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394 Public Administration Review • May | June 2016
Bridging the Divide between Evidence and Policy in Public Sector Decision Making:
A Practitioner ’ s Perspective
Max K. Arinder recently retired after
34 years of service to the Mississippi Joint
Legislative Committee on Performance
Evaluation and Expenditure Review, having
served 15 years as chief analyst for planning
and support and 19 years as executive
director. He holds a PhD in experimental
psychology from the University of Southern
Mississippi and has served as staff chair
of the National Conference of State
Legislatures and the National Legislative
Program Evaluation Society.
E-mail: [email protected]
Abstract : While policy advocates can help bridge the divide between evidence and policy in decision making by focusing on ambiguity and uncertainty, policy makers must also play a role by promoting and preserving deliberative processes that value evidence as a core element in leveling raw constituent opinion, ultimately resulting in a better- informed electorate. Building on existing research and analytic capability, state legislatures can increase the demand for and delivery of relevant information, giving the institution the capacity to keep abreast of research in critical public policy areas. By implementing data and time-conscious evaluative frameworks that emphasize evidence-based decision making and longitudinal cost–benefit analytics at critical policy-making junctures, the institutional culture can become less unpredictable and the “rules of the game” can be more transparent. In 2015, Mississippi ’ s legislative leaders created a system to review requests for new programs and funding using such an evidence screen.
Kimberley R. Isett, Brian W. Head, and Gary VanLandingham, Editors
Max K. Arinder
Evidence in Public Administration
Bridging the Divide between Evidence and Policy in Public Sector Decision Making: A Practitioner’s Perspective 395
As a longtime nonpartisan legislative staffer, I agree with Paul Cairney, Kathryn Oliver, and Adam Wellstead ’ s assertion that there are significant differences in academic and political cultures and in how academics and policy makers view and use “evidence” in decision making. Their article “To Bridge the Divide between Evidence and Policy: Reduce Ambiguity as Much as Uncertainty” provides a thought- provoking perspective on how the scientific community could use elements of public policy theory to better communicate in a political culture, thus giving more weight to their empirical observations in a deliberative process.
While I agree that there needs to be a culture shift in the way scientists advocate for policy, experience tells me that there also needs to be a culture shift in the policy-making institutions themselves. Yes, policy makers often balance evidence, emotions, and beliefs in making a decision. The question is whether we can create an environment in which an optimum balance can be achieved among these elements for a given policy question. The answer can be found in an exploration of the “culture” of a given policy-making body.
The conclusions drawn by Cairney, Oliver, and Wellstead would not be foreign in many of the legislative program evaluation shops around the country. One of the ongoing challenges they face as nonpartisan legislative staff is to get their work recognized and used in policy debate. Most provide regular in-service training on ways to achieve that goal through improved written and oral communication. I see this as a parallel goal to those espoused for scientists by Cairney, Oliver, and Wellstead .
A State Legislature as a Policy Culture Professionals in the legislative arena see daily the swirl of facts, opinions, feelings, and arguments surrounding policy makers. Amid this swirl, some legislators routinely rely on empirical evidence in key policy areas, while others use emotions and beliefs based largely on pressing constituent concerns. “My people tell me” is often heard around the capital, reflecting the importance of constituent opinion in any decision-making process. This may well be the natural state of any politically based public environment. Constituent opinion is a strong voice and will certainly continue to be a part of any legislative arena. But how well informed is that voice? True, we are a society awash in information. But how good is that information? A significant element of a sound policy culture should be the promotion and preservation of a deliberative process that values evidence as a core element in leveling raw constituent opinion. Failure may well negate one of the strengths of representative democracy itself: controlling tyranny by the majority.
Understanding the deliberative core of a particular political institution is a critical first step in bridging any divide between evidence and policy in decision making. The opportunities for change can be found within the bounds of the long-standing rules, values, and practices of legislative bodies. Generally, these institutions will have both expectations for empirical rigor and latitude for constituent opinion, whether that opinion be rigorously developed or not. While legislatures can be, as Cairney, Oliver, and Wellstead describe, “unpredictable policy-making environment[s] in which attention can lurch from issue to issue,” they do possess
a basic culture that allows them to function fairly efficiently to keep government service structures operational and to address perceived needs. If we can understand this natural balance in a given legislature, we can better see its strengths and understand its weaknesses regarding the nature and utility of different types of evidence in the decision-making process and perhaps find opportunities for constructive change.
Changing the Policy Culture of a State Legislature While the scientific community can provide an important impetus to change through actions referenced in the work of Cairney, Oliver, and Wellstead, a core change in a legislative culture must ultimately be accomplished by the membership of the institution itself, optimally with assistance from a sound technical staff and supported by an informed constituency. Just as constituent opinion is important in policy making, it is also an important element in determining the policy culture of a legislature. Paradoxically, achieving the needed constituent support for change may depend on the will of policy makers to take the first steps in developing a transparent, evidence-informed policy process that increases public knowledge in critical ways. To do so, elected officials must acknowledge that, while they are elected to represent their constituents’ opinions on important policy issues, they are also chosen to help determine whether those opinions, regardless of how formed, can withstand empirical debate—certainly a political risk, but one worth taking in the interest of both the common good and the health of the representative democratic process.
The wider processes of debate, coalition formation, and persuasion to reduce ambiguity could be at home in such an environment because the culture itself prescribes the method of framing policy questions, demanding scientific evidence as a basic element when needed. In such an environment, policy advocates would be expected to meet established standards for rigor and completeness if they expect their proposal or program to be seriously considered. Such an environment would help with the demand for and delivery of relevant information as well as give the institution the capacity to keep abreast of research in critical public policy areas.
Can Such an Ambitious Culture Shift Be Achieved? Since the 1970s, legislatures around the country have recognized their lack of the research evaluation skills needed to identify and appropriately use robust evidence. In response to that need, legislatures have established internal audit and evaluation capacities that enable them to carry out their role as a coequal branch of government through legitimate research and analytic capability. Over the years, this capacity has reached different levels of development in different legislatures, but all are marked by more scientifically trained teams that can, as recommended by Cairney, Oliver, and Wellstead, help build research capacity in government, reduce the loss of institutional memory, and generate a clearer research question when policy makers commission evidence.
In addition, the bipartisan National Conference of State Legislatures continually highlights the challenges legislatures face in developing sound responses to pressing public needs. This work is underpinned by an informal multistate agreement on the core values that should
396 Public Administration Review • May | June 2016
—Program Purpose 1.a. What public problem is this program seeking to address?
1.b. Briefly stated, how will this program address the public problem identified in Question 1.a?
1.c. Does this proposed program effort link to a statewide goal or benchmark identified in Building a Better Mississippi: The Statewide Strategic Plan for Performance and Budgetary Success? (yes or no)
1.d. If the answer to Question 1.c was “yes,” specify the statewide goal or benchmark to which the proposed program links.
1.e. Explain where this program fits into your agency’s strategic plan; i.e., specify the agency goal, objective, and strategy that the proposed program seeks to address.
2
1
—Needs Assessment What is the statewide extent of the problem identified in Question 1.a, stated in numerical and geographic terms?
3—Program Description 3.a. What specific service efforts/activities will you be carrying out to achieve the outcomes identified in Question 5.a?
3.b. Describe all start-up activities needed to implement the program.
3.c. Provide a time line showing when each start-up activity will take place and the date when you expect the program to be fully operational.
3.d. Over the time period for which you are requesting funding:
i. How many of each of the service efforts and activities identified in Question 3.a do you intend to provide and in which geographic locations?
ii. How many individuals do you intend to serve?
4—Return on Investment 4.a. What are the estimated start-up costs for this program, by each start-up activity described in Question 3.b?
4.b. Once the program is fully operational, what is the estimated cost per unit of service?
4.c. List each expected benefit of this program per unit of service provided. If known, include each benefit’s monetized value.
4.d. What is the expected benefit to cost ratio for this program, i.e., total monetized benefits divided by total costs?
5—Measurement and Evaluation
5.a. What specific outcomes do you expect to achieve with this program? Each outcome must be stated in measurable terms that include each of the five elements specified in the following example:
Required Elements of a Measurable Outcome Example of a Measurable Outcome
1 Targeted Outcome
2 How the Outcome Is Calculated
3 Decrease
Infant mortality rate (number of deaths of children less than one year of age per 1000 live births)
Number of deaths of children less than one year of age during a specified time period [generally one calendar year, unless otherwise noted] divided by the number of live births during the same period, multiplied by 1,000
Direction of Desired Change (increase, decrease or maintain)
In order to establish a performance baseline, for each outcome measure reported in answer to Question 5.a, report the most recent data available at the time of your request and the reporting period for the data.
5.c.
5.b.
For each outcome measure reported in answer to Question 5.a, explain how you arrived at the expected rate of change by the target date.
5.d. How often will you measure and evaluate this program?
5.e. What specific performance measures will you report to the Legislature for this program? At a minimum, you should include measures of program outputs, outcomes, and efficiency.
6—Research and Evidence Filter
6.a. As defined in MISS. CODE ANN. Section 27-103-159 (1972), if there is an evidence base, research base, promising practice or best practice on which your agency is basing its proposed new program, attach a copy of or online link to the relevant research.
6.b. If there is no existing research supporting this program, describe in detail how you will evaluate your pilot program with sufficient rigor to add to the research base as required by MISS. CODE ANN. Section 27-103-159 (1972).
7—Fidelity Plan
7.a. For programs with an existing research base, explain the specific steps that you will take to ensure that the program is implemented with fidelity to the evidence/researc h/best practice on which it is based.
7.b. If there is no existing research base for this program, explain the key components critical to the success of your pilot program and how you will ensure that these components are implemented in accordance with program design.
4 Targeted % Change 18.5% decrease in the infant mortality rate per 1,000 live births
5 Date Targeted to Achieve Desired Change One year from full implementation of program
Figure 1 Seven Elements of Quality Program Design
Bridging the Divide between Evidence and Policy in Public Sector Decision Making: A Practitioner’s Perspective 397
mark any truly representative political body and, if followed, should establish a solid foundation for implementing a more evidence- informed policy culture.
Finally, with the impetus of multistate participation in the Pew-MacArthur Results First Initiative, a number of states are implementing data and time-conscious evaluative frameworks that emphasize evidence-based decision making and longitudinal cost–benefit analytics as an important element in the policy-making process. With Pew-MacArthur ’ s technical assistance, participating states are able to better use their own technical staffs in employing methods that will help meet an evolving demand for clearer evidence at critical points in the policy-making process, thus providing policy makers with the information needed to justify decisions based on evidence that can be balanced with constituent opinion.
Developing an Evidence-Sensitive Policy Culture Through the years, there have been many efforts at introducing “scientific” management principles into governmental administrative and budgetary practices. Sound in principle, these efforts were embraced with great expectations but often fell short for various reasons, not the least of which has been that they have been tied more to political cycles and personalities than to foundational changes in the way we think about program and budgetary accountability.
This was certainly true in Mississippi 20-plus years ago when the legislature passed the Performance Budgeting and Strategic Planning Act of 1994. The act itself is sound, but a retrospective look at implementation reveals critical failures in follow-through that compromised its utility as a budgetary tool that could be used to build a priority and data-driven budget. For example, elements of the act that would have provided the resources to analyze and perfect strategic planning and performance data were not implemented. As a result, legislators were presented with raw data that often was not helpful in legislative deliberation.
However, Mississippi ’ s current legislative leadership has acknowledged this long standing flaw, has embraced the importance of data analytics to sound policy processes, and has adopted a strategic view of budgeting that can fundamentally alter the budgetary culture of the state. Backed by a professional staff dedicated to establishing and maintaining a framework of evidence, performance, and cost-based data to support sound policy debate, the budget and appropriations committees will now be able to develop clearer budgetary recommendations to fund those programs and services that help the state reach its overall policy objectives and eliminate those that do not.
The key elements of this system can be summarized as follows: a legislatively developed and maintained statewide strategic planning effort; a comprehensive statewide program inventory; and mastery of the Pew-MacArthur Results First Initiative as a tool for bringing data-driven decision making and cost–benefit analytics to bear on the state ’ s budgetary process.
These three deceptively simple key elements contain other supporting elements that also need to be developed or implemented. Examples include a system for keeping the state-level strategic planning process
relevant across election cycles and responsive to executive branch initiatives without losing its strategic value; a transparent, longitudinal tracking system to monitor progress in achieving state-level outcomes; increased capacity to identify program-level costs and monetize relevant benefits; a needs assessment process that allows cost–benefit analytics to be better utilized in selecting programs; a strategy for assessing the efficiency and effectiveness of administrative support and other nonintervention programs; an evidence-based research focus for newly proposed intervention programs; routine use of cost–benefit analytics and performance-based outcomes to identify programs for possible elimination and resource redirection; and expanded capacity for fidelity studies and performance evaluations, to name a few. Creating such a framing process allows the institutional culture to become less unpredictable and the “rules of the game” to be more transparent.
While the thoughts by Cairney, Oliver, and Wellstead on the multilevel, unpredictable nature of policy environments are certainly noteworthy, critical junctures exist in the policy process where a disciplined approach to screening policy proposals can become pivotal in a budget culture, determining in large part the future of the initiative or program being advocated. It is at these junctures, most critically in the appropriations committees, that political leaders have an opportunity to insist that the rules of the game require vetting of every proposal (regardless of politics) against a core of critical questions designed to assess the potential and cost of the program against anticipated benefits relative to the need being addressed.
For example, in 2015, Mississippi ’ s legislative leaders created a system to review requests for new programs and funding using an evidence screen. This process, labeled the Seven Elements of Quality Program Design (see figure 1 ), requires agencies to meet certain criteria to qualify for funding. For instance, agencies must report whether a requested program has “an evidence base, research base, promising practice or best practice” model, describe the monitoring system that will be used to ensure that evidence-based programs are implemented with fidelity, and explain how they will measure the results the program is achieving. While this does not guarantee removal of politics from the process, it does create a point where the quality of evidence and sound cost–benefit analytics can take center stage for all to see.
This analytic tool reflects the spirit of the times in Mississippi and is a clear example of how the evidence/policy gap can be reduced in a real-world decision-making process. With tools like this—and this is only one example—policy makers now have the option of seeking advice from an independent broker that they can trust, using the information called for by the Seven Elements. Such an approach allows legislative policy makers to ask key questions that are directly in line with their political and public policy interests.
Conclusion While agreeing that empirical facts cannot be completely separated from human values, ongoing changes in the policy culture of state legislatures over the last 40-plus years lead the author to believe that we can make research-sensitive strategies a more important part of our core value system in the selection and funding of policy initiatives and programs. To do so, we—scientists, independent
398 Public Administration Review • May | June 2016
reviewers, and policy makers alike—must all work to support any efforts made in policy-making institutions to shape the policy environment in such a way that the demand for empirical evidence becomes a required, appropriately targeted part of
the policy-making culture. While decisions may still be made in light of other considerations, the actual supporting data in such an environment will be available and transparent for all to see, with one desired outcome being a better informed electorate.
Public Administration Review,
Vol. 76, Iss. 3, pp. 394–398. © 2016 by
The American Society for Public Administration.
DOI: 10.1111/puar.12572.
If there is an area of Public Administration process or practice where you feel there is a mismatch
between the accumulated evidence and its use, and the substantive content is salient to today’s
political or institutional environment, please contact one of the editors of Evidence in
Public Administration with a proposal for consideration: Kim Isett ([email protected]),
Gary VanLandingham ([email protected]), or Brian Head ([email protected]).
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