arise from other sources of difference. Additionally, researchers have not always taken account of the ability of blacks to resist the oppression of discrimination in ways that are empowering. The research reported here furthers our understanding of how blacks experience discrimination by pushing the analysis beyond race. Also, by examining blacks capacities for self-definition, determination, and valuation, it exposes their ability to mediate discrimination and to develop a culture of resistance. I use Collins' (1991) black feminist thought to modify the understand- ing of blacks' experiences with everyday discrimination provided by Feagin and Sikes (1994).

Understanding Discriminatory Experiences

One key approach in providing a micro analysis of everyday discriminatory experiences is the work by Feagin and Sikes (1994). They present theoretical propositions about encounter -

* I would like to thank Annette Lareau, Robert Kidder, Sherri Grasmuck, and Howard Winant for their comments on earlier versions of this manuscript. A Temple University Faculty Summer Research Fellowship supported my work on it. The data for this manuscript were collected as a part of a national research project funded by the Lilly Endow- ment, Inc., "Islam in the African-American Experience" (principal investigators, C. Eric Lincoln and Lawrence H. Mamiya). Any errors are, of course, the responsibility of the author. An earlier version was presented at the annual meeting of the Eastern Sociological Society, Philadelphia, PA, March 19-22, 1998. Direct correspondence to Michelle D. Byng, Department of Sociology, 713 Gladfelter Hall, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 19122. E-mail: [email protected]

SOCIAL PROBLEMS, Vol. 45, No. 4, November 1998 473

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ing discrimination, and they outline personal coping strategies that middle-class blacks use to counter the discriminatory actions of whites.' Of particular concern here is Feagin and Sikes' theoretical proposition about the cumulative quality of discrimination as it is experienced in every sector of life (e.g., at work, at school, when going into any public place) and the coping strategies blacks use to manage discrimination. For middle-class African Americans who are "... venturing into historically white spaces..." (21), Feagin and Sikes argue that the cumu- lative impact of discrimination means that their lives are "regularly disrupted ..." by it; that dis- crimination creates ". . . a series of life crises .. .", similar to ". .. the death of a loved one . . .", that are ". . . unforgettable" (16). They argue that ". . . middle-class black Americans have

developed broader personal philosophies, coping styles, and protective defenses ... because of the harshness, intensity, and prevalence of modern racism" (293). The conclusion is that dis- crimination is unyielding and blacks can only attempt to cope with and defend themselves against it.

Yet, what of African Americans who are venturing into "white spaces" at work, but not in their social life? Is their reality as disrupted by discrimination as Feagin and Sikes' respon- dents? Might some African Americans put voluntary boundaries on a part of their social life, thereby creating a social space that is relatively free from experiences of discrimination? Might they, through their own choices, be able to mediate discrimination, where mediation means having the agency to respond to discrimination in ways that resist its power and oppression? Additionally, what of African Americans who are not middle class but are, instead, working class? Do they see discrimination through the same lenses as their middle-class counterparts?

Feagin and Sikes' proposition about the impact of persistent discrimination appears to be universal because of the connection between racial identity and discriminatory experiences. As such, African Americans whose social lives do not intersect with whites and those who are not middle class are expected to respond to experiences of discrimination as the respondents of Feagin and Sikes did. However, it is probable that Feagin and Sikes' focus on the black mid- dle class is too narrow to account for all segments of the black community. Other groups of African Americans might mediate discrimination, thereby preventing it from becoming ".. an energy-consuming, life-consuming experience" (Feagin and Sikes 1994:23).

This is not to say that discrimination is not an objective reality in the United States. The respondents in this research, African-American Muslim women, are a unique segment of the black population. It can be reasonably assumed, given their race, gender, and religion, that they have been victims of discrimination. However, the purpose here is to examine how they construct their own "definitions of reality" and how they "mediate" discrimination by defining and constructing a reality that limits its power and oppression.

Patricia Hill Collins (1991) offers an alternative theory for analyzing discrimination. She argues that peoples' identities and experiences are shaped by a both/and, as opposed to an either/or, reality. Thus, discriminatory experiences can be shaped by multiple axes of oppres- sion or a "matrix of domination." In the research I present here, I find that for African-Amer- ican Muslim women it is the intersection of race, gender, and religion that structures their encounters with discrimination. In Collins' terms, their position along various axes (i.e., race, gender, religion) composes an interlocking system of oppression within the larger matrix of domination. Since the both/and conceptual stance is not hierarchical or dichotomous, one axis of oppression is not given primacy over another. Additionally, oppression produces a dia- lectic. It is characterized by both domination and resistance. Resisting oppression empowers the oppressed through self-definition, self-determination, and self-valuation. That is, they

1. Feagin and Sikes' (1994:12-18, 292-302) theoretical propositions are: 1) discrimination is a lived experience; 2) discrimination is cumulative in its impact; 3) discrimination affects the behavior and perceptions of African Ameri- cans; and 4) micro experiences of discrimination are the elements of institutionalized racism. They argue that the per- sonal coping strategies blacks use to counter discrimination are: 1) defensiveness; 2) over-achieving; 3) developing a

healthy self-concept; 4) prayer; and 5) humor and laughter.

African-American Muslim Women and Discrimination 475

maintain the ability to define for themselves the meaning of their lived experiences. Further, resistance develops from within safe social spaces and allows the oppressed to maintain a humanist vision. Collins (1991:237) argues:

Black feminist thought's emphasis on the ongoing interplay between Black women's oppression and Black women's activism presents the matrix of domination as responsive to human agency. Such thought views the world as a dynamic place where the goal is not merely to survive or to fit in or to cope; rather it becomes a place where we feel ownership and accountability. The existence of Afro- centric feminist thought suggests that there is always choice, and power to act, no matter how bleak the situation may appear to be.

Thus, human agency is central to mediation; ownership, accountability, self-definition, self- determination, and self-valuation mean that even in the face of painful discrimination people maintain their humanity and recognize the humanity of others. People can decide what an experience means for them.

Moreover, following Collins, if a person has more than one characteristic that makes them a target for discrimination then he or she will be uncertain as to which one has triggered the action and may not see discrimination as motivated by race only. If faced with discrimina- tion people will, in some cases, define those experiences in a way that allows them to mediate discrimination. They will socially construct a reality that allows them to resist the oppression of discrimination.

Thus, my analysis focuses on the ability of African-American Muslim women to medi- ate the oppression of discriminatory experiences. First, the data demonstrate the intersec- tion of race, gender, and religious discrimination (the matrix of domination) that is expe- rienced by my respondents. These women are able to resist the oppression of discrimination by maintaining a humanist vision that views discrimination as triggered by difference. Even though these women experience classic cases of discrimination, they maintain the ability for self-definition, determination, and valuation. They define the importance of the experiences for themselves and to their lives, and thereby are able to mediate discrimination. Here again, they maintain a humanist vision even though they dis- tance themselves from discriminatory experiences. Finally, I show that these women use their membership in the Muslim community as a self-defining and safe social space. Their faith, belief in God, and association with other Muslims gives them a social space that trans- forms their life and their consciousness. Collins (1991:144) argues that safe social spaces are essential for resisting oppression.

Methods

This study is based on twenty in-depth interviews with African-American Muslim women who reside in a large northeastern city. I conducted the interviews in the summer of 1996. Each interview lasted approximately two hours and was tape recorded. All of the respondents were interviewed in their homes, except one who was interviewed in her daugh- ter's home.

The interview schedule included open ended items about experiences of discrimination based on race and religion.2 The respondents were asked if they thought African Americans generally experience discrimination in the United States and if they thought Muslims gener- ally experience discrimination in this country. They were also asked separate questions about

2. These questions were included in a section of the social, political, and economic issues facing African Ameri- cans. Other questions focused on the religious background of the respondents, marriage and the family, and the roles of women in Islam.

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whether they had experienced discrimination because they were African American and because they were Muslim.3 If they said yes, they were then asked to tell me about it.4

The respondents were members of the Sunni or Orthodox Muslim community.5 In accord with Islamic prescriptions, all of the women always wore the veils associated with Muslim women when in public places.6 Three of the women were raised Muslim while the others chose to practice Islam as adults. Their ages ranged from twenty-two to forty-nine. Twelve were married, five were divorced, and three were single. While three had master's degrees and four had bachelor's degrees, four listed their level of educational attainment as a high school diploma, and nine said that they had two years of college or an associate degree. Six of the women had occupations that required a college degree, eight had occupations where a four year degree was not needed, and six were self-employed. Those who were self-employed operated extremely small businesses that serviced the Muslim community.7

Only one of the respondents lived in a home that appeared to be solidly in the mid-range of the middle class. It was a large, three story, stone house, with a well furnished enclosed porch off of the living room, in a middle-class neighborhood that had at one time been exclu- sively white. Two lived in surroundings that indicated extreme poverty: the neighborhoods were deteriorating and their houses were in need of structural repair. All of the others lived in homes that appeared to be working class or lower-middle class. Five of these women lived in apartments: two with their adolescent sons; two with roommates (both were graduate stu- dents); and one with her husband and young children. The other 12 women lived in two story row or duplex homes in working to lower-middle-class neighborhoods. The homes were mod- estly furnished, none of the everyday appliances were missing, and they appeared to be well kept. None of this group could be described as living in poverty in that their basic needs were met. However, they had none of the extra amenities associated with middle-class status. Five of the respondents lived in neighborhoods that were racially mixed and the other 15 lived in predominantly black areas of the city.

Results

The Multidimensional Target: Maintaining the Humanist Vision In recounting their experiences with discrimination, much of what these women say

sounds like the experiences recounted in other research (Cose 1993; Feagin 1991; Feagin and

3. The questions used the term "discrimination," as opposed to racism or prejudice, because I wanted to focus on

experiences or behaviors of exclusion based on race and religion. Although asking whether African Americans and Muslims generally experience discrimination in the United States has implications for the institutionalized structuring of racial inequality (i.e., racism), my concern was whether this phenomenon was a lived experience for my respondents. Were their social interactions influenced by behaviors of exclusion (i.e., discrimination)? This is also the reason why the

respondents were not asked whether they thought non-blacks or non-Muslims had negative attitudes toward blacks or Muslims. Of course, racism, prejudice, and discrimination, are intricately related. Like most non-social scientists, my respondents interchanged the terms.

4. Since there is some likelihood that respondents may have spoken about discrimination even when they were not asked about it, all of the questionnaire items were coded for statements about discrimination. Following Miles and Huberman's (1994) method for analyzing qualitative data, I looked for overarching themes in the responses and con- structed data matrices that allowed me to see convergent and divergent patterns in them.

5. The Sunni Muslim community is defined by its adherence to the laws established by the Holy Qu'ran and the

prescriptions for living that were defined by the Prophet Muhammed. Islam is the third branch of the monotheistic tra- dition of Judaism and Christianity. These women are not affiliated with the Nation of Islam, sometimes called the Black Muslims.

6. That is, they wore non-revealing clothing and covered their hair when in public. Only one of the women wore a veil that covered her face.

7. They included a clothing apparel business that targeted Muslim women, a card and stationary business featur-

ing Islamic designs, and classes on Islam.

African-American Muslim Women and Discrimination 477

Sikes 1994). They were in some public place and noted a blatant difference in how they were treated in comparison to others in the same situation. However, they give a more complex account than is usually encountered in the literature. It is not simply that they would prefer, as Feagin and Sikes suggest, that discriminatory actions not be based on race; instead, in accord with Collins they recognize that they have multiple characteristics that can trigger dis- criminatory actions.

One respondent, who has her own business selling clothing to Muslim women, recalled an experience she had on a buying trip to New York City:

Just recently I went to New York. I was in the Garment District. Now Koreans manage businesses there. You have to ring the door bell and they'll buzz you in or come to the door and open it. So this Caucasian woman buzzed and the gentleman came to the door and opened it for her to come on in. So I wanted to step in behind her and he says "No, no, no. We ain't got nothing here. This is whole- sale, not retail." And I could have passed out, you know, and took him with me.

She recognized that she was not being treated like the other patron, so she began to organize her response:

I stopped and I collected myself and I said "Wait a minute. Let me tell you something. I am a busi- ness person. I didn't come here for retail. You looked at me and you saw someone covered up, someone black and you just automatically assumed that I was whatever, but it wasn't worth while for me to come through your door."

She then explained to her discriminator why she knew her interpretation was correct:

So the manager came out because he heard him yelling. At the same time I was going into my handbag to give him one of my business cards, to let him know. I mean I was so angry ... you just don't know. After I handed him my business card, the manager said "No, no, no. He didn't mean it that way. No, no, no. He didn't mean it like that." I said, "Yes he did, he did mean it like that and I'll tell you why, because the lady", and I never mentioned Caucasian or anything. I said, "The lady that he let in the door before me, she just walked on in. When he saw me, he stopped me, so he meant it." You know, and I gave him my business card and I walked away, but I was so angry.

Her anger at the situation, her use of her business card as credential, and her attempt to main- tain her composure ("I stopped and collected myself"), are the kind of responses to discrimi- nation that Feagin and Sikes have noted. However, she also noted that the store proprietors not only saw someone who was black but they also saw someone who was "covered" (i.e., wear clothing associated with Muslim women). She is hinting at a multidimensional founda- tion for discrimination--the intersecting axes in the matrix of domination (Collins 1991).

Other respondents spoke about the many identities they bring to experiences of discrimi- nation. These statements indicated that the reasons for discrimination merge, creating ambi- guity and confusion about why you have been targeted. They support Collins' contention of a both/and conceptual reality in that women are unable to give one component of their identity primacy over another.

One respondent said she never challenged anyone when she thought she was being treated unfairly. She said, "I just try to answer the question within myself. What is it now? Is it because I'm black or is it because I'm Muslim?" Another, who was raised as a Muslim and had worn Islamic dress since puberty, demonstrated this succinctly:

I have a lot of friends who say, "Well it's probably race but then it's more so your religion." But I mean, a lot of it has to do with my religion. There were jobs I haven't gotten and I'm sure it was because I was [voice trails off]. And it might have been because [voice trails off]. It's so hard to tell which one it is. It might have been because I was Muslim but it also may have been because I was African American. So I really never know. All I know is that I'm being discriminated against and I don't quite know why. I know that it could be because I'm a woman. Maybe because I'm all three.

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Other women also noted their inability to separate the components of their identity. One, who lives in a multiracial/multiethnic working class neighborhood, described a confrontation she had with a white neighbor. Their toddlers had a problem sharing toys on the school play- ground across the street from their homes. The older sister of the white toddler went home to get her mother. When the woman came to the playground the confrontation ensued. The respondent said that her son simply wanted to share, so she asked her neighbor if she had taught her son how to share:

She said to me, "You need to stay with your own kind." I said, "Excuse me, is that the kind that is Muslim or is that the kind that is black or is it because I'm a female, which is it, let me know, spec- ify?" But she didn't specify, she just walked over to her porch.

This respondent sees herself as having more than one characteristic that makes her a target for discrimination, but she was unable to get her discriminator to explain her behavior.

However, another respondent, who has a floral arrangement and balloon business, was able to get an explanation. She described experiencing discrimination continuously when she went into a certain floral shop. She was so bothered by it that she asked a white friend to explain the differential treatment she was receiving:

So I said to a guy that has this flower business too, "Why can't I get treated fair in there." And he says, "You know why." And I said, "Why? Is it this", pointing to the kimar [veil] on my head, "or is it this", and I pointed to my skin. He said, "You have the double." So I said, "In other words, it's both of the above." So I said fine, you know. So I went back there [the floral shop] one morning and I waited for the longest time. Finally I said, "This is it" and I just shouted it out. I said, "Why are you all treating me like you do?" I said, "I've been here all this time and nobody is working. Everybody is just walking around. Nobody has asked me can they help me. Why can't I get treated fairly here?" And he [the shop owner] says, "Because you don't spend enough money here." This is what he says. He didn't, he wasn't saying, you know, "And the fact that you're Muslim."

This respondent was given more than one explanation for discriminatory behavior. Her white friend recognized the intersection of race and religion in making her a target. Yet, according to the shop owner, he and his employees were justified in ignoring her because her orders are too small to warrant attention. She anticipates that race and religion could combine to prompt discriminatory action, but the shop owner added the size of her business to the list.

Each of the forgoing responses indicates that the respondents are aware that they bring many identities to discriminatory experiences and that they cannot separate them when try- ing to decide what makes them a target for discrimination. Some just accept the confusion this creates, but others seek explanations from friends or discriminators as to what triggers the action. Given the possibility that discriminatory acts can be linked to several triggers, how do these women sort out when discrimination is actually happening? One women pointed to her own physical clues. Her response indicated that her experiences with discrim- ination are painful:

You know, I could never say when you get confronted with it that it doesn't hurt you, because it catches you off guard and it almost, like, makes you lose your breath there for a minute. Like, your heart skips a beat and that lets you know that what you're feeling is real.

That's how you know where it's coming from because other than that it would be the kind of encounter that would be really hard to describe, unless you had those signs that went along with it. Because all those things start happening to you and then you know that you're really being violated.

Every time it happens you still have those feelings so it never becomes comfortable. You never get com- fortable with it, but you learn that people are ignorant and they don't know any better. So you learn how to deal with it like that as opposed to wanting to physically attack them or verbally attack them.

The physical sensation that accompanies the realization of discrimination helps define the experience. This account demonstrates that these women experience tangible and painful

African-American Muslim Women and Discrimination 479

moments of discrimination. This form of oppression, like all others, has grafted onto their lives' the negative elements of domination.

However, in accord with Collins, these women resist oppression by establishing a human- ist vision of experiencing discrimination. They see all discrimination as deplorable and all peo- ple as potential targets. They say that regardless of whether discrimination is triggered by race or religion, it is always reprehensible. Furthermore, their statements support the both/and conceptual framework that does not give primacy to one axis of oppression over another.

A woman who worked as a teacher's aid and as a school crossing guard said: Discrimination is one and the same to me. There is no way that you can separate discrimination. They [discrimination based on race and religion] are not different for me because discrimination is something that I just abhor. I just don't like it.

Another respondent made a similar statement:

Discrimination is discrimination, is discrimination. You can be discriminated against because you dye your hair blond, or if you speak a certain way, or dress a certain way. People have all sorts of prejudices that come under the same umbrella, you know what I am saying. What comes out of it is hurt feelings or getting something or not getting something. Sure, we all get affected by the preju- dice of people whether you are black, or regardless of what. If you are different, you are going to have some prejudice against you.

This respondent looks at discrimination from the perspective of exclusion and sees differ- ence as being at the heart of it. Another, a computer programmer, looks at discrimination from the perspective of inclusion but reaches the same conclusion. She argued that similarity is the basis for inclusion and what makes people alike is the focus of attention when choices are made:

Racism is not always cut and dried skin, it's more so where you have gone to school. There is dis- crimination among white people in terms of their alumni or whether you're Polish or Irish or Ital- ian. That's why I like the approach of multiculturalism because it gets over, well okay you just don't like black people. Because most people, if you say to them you don't like black people, they'll tell you, "Oh that's not true." But then if you show them their choices, most people will choose some- body that's like themselves. It's not so much that they dislike black people, it's just if they're not black, they don't [know blacks]. It's like, you know, people are "down" with their neighborhood and "down" with whoever went to their school.

For her, whites can also be victims of discrimination because it is based on not knowing others with different racial/social backgrounds.

While these women do not sort out when race, gender, or religion makes them a target for discrimination, they see discriminatory targeting as resulting from difference (or not being like those who are making the decisions). For them, discrimination is painful and offensive. Still, they resist the oppression of discrimination by maintaining a humanist vision of it. Dif- ference is at the heart of any encounter with discrimination. They view discrimination as something that can happen to anyone who is human. Thus, they mediate discrimination by making it a universal human experience rather than one that is unique to them. These responses demonstrate the dialectic of oppression; they expose a complexity in discriminatory targeting and encounters that is not readily apparent from Feagin and Sikes' analysis.

When It Just Does Not Matter: Resistance Par Excellence Feagin and Sikes leave their readers with a clear sense that African Americans experience

discrimination at every turn and that its cumulative impact is debilitating. In their discussion of workplace discrimination, Feagin and Sikes (1994:184) note that it "... can vary from out- right exclusion, to discrimination in salary and promotions, to unpleasant and restrictive working conditions," all of which cause their respondents humiliation, frustration, and anger.

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The respondents in this research describe experiencing the same type of discrimination. For example, the computer programmer cited above who feels that discrimination is triggered by difference, described an experience of employment discrimination:

I guess, well one instance of it was in my first programming job. We were in the graduating class from our computer school and we all started at the introductory, orientation class for our company together. I was the only African-American female. There was an African-American man, a Euro- pean woman, and a European man. Our orientation class was three weeks long and at the end of it the instructor told me that I was the best student in the class. When we got into the work environ- ment, we were put into groups. Of course the golden boy, was the white boy, you know. I got the crap assignment and the half dead team that was about to be phased out anyway and he got the golden opportunity that led to promotion and all of this kind of stuff.

Another respondent, an accountant, gave an example of salary discrimination. She said that she has actually seen the evidence of unequal pay:

And it's not only in the form of the interview process, I think that we take jobs and get paid less. I've witnessed that and since I'm in finance I see a lot of the payroll issues. I've noticed some discrimina- tion in that. On my previous job, I was hired for a managerial position, which was a director's level. When they brought in another person after me who was a male Caucasian, who did not know the computer technology and who does less work than I did when I was there, he makes more than they hired me at. So it led me to believe that maybe they did this because I was a woman and maybe it was because I was black but I never went back on it. But I, you know, I've experienced it, I've experienced it looking at the numbers.

Just like Feagin and Sikes' respondents, these women have concrete experiences with workplace discrimination. However, for some of the respondents having a job allows them to think that they have not experienced discrimination-since they are employed. In accord with Collins, through their definition of meaning and their consciousness, they use self- definition, determination, and valuation to mediate discrimination. They define discrimina- tory experiences as non-events, as not important in their lives. If this pattern exists beyond the sample in this study it significantly modifies the view we get from Feagin and Sikes.

A respondent who works in a medical laboratory linked discrimination to job opportuni- ties. She said:

I've never really experienced [discrimination], so it's kind of hard for me to say that I wasn't given a job or I wasn't given another position because I'm black. I've never experienced that....

Another respondent who has a similar medical occupation that requires training but not a degree, wondered about discrimination after she became Muslim:

I'm actually working and I haven't gone out there to find a job. Will I be discriminated against? When I go to a job interview garbed, will they go through the formalities of the interview and not hire me? Or once you go to the office, or whatever, and they see who you are, will they just say something like, "Oh, the position has been filled"?

For her, also, discrimination is about employment opportunities, so it is something that she might experience if these opportunities are limited.

A respondent preparing for a career at the other end of the occupational spectrum (she was enrolled in law school) said essentially the same thing when asked if she had experienced discrimination:

If I have, I wouldn't know. Nobody ever came up to me and said uhm [voice trails off]. Maybe I feel that way, but I guess I can never say I might not have gotten a job just because I was African Amer- ican or because I was Muslim. You never know. I guess I can never say I have been discriminated against because like I said I'm employed and I've had prior job opportunities, even though I've never applied for a corporate job. So, I guess I really wouldn't know whether I was being discrimi- nated against.

African-American Muslim Women and Discrimination 481

Each of these respondents questioned whether they have actually experienced discrimination because they are employed. So, while some respondents described classic cases of employ- ment discrimination, others say that because they have jobs they have not been discriminated against. They maintain ownership of their lives and determine for themselves which resources, in this case jobs, are linked to experiencing discrimination. Having a job allows them to mediate discrimination by saying that their life has not been influenced by it. Think- ing of discrimination only in employment terms seems to imply some degree of pragmatism in their evaluations of their lives. Discrimination can take may different forms, but they have focused on the one that is directly related to survival, and have defined themselves as not being influenced.

Their mediation of discrimination is also evident when they say that discriminatory expe- riences do not really affect them. This is resistance par excellence. In deciding that discrimina- tion does not affect them, they are deciding that they will not be oppressed by these encounters. These responses challenge Feagin and Sikes' contention that discrimination is an energy consuming, life consuming experience. One respondent, who is self-employed, told me about the poor service she received in a large department store and how she used it to teach her daughter not to accept poor treatment. Then she said:

Like that little incident in [department store] and then you get people just staring at you and some- times treating you standoffish. But I can't say its been really blatant, where it really affected me, because things like that just go in one ear and out the other. I don't let things like that bother me.

She experienced public place discrimination and paid enough attention to it to use it as a lesson for her daughter. But then she asserted, "I don't let things like that bother me". She defined the experience as not important or meaningful. She determined for herself the power that this encounter with discrimination will have in her life.

The accountant cited above, who witnessed pay inequality directly related to her job, also said that she did not let discrimination bother her:

I can't say there has been blatant discrimination against me. No one really ever said anything to me. You know, I don't let a lot of things bother me easily. I'm not, my self- esteem is at a level of com- fort. I'm very happy in my life.... I don't let a lot of things bother me....

Even though she is the victim of pay inequality, she still carves out a personal space where it does not overwhelm her. Discrimination exists, she knows it, and she sees it, but she is still able to say that it does not bother her because she maintains ownership of her life.

Finally, these respondents mediate discrimination by interpreting it globally rather than personally. Again, in accord with Collins, the respondents expressed a humanist vision. They recognize and connect with the discrimination that is experienced by the black community, even though they distance themselves from interpreting this oppression personally. For exam- ple, the respondent cited above who is enrolled in law school and said she has not been dis- criminated against because she has a job, described the global racial discrimination she sees in her neighborhood:

I see racism everyday and last week my heart was so heavy. I mean it was just outrageous. I was on [Name] Street and I saw wires coming out from a front door.... There were thick wires coming out of a front door, attached to electrical wires in the middle of the street. I thought, if somebody goes to that cord [touches it] and its raining or something they're out. They're out. And L & I [Licenses and Inspections] was right down the street, they had to pass by the plug when they were there. They didn't even care, you know. I mean [public transportation] in this area is horrible, the buses run past you, there's no air [conditioning], you get on the regional lines [suburban] and you wonder if that's still [public transportation company]. So, it's not [voice trails off]. I guess for me I take every- thing personally. So, if it's not individually (i.e., directed at her), I still think it's racism towards me.

She claimed that this global discrimination does not individually target her, yet it creates a reality that she has to contend with. She sees discrimination as an objective reality, but she

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does not see herself limited by it as an individual. When she spoke about herself specifically she noted that discrimination will happen to her if her race or religion limit her ability to get a job (8). But a humanist vision allows her to see the oppression of the black community and connect with it, while at the same time resisting that oppression because she holds a particular resource. Demonstrating the experience of domination and resistance at the same moment needs additional attention in the literature.

Another respondent, the office manager at a law firm, distanced herself from interpreting discrimination as personally limiting while noting its influence on the larger black community:

I live in a kind of diverse area because [neighborhood] is the melting pot. I was considering getting another home owner's policy because I thought that they had gotten a bit high. But I had my insur- ance agent tell me that if I canceled [Name] Insurance Company was not accepting any more poli- cies from this area. They didn't come out and say it's because primarily we are getting African- Americans ... but my insurance agent led me to believe it's because there are too many blacks and that they don't want any more policies in this area. This is not individually having been targeted but real estate redlining is an area of discrimination.

She describes a classic case of housing discrimination that is common for black middle- class home owners (Cose 1993; Feagin and Sikes 1994; Massey and Denton 1993). Yet, she does not see herself as a specific target--This is not individually having been targeted .. " She instead notes the global quality of racial discrimination, ... "but real estate redlining is an area of discrimination." Again, oppression is recognized and it is, also, resisted. These respon- dents describe typical cases of discrimination, but often mediate or limit the power of these experiences. Again, their responses move us conceptually beyond the analysis that we get from Feagin and Sikes. While discrimination causes pain, through human agency these respondents maintain ownership of their lives; they define for themselves what discrimina- tion will mean for them.

Still, how could these women, who have so many characteristics that make them a target for discrimination, say that it did not bother them? According to Collins (1991:95), a condi- tion for resisting oppression is a safe social space where the oppressed can find their voice. Safe social spaces provide a place for self-definition, determination, and valuation. They empower the oppressed.

The computer programmer cited at the beginning of this section provides a hint of this type of community in her life. She had gone to a job interview in the attire common to Mus- lim women,

I was told that I am very personable, very knowledgeable about my job field but the agency wasn't sure that their clients would accept me because of the way that I dressed. So, they just didn't hire me, but that was the first time that someone just came out and told me that.

She said that a possible response to this incident would be to sue, but then she said:

[I]t's just like back in the old days when black people used to be discriminated against. They would turn to each other and do business with each other. So, I think we [i.e., Muslims] need to develop more networks amongst ourselves....

For her a potential remedy for discrimination is to turn to the Muslim community. She is say- ing that from within this community discrimination can be mediated.

Creating the Social Boundary: Making the Space for Resistance

Feagin and Sikes (1994:16-17, 302-307) note that blacks are very likely to share their experiences of discrimination with family and friends. They argue that some of the cumulative quality of discrimination is that it becomes part of the collective memory of the community. Consistent with Collins' theory, but offering a different emphasis from Feagin and Sikes, I am arguing that intimate associations among family and friends provide more than a place to

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share discrimination, they also provide a space that is perceived as relatively free from dis- crimination. The larger the space is (i.e., the more intimate and important the associations are for defining the self) the better able blacks are to mediate the discriminations of society.

When questioning the women about their religious background, I asked them whether most of their friendships were with Muslims or non-Muslims and what types of social activi- ties they participated in. Although my respondents did not directly say that they retreat into the Muslim community to escape discrimination, they describe a set of associations that are intimate, self-defining, and, concurrently, free from the racial hostilities of larger society.

One respondent described a range of social activities that are community based. For her, the Muslim community is structured around family (i.e., marriages and births bring it together) and two major religious holidays. She said:

We do a lot of social things. We go on trips. There are a lot of social activities in the Islamic commu- nity. There are always something called tahleems (i.e., instructional lectures) and there are opportu- nities for men and women to get together where they not only have lectures but there are also activities for children. So that goes on in the community all the time. Picnics. Marriages are always a social activity-marriages and the birth of babies. Our two big celebrations are the two Eids (i.e., Islamic holidays). One at the end of Ramadan (i.e., month of fasting) ... [a]nd there's one after people make their pilgrimage (i.e., to Mecca). So there are plenty of social things, family gatherings.

The office manager at a law firm spoke about the practical reasons for associating with Muslims. Practicing her religion marks off her life from those who are not Muslim:

The majority of my friends are Muslim and the reason is because once you're really practicing your religion like you should non-Muslims have a way of shying off. Of course, I have friends that I grew up with for years that'll always be my friends.... I still maintain a good relationship with my non- Muslim friends. And I have a lot of non-Muslim family and I love them and it's the same thing there, but I'm just more comfortable with Muslims.

When it's time to pray I don't have to worry about saying excuse me I gotta make salaat (i.e., prayer). People know it's time to pray, so let's pray. I don't have to worry about saying what did you cook that with. Sometimes I feel uncomfortable because I don't want to insult anyone, but a lot of my aunts flavor [food] with stuff that I can't eat.... I just feel comfortable with Muslims.

She is telling us about a way of life that is not shared with non-Muslims and that is punctu- ated by remembering God (i.e., prayer). She is more comfortable among Muslims because, like her, their lives are structured by their religion. The Muslim community provides the con- text for her intimate social interactions. It is separate, distinct, and effectively marked off from larger society.

The accountant cited above, who had seen pay inequality on her job and then said that discrimination did not bother her, described her social activities:

I go to lectures, to different people's homes for lunch or dinner or whatever. I go to a lot of classes because Allah (i.e., God) tells us to seek knowledge, so I am constantly in different classes, learning Arabic, learning about Thawhid (i.e., the Islamic belief system), learning about Islamic law, just learning something new and I try to stay focused on that because I don't want the blessing that has been bestowed upon me to acquire knowledge and to retain it to be lost .... So as far as socially, most of the time it is trying to learn something about Islam to better myself because Islam is a way of life, not just a religion for me, so I do that. And I am constantly reading something in accounting because that's my profession that Allah has chosen for me to do. So I have to stay current with that information so that I can be a better professional and I just happen to be Muslim.

Her social life takes place in her religious community because, as she says, "Islam is a way of life." Yet, what is more important is that she conceives of everything that she does through the filter of her Muslim identity. She says specifically about discrimination, "I'm at peace with what Allah has blessed me with. So as far as discrimination things, I don't see that". Whether she is socializing, working as accountant, or experiencing discrimination it is connected to

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Islam. Islam gives her a self-defining social space and the ability to mediate, or resist the oppression of, discrimination. She is "at peace" with what God has given her.

Another respondent, a dental technician, gave a discerning description of what it is like to socialize as a Muslim women.8 Her comments illustrate the bounded, intimate associations of Muslim women, and they symbolically allude to the transforming power of God and religious association:

So in Islam there's a lot of socializing among women. We go to each other's houses and we wear our garb getting there. Once we get there we have our regular clothes on. We take off our kimars [veils] and we just relax around each other. We listen to music, we eat a lot, you know, snack foods and whatever and we just entertain ourselves. And we have a lot of fun together.

She describes a process of moving from a public world into a private one; from a place where she conceals the majority of her physical appearance to one where she not only reveals it, but she is able to relax. In this private space she participates in exactly the same activities that any- one would in a gathering of friends. She went on to say why this private social space is so important:

And if you work outside of your home, you are more likely to be working with a lot of people who are not Muslim. The way they are thinking and doing things is so different, you are just like thirsty and longing to be in the company of your Muslim sisters because you don't hear a lot of that fool- ishness. The things that women go through with their boyfriends and all this kind of stuff that women tend to talk about, you know.

She longs for the company of people with whom she shares a common bond. These associa- tions shelter her from the everyday encounters of working outside of her home in mainstream American society. She has found a way to handle the normal stresses of life and not be over- whelmed by them. She noted:

It's refreshing to not be overwhelmed by circumstances and things and to not feel hopeless and helpless about it because in Islam, you would know that Allah would help you with these things because you know through every difficulty there's an ease, so this too shall pass. So, you are not despondent. Not that we are not human and we don't get kind of out of sorts with things but we don't stay there. So Islam is so thorough . . ., your whole life is just, it's just spelled out for you. You cannot be a Muslim and not know how to live, and the living and the struggle, Islam teaches you how to do it, successfully. It's a good life being a Muslim.

This respondent is filtering the events of her life through her Muslim identity also. For her, life's difficulties are resolved by Islam. She does not become mired in them because Islam pro- vides her with the means to not "stay there." We can see in this response the power of trans- formation. It is symbolized in the changes in her physical appearance as she moves from public to private places, in what happens in her interactions with Muslims and non-Muslims, and in Islam having taught her (a convert) how to live her life successfully and how to accept her human qualities.

From within the safe social space of the Muslim community these women have found resources with which to mediate discrimination. On the one hand, their belief in God and their faith have triggered an internal transformation of their consciousness. Their religious belief has given them a foundation from which to create a definition of self. On the other hand, their religious community has provided them with social integration by structuring their lives and daily activities. Thus, their associations with other Muslims have allowed them to socially construct their identity and their reality.

According to Collins (1991:140), internal efforts at transformation are a form of resis-

8. Collins (1991) notes that sisterhood frequently characterizes black women's relationships with each other. These relationships are important for resisting oppression because they provide black women with a safe social space for

self-expression.

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tance in combating racism. Renaming, redefining, rearticulating the self and the social circum- stances of ones' life are empowering because they engender a change in consciousness (Collins 1991:111). Additionally, Long (1997:30) argues that in the African-American reli- gious experience: "God has been more often a transformer of their consciousness, the basis for a resource which enabled them to maintain the human image without completely acquiescing to the norms of the majority population."' Thus, this group of women, who are largely con- verts to Islam, have chosen to redefine themselves based on their belief in God. Practicing Islam (e.g., five prayers a day) structures their daily life, their associations, and their con- sciousness. Additionally, the Qu'ran1' and the example provided by the Prophet Muhammad's life establishes humanism as part of Islamic practice (Mernissi 1987).

This research reveals a complexity in encounters with discrimination that is not found in Feagin and Sikes' analysis. Instead, it supports Collins' understanding of black feminist thought. This group of women experience a matrix of domination that is characterized by the intersection of race, gender, and religious discrimination. Yet they have mediated, or resisted the oppression of, discrimination through self-definition, determination, and valuation. They also have mediated discrimination by maintaining a humanist vision. From within the safe social space of the Muslim community, they have transformed their lives and their conscious- ness. Their membership in the Muslim community has given them resources for mediating discrimination.

Conclusion

Feagin and Sikes (1994) and Collins (1991) give us different visions of how people expe- rience discrimination. Feagin and Sikes highlight the pain and pervasiveness of discriminatory experiences for African Americans. They demonstrate the time, effort, and energy that blacks expend in coping with white racism and the debilitating impact of discrimination on their lives. Collins allows us to understand how blacks, and others who are targets, resist or mediate the oppression of discrimination. This form of oppression, like any other, creates a dialectic of domination and empowerment. The both/and conceptual stance, which recognizes the inter- secting axes of oppression, and the humanist vision of the oppressed empowers them. Through self-definition, determination, and valuation, through transforming their life and their consciousness in safe social spaces, the oppressed are empowered.

In this manuscript I have shown the value of Collins over Feagin and Sikes for under- standing the experiences of discrimination faced by the respondents in this research. Collins allows us to understand the intricacy and complexity of discriminatory encounters for those who have more than one characteristic that might make them a target of discrimination. For the women in this research the matrix of domination is formed along the intersecting axes of race, gender, and religious discrimination. Still, these women are able to mediate discrimina- tion through self-definition, determination, and valuation. In the face of discriminatory expe- riences they maintain the ability to define for themselves what their lived experiences mean. This includes saying that they have not experienced discrimination because they hold a partic- ular resource, and saying that discrimination does not bother them. They also mediate dis- crimination through maintaining a humanist vision. They see discrimination as something that can be experienced by anyone who is different. Also, they connect with the global dis-

9. The safe social space that is created by the Muslim community might also characterize other religious commu- nities. This might be especially true for certain Christian denominations (e.g., Evangelicals) and for certain Jewish com- munities (e.g., Hasidic) where a person's identity and social activities are tightly structured by the religion.

10. Chapter (or Sura) 21, verse 92 of the Qu'ran establishes the Muslim community (or the community of believ- ers) as a single "brotherhood" that is not separated by race, nation, or gender but, instead, is united in its service to God (Ali 1977).

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crimination experienced by the black community even when they do not interpret this level of discrimination as personally limiting. Finally, they mediate discrimination from within the safe social space of the Muslim community. This community allows them to transform their life, identity, and consciousness. Their faith and belief gives them a resource for internal self- definition. Their associations with Muslims give them a resource for socially constructing an identity and a reality. Thus, Collins allows us to move beyond the automatic negative conse- quences of discrimination posed by Feagin and Sikes, to an understanding of discrimination that exposes the complexity of the domination and resistance that lies at the heart of any form of oppression.

The discriminatory experiences of this group of African-American Muslim women are full of contradictions. Their responses reveal, on the one hand, the pain that is associated with dis- crimination and, on the other, their empowered resistance of it. Although this research has highlighted their mediation of discrimination it is reasonable to assume, as research like Fea- gin and Sikes' indicates, that mediation might not always happen. Additionally, while this research focuses on a unique segment of the black community, Collins' theory should apply to other segments of the African-American community and other groups who are oppressed. Furthermore, just as the Islamic religious community has created a safe social space that empowers its members other religious communities might empower their members, in the same way. Thus, this research reveals a promising direction for future studies. That oppression is characterized by both domination and resistance says that other oppressed communities are also mediating discrimination.

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