China's overseas infrastructure project
BRI assignment /Lesson 2_Ecosystem of BRI.pptx
Infrastructure Connectivity
Building of closer, more integrated transport, energy and information infrastructure networks
Concerted efforts to build an all-round, multi-level, and composite infrastructure framework centered on railways, roads, shipping, aviation, pipelines, and integrated space information networks.
To reduce the transaction costs of products, capital, information, and technologies flowing between regions, and effectively promoted the orderly flow and optimal allocation of resources among different regions.
Efforts will be made to advance the construction of port infrastructure facilities and clearing land-water intermodal transport passages, aiming to establish an infrastructure network connecting various Asian sub-regions with other parts of Asia, Europe and Africa.
Economic Corridors
Six Development Corridors:
New Eurasian Land Bridge Economic Corridor (NELBEC)
China – Mongolia – Russia Economic Corridor (CMREC)
China – Central Asia – West Asia Economic Corridor (CCWAEC)
China – Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor (CICPEC)
Bangladesh – China – India – Myanmar Economic Corridor(BCIMEC)
China – Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)
Important role in establishing and strengthening connectivity partnerships between participating countries and building an efficient and smooth Eurasian market.
New Eurasian Land Bridge Economic Corridor (NELBEC)
Developing rail transportation between China and Europe through Kazakhstan, Russia and Belarus.
Freight trains link Chongqing to Duisburg, Chengdu to Lodz, Yiwu to Madrid, Wuhan to Hamburg, and Wuhan to Lyon. The objective of this corridor is to increase the frequency of rail transportation between China and Europe.
To accelerate trade along this route and increase its competitiveness vis-à-vis maritime transportation, this program is complemented by a simplification of customs procedures according to the principle of “declaration, inspection, clearance”.
New Eurasian Land Bridge Economic Corridor (NELBEC)
Over the past five years or so, regional cooperation through the New Eurasian Land Bridge has widened, enhancing partnerships, driving forward economic and trade exchanges between Asia and Europe.
The "Budapest Guidelines for Cooperation Between China and Central and Eastern European Countries" and the "Sofia Guidelines for Cooperation Between China and Central and Eastern European Countries" have been published, showing that steady progress is being made in pragmatic cooperation in the frameworks of the China-EU Connectivity Platform and the Investment Plan for Europe.
Construction has started on the Belgrade-Stara Pazova section of the Hungary-Serbia Railway in Serbia. The Western China-Western European International Expressway connecting western China, Kazakhstan, Russia and Western Europe is basically complete.
China-Mongolia-Russia economic corridor (CMREC)
The new Steppe road aims to develop trade between China and Mongolia by modernizing transport, telecommunication and energy networks to make Mongolia a hub between China and Russia.
Also known as the “Prairie Road” (草原之路) “starts” at the port of Tianjin, China and heads northwest before entering Mongolia at the Erlianhaote border crossing. The route then heads through Mongolia before entering Russia along the trans-Siberian express at Ulan Ude. For North East China’s provincial powerhouses, this primary route represents the shortest path to Europe; and Mongolia is keen to position itself as the pivotal logistics hub.
China-Mongolia-Russia economic corridor (CMREC)
China, Mongolia, and Russia have made positive efforts to build a cross-border infrastructure connectivity network consisting mainly of railways, roads and border ports.
In 2018, the three countries signed the "Memorandum of Understanding on Establishing a Joint Mechanism for Advancing the China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor“
China's side of the Tongjiang-Nizhneleninskoye railway bridge was completed in October 2018. Construction of the Heihe-Blagoveshchensk road bridge is progressing smoothly. A Sino-Russian enterprise consortium has completed preliminary design of the Moscow-Kazan High-Speed Railway. The "Intergovernmental Agreement on International Road Transport Along the Asian Highway Network" signed and approved by the three countries has entered into force. The China-Mongolia-Russia cross-border terrestrial cable system has been completed.
Container trains have already traversed the new corridor. The Mongolian Vector (Mongolia-Brest, Belarus) and Zhengzhou-Hamburg (China-Mongolia-Germany) trains have already been running successfully along the route and are providing European firms with potential for both Mongolian and Chinese market access; as well as vice-versa.
China – Central Asia – West Asia Economic Corridor (CCWAEC)
One of the main axes of the new Silk Road; it connects the Chinese province of Xinjiang to the Mediterranean Sea, through Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Iran and Turkey. It follows the ancient Silk Route.
This initiative is completed by bilateral cooperation agreements between China and Central Asia states. This corridor aims to better connect all the regional economies to China but also to Europe and thus offers a new intercontinental communication network that will open up Central Asian states.
China – Central Asia – West Asia Economic Corridor (CCWAEC)
Cooperation has advanced in energy, infrastructure connectivity, economy and trade, and industrial capacity in this corridor's framework.
China has signed bilateral agreements on international road transport with Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkey, and other countries, as well as China-Pakistan-Kazakhstan-Kyrgyzstan, China-Kazakhstan-Russia, China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan, and some other multilateral agreements on international road transport, constantly improving infrastructure construction in Central Asia and West Asia.
The China-Saudi Arabia Investment Cooperation Forum has promoted industrial complementarity between the Belt and Road Initiative and Saudi Vision 2030, and has concluded cooperation agreements worth more than US$28 billion.
China and Iran have drawn on their strengths in various fields and are strengthening their combined forces in the fields of roads, infrastructure and energy.
China – Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor (CICPEC)
This program aims to strengthen cooperation among states of the Greater Mekong subregion, in particular by developing transport (motorways, railways and air connections).
This initiative will support trade between China and ASEAN members that are already bound by a free trade agreement since 2010. In China, the provinces of Yunnan and Guangxi are the most involved in this cooperation.
In particular, Guangxi has opened an international rail line running from Nanning to Hanoi, as well as introduced air routes to several major Southeast Asian cities.
China – Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor (CICPEC)
Progress has been made in infrastructure connectivity and construction of cross-border economic cooperation zones through this corridor.
The Kunming-Bangkok Expressway has been completed, while the China-Laos and China-Thailand railways and some other projects are well underway. Cooperation has started in building the China-Laos Economic Corridor.
More intensive efforts have been made to dovetail Thailand's Eastern Economic Corridor and the Belt and Road Initiative. Economic cooperation between China and Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Viet Nam and Thailand is advancing steadily. Positive roles for the China-ASEAN (10+1) cooperation mechanism, Lancang-Mekong cooperation mechanism, and Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) Economic Cooperation are becoming clearer.
Bangladesh – China – India – Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIMEC)
The purpose of this corridor is to better connect China with the various economic centers of the Gulf of Bengal, and to increase interregional trade by reducing non-tariff barriers.
It also aims at strengthening transport infrastructures and decreasing poverty in this region.
This corridor would link Kunming to Kolkata (Calcutta) via Mandalay and Dhaka.
BRI proposes developing the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor and facilitate cooperation through building a closer relationship.
Bangladesh – China – India – Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIMEC)
The four countries have worked together to build this corridor in the framework of joint working groups, and have planned a number of major projects in institutional development, infrastructure connectivity, cooperation in trade and industrial parks, cooperation and opening up in the financial market, cultural exchange, and cooperation in enhancing people's wellbeing.
A Joint Committee of the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor has been established. The two countries have also signed an MoU on building the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor, as well as papers on a feasibility study for the Muse-Mandalay Railway, and the Framework Agreement on the Kyauk Phyu Special Economic Zone Deep-Sea Port Project.
China – Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)
The objective of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is to build an economic route running from Kashgar, Xinjiang, in the north, to Pakistan’s Gwadar Port in the south.
Includes the construction of railways, highways, optical fiber networks, the creation of an international airport in Gwadar as well as the establishment of special economic zones.
Positive impact on Iran, Afghanistan, India, Central Asian Republic, and the region. The enhancement of geographical linkages having improved road, rail and air transportation system with frequent and free exchanges of growth and people to people contact, enhancing understanding through academic, cultural and regional knowledge and culture, activity of higher volume of flow of trade and businesses, producing and moving energy.
China – Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)
A cooperation plan focusing on energy, transportation infrastructure, industrial park cooperation, and Gwadar Port has been implemented in the framework of this corridor. China and Pakistan have established the Joint Cooperation Committee of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor.
Key projects, such as the road to the Gwadar Port, Peshawar-Karachi Motorway (Sukkur-Multan section), Karakoram Highway Phase II (Havelian-Thakot section), Lahore Orange Line Metro, and 1,320MW Coal-Fired Power Plants at Port Qasim have been launched.
The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is open to third parties for cooperation, and more countries have joined or expressed a willingness to participate.
Transportation Network
Railways
Inter-regional and intercontinental railway networks: China-Laos Railway, China-Thailand Railway, Hungary-Serbia Railway, and Jakarta-Bandung High-Speed Railway.
By the end of 2018, China-Europe rail service had connected 108 cities in 16 countries in Asia and Europe. A total of 13,000 trains had carried more than 1.1 million TEUs. Among the trains starting from China, 94 percent were fully loaded; and among those arriving in China, 71 percent were fully loaded.
Cooperated with other B&R countries in customs clearance to make it more convenient and efficient for the operation of the trains. The average inspection rate and customs clearance turnover time have both decreased by 50 percent.
Transportation Network
Roads
Trial operations have been carried out on nonstop transport on the China-Mongolia-Russia, China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan, China-Russia (Dalian-Novosibirsk) and China-Viet Nam roads.
In February 2018, regular operation began on the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan highway. China-Viet Nam Beilun River Bridge II has been completed and opened to traffic. China formally joined the Convention on International Transport of Goods Under Cover of TIR Carnets (TIR Convention).
It has signed 18 bilateral and multilateral international transport facilitation agreements with 15 B&R countries, including the "Intergovernmental Agreement of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization Member States on the Facilitation of International Road Transport". Positive progress has been made in implementing the GMS "Agreement for the Facilitation of Cross-Border Transport of Goods and People".
Transportation Network
Ports
In Pakistan's Gwadar Port, routes for regular container liners have been opened and supporting facilities in the starting area of the Gwadar Free Trade Zone completed, attracting more than 30 companies into the area.
Preliminary work has been completed for Sri Lanka's Hambantota Port Special Economic Zone, including defining the zone's industrial functions and making conceptual plans.
An important transit hub has been completed at the Port of Piraeus in Greece, and Phase III construction is to be completed.
Khalifa Port Container Terminal Phase II in the United Arab Emirates officially opened in December 2018.
China has signed 38 bilateral and regional shipping agreements with 47 B&R countries.
Transportation Network
Air transport
Bilateral intergovernmental air transport agreements signed with 126 countries and regions to expand arrangements for air traffic rights with Luxembourg, Russia, Armenia, Indonesia, Cambodia, Bangladesh, Israel, Mongolia, Malaysia, and Egypt.
Over the past five years or so, 1,239 new international routes have opened between China and other B&R countries, accounting for 69.1 percent of the total of China's new international routes over that period.
The ASEAN Open Skies policy, effective from 2015, is set to enhance regional trade by allowing airlines from ASEAN countries to fly freely throughout the region under a single, unified market. ASEAN has also recently concluded an exchange of fifth freedom air traffic rights between ASEAN countries and China, allowing Chinese carriers to use ASEAN gateway city airports to fly beyond.
Kunming as the main airline transit point to ASEAN and South Asia, with more than half of its international flights destined for Southeast Asian countries, more than 20 cities in ASEAN and South Asian countries, including newly added direct flights to Koh Samui and Krabi Island in Thailand, and Siem Reap in Cambodia.
Energy Pipelines
China has signed a large number of cooperation framework agreements and MoUs with other B&R countries, and has carried out extensive cooperation in the fields of electricity, oil and gas, nuclear power, new energy, and coal. It works with relevant countries to ensure the safe operation of oil and gas pipeline networks and optimize the configuration of energy resources between countries and regions.
The China-Russia crude oil pipeline and the China-Central Asia natural gas pipeline have maintained stable operation. Certain sections of the eastern route of the China-Russia natural gas pipeline will enter service in December 2019 and the entire eastern route will be completed and enter service in 2024. China-Myanmar oil and gas pipelines have been completed.
Telecommunications Facilities
To “create an information Silk Road,” including building bilateral cable networks, planning transcontinental submarine cable projects, and improving satellite passageways
Began construction of China-Myanmar, China-Pakistan, China-Kyrgyzstan, and China-Russia cross-border fiber optic cables for information transmission.
China and the International Telecommunication Union signed a "Letter of Intent to Strengthen Cooperation on Telecommunications and Information Networks Within the Framework of the Belt and Road Initiative".
China has also signed cooperation agreements with Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Afghanistan on fiber optic cables, which represent the practical launch of the Silk Road Fiber Optic Cable project.
Embracing the BRI Ecosystem: Adding Value and Mitigating Risks
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WwPsF6z_C40&list=PL_e-ZHXPRofcC-C5Qg3NG-uJubPHQdcsU
Development of BRI Ecosystem
BRI: Collaborative Ecosystem
Belt and Road transport corridors have the potential to substantially improve trade, foreign investment, and living conditions for citizens in its participating countries.
Countries that lie along the Belt and Road corridors are ill-served by existing infrastructure and by a variety of policy gaps. As a result, they under trade by 30 percent and fall short of their potential FDI by 70 percent. BRI transport corridors will help in two critical ways: lowering travel times and increasing trade and investment.
Along economic corridors, it is estimated that travel times will decline by up to 12 percent once completed. Travel times with the rest of the world are estimated to decrease by an average of 3 percent, showing that non-BRI countries and regions will benefit as well. Trade will grow from between 2.8 and 9.7 percent for corridor economies and between 1.7 and 6.2 percent for the world
BRI: Collaborative Ecosystem
However recent disputes on the implementation of BRI between China and other Southeast Asia countries show that China should not automatically assume that growth through gigantic infrastructure investments–the model that worked for China–is applicable everywhere.
BRI should not be only about building railways, airports and shipping docks. It should not be a series of one-off infrastructure projects. It should be a collaborative ecosystem that go beyond infrastructure development, but evolve to concentrate on trade, manufacturing, digital economy, tourism, and other social aspects.
The projects within the first phase of the BRI, which focuses on infrastructure development, should act as the keystones for much wider ecosystems that will present later opportunities for other, more consumer-focused sectors such as education, healthcare, retail, and financial services.
Key BRI Sectors
Infrastructure: focus areas of infrastructure investment in the BRI are railways, oil and gas pipelines, and electricity transmission/distribution networks by SOEs in China. Overseas SMEs should explore opportunities in supply chain manufacturing facilities in host countries; water and waste management projects; regional trade and logistics centres; and urbanisation projects.
Financial and Professional Services: Overseas SMEs and consultancy firms (e.g. Surbana Jurong in Singapore) are well-positioned to utilise their experience and expertise in assisting Chinese companies in international trade.
Agriculture and Environment: Investments in environmentally-sustainable agriculture infrastructure and transfer of knowledge/ technology (e.g. China-Mozambique Agricultural Technology Demonstration Centre)
Manufacturing and Transport: the construction of high-speed railways, ports, airports, hydro-power plants and high-tech industrial parks will require high-end equipment, from overseas suppliers.
Energy and Resources: Electricity production industries (nuclear power plant, reusable/ green energy development).
Key BRI Sectors
E-commerce and Logistics: New platforms for B2B and B2C transactions as well as logistics centre and hubs to be set up to manage delivery and warehousing of goods.
Healthcare and Life Sciences: In 2017 China announced the formation of an international biomedical alliance to promote cooperation in biomedicine and healthcare sectors between BRI countries.
Tourism: Promotion of tourism among countries along the BRI route (An agreement between the Beijing-based World Tourism Cities Federation and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation aims to promote tourism to cities along the Belt and Road, both inside and outside of China).
Arts and Culture: ‘Belt and Road Cultural Development Action Plan’ includes proposals for promoting the growth of cultural industries in BRI countries, including through a BRI artistic creations initiative.
Education: Investing and developing existing universities, building more universities and building partnerships with international governments and universities to meet demand for skilled graduates in engineering.
Unimpeded Trade
As one of the goal of BRI, ongoing efforts to liberalise and facilitate trade and investment in the participating countries and regions, lower costs of trade and business and release growth potential.
"Initiative on Promoting Unimpeded Trade Cooperation Along the Belt and Road“(83 countries and international organisations to deepen cooperation in border inspection and quarantine).
100 cooperation agreements with other B&R countries, granting access to some 50 types of agricultural products and food after inspection and quarantine.
Express customs clearance services for agricultural products between China and Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan have reduced the clearance time by 90 percent.
12 pilot free trade zones for global business and experimented with free trade ports to attract investment from participating countries of the Belt and Road Initiative.
Free trade agreements/ free trade zones involving China and other BRI countries.
World Bank study that analyzes the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative on trade in 71 potentially participating countries, the initiative increases trade flows among participating countries by up to 4.1 percent (Baniya, Rocha & Ruta 2019).
Custom Reforms Fuel Cross-border Trade and Investment
Introducing one-stop customs and harmonised administrative measures across borders:
Thailand has introduced e-logistics at its borders with other Greater Mekong Sub-region (GMS) countries and a One Stop Export Service Centre to improve logistics efficiency.
Laos and Vietnam have recently launched single-window inspection at their border checkpoints, while China and Thailand are also working to streamline their respective import regulations.
In March 2015, China’s General Administration of Customs (GAC) announced it would introduce customs clearance integration reforms in provinces along the Silk Road Economic Belt. Under reforms that took effect in May 2015, companies in Chinese cities within the Economic Belt have the option to go through customs formalities (including declaration, tax payment and goods inspection) either through their local in-charge customs houses, or via port customs through which goods are either imported or exported.
Free Trade Zone Strategy
Creation of a high-standard global network of free trade zones
Pilot Free Trade Zones (PFTZ) within China
Platforms and laboratories to experiment with new rules for institutional, commercial or tactical innovations.
Multi-purpose and multi-modular vehicles with several functions, from system-testing with regards to financial innovation, to change management in relation to internal market reform.
Allow simulating different scenarios, permit to practice and training to foster sound investments in the BRI area.
Promote economic reforms by seeking to boost growth by creating points of convergence for the various industries, service providers, logistics, supply chain or financial services.
Key organizations for cross-border cooperation and for greater and better use of the CNY, as many PFTZs provide better solutions or financial benefits.
Optimisation and improvement of import/export customs protocols to allow better control of taxes at identified crossing points.
Free Trade Zone Strategy
Domestic development
In 2016 alone, the 4 PFTZs of Shanghai, Guangdong, Tianjin, and Fujian generated more than CNY 409 billion in taxes.
In 2017 there were eleven Free Trade Zones in mainland China as well as the development of the Hainan province. These shared rather similar rules even though some had more geostrategic functions, such as revitalizing northeast China, supporting the development of the Great West, strengthening the balance of growth in central China.
Henan Province is focused on trade with the BRI in Central Asia nowadays, while the FTZs of the coastal areas support the Yangtze River Economic Belt and Greater Bay Area effort in the south, and participate to the Maritime Silk Roads effort.
Increasingly interconnected with efficient and sophisticated exchange and cooperation processes. At the forefront of engineering and metadata management.
Free Trade Zone Strategy
Exportation of model
In 2006, as part of the implementation of its 11th five year plan, the Chinese government announced that it would establish up to fifty overseas economic and trade cooperation zones (OETCZs).
As of October 2017, Chinese enterprises had developed 75 SEZs dubbed OETCZsin 24 Belt and Road corridor economies of the 99 Chinese overseas zones.
Deployment of FTZs on many strategic axes in the BRI area.
Turnkey systems are made available in many countries in Central Asia and Africa, including models and protocols.
Much more than just industrial parks, China’s Overseas Economic & Trade Cooperation Zones are new forms of mixed management systems on which are built tomorrow’s trade corridors.
Establish local partnerships with the main regional and global actors, on joint infrastructure projects such as rail networks, deep-sea ports, and so on.
Largest African FTZ – Djibouti International FTZ (DIFTZ) – a 4,800 ha zone worth USD 3.5 billion in investment to promote economic cooperation with Rwanda, Sudan, Somalia, Ethiopia, whilst starting operations with the African Union as a whole.
Free Trade Zone Strategy
Special Economic Zones (SEZ)
The role of SEZs supported by the BRI is to establish international cooperation platforms for sustainable industrial development. Industrial parks in the SEZs are to become the basis for Chinese firms and their local counterparts to work in tandem to improve the division of labour and distribution of industrial chains by encouraging related industries to develop in concert.
From Cambodia to Ethiopia to Georgia, economic and industrial zones have become an increasingly important dimension of international cooperation within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
Benefits: increase demand for Chinese‐made machinery and equipment, while making it easier to provide post‐sales product support; avoid trade frictions and barriers imposed on exports from China; boost China’s domestic restructuring (shifting from manufacturing to value-add industries); create economies of scale for overseas investment, and in particular, to assist less experienced small and medium‐sized enterprises to venture overseas “in groups”; and transfer/ sharing of China’s success to other developing countries
Free Trade Zone Strategy
Africa
China launched a ‘new’ Africa policy at the turn of the century, culminating in the establishment in October 2000 of the multilateral Forum on China-Africa Co-operation (FOCAC).
The China‐Africa Development Fund (CADF), a venture capital instrument set up by one of Beijing’s policy banks, China Development Bank, is one of the key tools set up for the “Going Global” strategy.
First announced at the November 2006 Summit of the Forum on China‐Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), CADF role is to invest in Chinese companies, Sino‐Africa joint ventures, or African companies, with the commercial objective of at least breaking even. CADF has taken equity shares in some of the overseas zones projects.
Free Trade Zone Strategy
Africa
Initial seven approved SEZs in Africa: These zones are located in Zambia, Mauritius, Egypt, Ethiopia, Nigeria (two), and Algeria
Currently there are eight zones: two in Zambia, two in Nigeria, one each in Ethiopia, Mauritius, Egypt and Algeria (six in Zambia, Ethiopia, Nigeria and Egypt are operational to promote local industrial development)
Differ in size, structure and targeted sectors: joint ventures with local investors (Egypt, Nigeria); others fully managed by Chinese developers (Zambia and Mauritius); or developed by provincial state-owned enterprises in China with strong backing from their respective provincial governments.
Objective: promote Africa’s development, by providing countries with the means to establish a manufacturing or industrial base through fostering technology and knowledge transfer and through job creation.
Free Trade Zone Strategy
ASEAN-China Free Trade Area (ACFTA)
Free trade area among the ten member states of ASEAN and China
Framework agreement signed in 2002 by eleven heads of government to eliminate tariffs on 90% of products by 2010.
Average tariff rate on Chinese goods sold in ASEAN decreased from 12.8% to 0.6% and average tariff rate on ASEAN goods sold in China decreased from 9.8% to 0.1%.
In 2015, ASEAN’s total merchandise trade with China reached US$346.5 billion (15.2% of ASEAN’s trade) and accelerated growth of direct investments from China and commercial cooperation.
Free Trade Zone Strategy
Cambodia
Relations between Cambodia and China gained momentum after the two countries established a comprehensive strategic partnership in 2010.
Infrastructure development throughout the country under BRI since 2013, i.e. the Chinese-funded Sihanoukville Special Economic Zone and the Phnom Penh-Sihanoukville Expressway, on which construction began in March under a build-operate-transfer scheme.
China has replaced Japan as Cambodia's largest foreign direct investor and become the country's closest ally.
Chinese investment have recently flooded into Cambodia's coastal province of Sihanoukville because of its convenient location and the government's openness to investment, particularly in real estate and casinos.
Free Trade Zone Strategy
Myanmar
Quick economic development since the military junta launched political reforms towards democracy in 2011 after almost 50 years of dictatorship. SEZ key strategy to boost economic growth.
Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone backed by Myanmar government and Chinese state-owned CITIC Group in the restive region of Rakhine. Framework inked in 2018.
Falls under the China-Myanmar economic Corridor. Covers 4,000 acres and include two deep sea ports. Allocation of land for housing, industrial park, fisheries, garment factories and other small enterprises.
The project will offer China access to the Bay of Bengal while enhancing its regional connectivity as part of Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
CITIC will hold a 70% stake in the project and the rest will be held by Myanmar’s Kyaukphyu SEZ Public Holding Company Ltd. (MKSH), a consortium of 17 companies. CITIC’s share is also divided among a consortium of six companies that includes Charoen Pokphand (CP), the largest private company in Thailand.
Free Trade Zone Strategy
Thailand
Thai-Chinese Rayong Industrial Zone (TCRIZ) established in Thailand in 2006.
Attracted over US$2.5bn in Chinese investment to the country and achieved a cumulative industrial value of US$8bn
Alignment with Thailand’s Eastern Economic Corridor strategy by adopting an array of preferential policies thereby to develop high value-added emerging industries.
Nearly 60 new enterprises have settled down in the zone, generating 9 billion U.S. dollars worth of industrial output in total, which accounts for approximately 75 percent of the total output value in the past decade.
Largest industrial cluster center and manufacturing export base built by Chinese companies in Thailand and even ASEAN
Expedite local infrastructure construction, and boost the prosperity of real estate investment and tourism among other industries across Thailand.
Broadening Zones
Lancang-Mekong Border
Free-trade zone on the border between Thailand and Laos to strengthen commercial ties with countries in the Mekong region of Southeast Asia.
Plan: to waive tariffs and value-added tax on imports from countries that do not share a border with China; to import US$40 trillion worth of goods and services over next 15 years.
China has invested US$1.7 million into the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation initiative proposed by Thailand to develop the region to extend China-Laos border free-trade zone to Thai-Laos border
Trade zone will cover an area stretching from the southern Chinese border district of Mohan to Chiang Khong in far north of Thailand.
The Chinese government has built up e-commerce facilities and logistics infrastructure with a one-stop customs services in Mohan and other locations along its southern borders.
Thailand will set up Chiang Mai as an e-commerce hub.
Challenges of Free Trade Zones
SEZ-related infrastructure investments in some countries became large fiscal drains that failed to attract investors, leaving “white elephants.”
Investors have exploited SEZs to take advantage of tax breaks without delivering substantial employment or export earnings.
In the absence of political will to undertake reforms, SEZs became second-best environmenta and pressure valves to absorb excess labour from China (Farole 2017).
Lack of long term strategy to establish high-level of trust and commitment with local partners who may be new to working with foreign companies and investors.
Lack of governance mechanisms that led to anti-Chinese sentiments among communities in the zone areas.
Heavy dependence on fiscal incentives and without substantial linkages to the broader economy.
Inadequate institutionalisation for the transfer of knowledge/ technology.
New Trade Models
Cross-border e-commerce are becoming an important driver of trade. In 2018 the total value of retail goods imported and exported through the cross-border e-commerce platform of China Customs reached US$20.3 billion, growing by 50 percent year on year.
China has established cooperation mechanisms for bilateral e-commerce with 17 countries, created agreements on e-commerce cooperation under the BRICS and other multilateral frameworks
Products from 50 countries along the Belt and Road have been introduced to China via JD.com, one of China’s biggest e-commerce platforms, and Chinese products are now being continuously sold to 54 countries along the route via JD.
China’s cross-border e-commerce is an important support in global trading and Chinese enterprises could share experiences and help countries along the Belt and Road to build logistics and create financing facilities.
Accelerating Cross-Broder E-Commerce
In 2013, Chinese government designated Yunnan and Guangxi as the border financial comprehensive reform pilot areas, with the aim to facilitate trade and investment activities in the two provinces and to promote the use of the Renminbi in the China-Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor and the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor. These reform measures help to reduce costs and facilitate regional trade. China has also raised the cash limit that individuals are allowed to carry when crossing the border from RMB20,000 to RMB200,000.
In June 2015, ministers from the six GMS countries endorsed the GMS cross-border e commerce co-operation platform framework that China proposed, with a view to promoting cross-border trade and facilitate goods and commodity flows.
Key areas of co-operation cover: co-operation of e-commerce enterprises, facilitation of cross-border e-commerce customs procedures, investment in cross-border e-commerce infrastructure, improvement of the ecommerce supporting services systems and building the capacity of e-commerce.
Accelerating Cross-Broder E-Commerce
Nanning had become a state-level cross-border e-commerce pilot city, with the establishment of the China-ASEAN e-commerce park and the participation of leading Chinese e-commerce companies such as Jingdong, Tencent, Alibaba and Meiliwan.
To provide better services and facilitate trade flows, Guangxi will strengthen co-operation with ASEAN countries in customs, import / export inspection and quarantine, as well as other information exchanges.
Tmall Global, China’s leading e- commerce platform, announced in 2015 to launch a partnership duty-free shop project with King Power, Thailand’s largest duty-free group. Under the agreement, Chinese tourists will be allowed to buy stored-value cards online prior to travelling abroad, and be able to collect the purchased items from five of King Power’s duty-free shops upon arrival in Thailand.
Sharing China’s E-Commerce Experience
On June 1, 2018, delegates of overseas Chinese media from over 20 countries arrived at the JD headquarters, hoping to learn from China’s experience in e-commerce.
Dhgate.com, a cross-border e-commerce has participated in a programme to help SMEs in Turkey, Azerbaijan and Georgia to establish e-commerce platforms
Retailers could now sell goods directly to consumers across the globe without having to share the profits with distributors
Cut-down on processing time: In the past, it took 60 days between placing an order and receiving products in Russia, but now, as big data is used on the customs declaration system, the checking process takes much less time.
Chinese and foreign businessmen at the China International E-commerce Expo 2018
(Source: http:// en.people.cn/n3/2018/0615/c90000-9472081.html)
Digital Silk Road
Bring new waves of technological opportunities for emerging economies in Asia. Informatization serves as a strong bond linking real and virtual economy, and data connectivity can facilitate the integration of resource advantages and key factors of production, thus helping narrow the wealth divide and achieve inclusive development.
In 2016, the Chinese Academy of Sciences established two regional research centers in Hainan and Xinjiang as part of a “Digital Earth Under the Information Silk Road” initiative to gather space-based remote sensing data for multiple projects under the BRI, particularly in South and Southeast Asia.
Collaborative effort undertaken by the international business community, rather than a sole performance by Chinese enterprises e.g. Chinese Inspur Group ogether with a group of global tech giants, including IBM, Cisco Systems Inc, Diebold Nixdorf and Ericsson AB, formed an alliance to provide IT solutions for smart city building in BRI economies.
Focused on integrating cloud data centers and services in five main areas: smart urban management, taxation, the grain industry, finance and education.
Digital Silk Road
Bring new waves of technological opportunities for emerging economies in Asia. Informatization serves as a strong bond linking real and virtual economy, and data connectivity can facilitate the integration of resource advantages and key factors of production, thus helping narrow the wealth divide and achieve inclusive development.
In 2016, the Chinese Academy of Sciences established two regional research centers in Hainan and Xinjiang as part of a “Digital Earth Under the Information Silk Road” initiative to gather space-based remote sensing data for multiple projects under the BRI, particularly in South and Southeast Asia.
Collaborative effort undertaken by the international business community, rather than a sole performance by Chinese enterprises e.g. Chinese Inspur Group together with a group of global tech giants, including IBM, Cisco Systems Inc, Diebold Nixdorf and Ericsson AB, formed an alliance to provide IT solutions for smart city building in BRI economies.
Focused on integrating cloud data centers and services in five main areas: smart urban management, taxation, the grain industry, finance and education.
Digital Silk Road
Investments and Acquisitions
Two Chinese e-commerce giants – Alibaba and Tencent – are investing heavily in Asia in a contest for regional access and dominance:
In 2014-15, China’s Alibaba invested $400 million in Singapore Post, a traditional postal service company. Alibaba Group invested at least $620 million in India’s e-commerce players — Snapdeal, Big Basket, Ticket New, and One 97 — collectively between 2015 to 2017.
Tencent, China Investment Corporation, and Didichuxing have invested in Grab, a leading ride-hailing service in Southeast Asia.
Alibaba and Tencent’s involvement in the ASEAN market is empowering regional e-ecommerce players through partnerships, investments, integration into greater value chains and e-payment systems, as well as technological transfers.
Digital Silk Road
Smart City initiatives
Kuala Lumpur has become the first city outside of China to adopt Alibaba Cloud’s smart city system in its traffic grids, gaining the technology necessary to harness big data and artificial intelligence for smoother and safer governance, propelling Malaysia to the forefront of the urban digital revolution.
The City of Pearl in the New Manila Bay, the biggest BRI project in the country and smart city initiative in the world, will become self-sufficient on renewable energy, running on smart mobility and grid technologies in the next thirty years.
Digital Silk Road
Digital connectivity
Chinese satcom companies such as China Communication Technology Satcom (CCT) and APT Satellites see business opportunities in local partnerships to increase digital connectivity.
The Philippines, which is ranked 100th in the world for internet speed, seeks to benefit from CCT’s acquisition of G Telecoms and thus entry into its market.
In Laos, APT will work in parallel to boost digital connectivity to support projects in physical connectivity, such as Chinese-backed railways.
Digital Silk Road
Digital connectivity
Chinese satcom companies such as China Communication Technology Satcom (CCT) and APT Satellites see business opportunities in local partnerships to increase digital connectivity.
The Philippines, which is ranked 100th in the world for internet speed, seeks to benefit from CCT’s acquisition of G Telecoms and thus entry into its market.
In Laos, APT will work in parallel to boost digital connectivity to support projects in physical connectivity, such as Chinese-backed railways.
Opportunities for International Companies
Partnerships: increasing opportunities for Chinese contractors to enter into joint ventures or collaborations to strengthen technology know-how and familiarity with local conditions e.g. China State Construction Engineering’s joint venture with Korea’s Ssangyong Engineering in the UAE; China Fortune Land and Vietnam’s Tin Nghia Corporation, to help acquire land, navigate local regulations, or manage relationships with local governments and communities.
Supply: Foreign companies also have opportunities to supply products to Chinese SOEs, especially where environmental or safety standards are high e.g. GE China partners with Sinomach in Africa, supplying technology to the company and jointly bidding on opportunities.
Professional Services: Professional service firms will be critical for Chinese firms seeking to mitigate risks. Project due diligence, business structuring, contract negotiation, labour and tax regulations, and insurance requirements are all critical to a firm’s successful offshore activities. Managing CSR obligation is especially critical for BRI given that large infrastructure projects may relocate communities, harm the environment, and draw the attention of social activists.
Opportunities for International Companies
Acquisitions: Acquisition of leading technologies by Chinese contractors to win competitive tenders to meet strict environmental standards e.g. Shanghai-based Envision Energy recently acquired Bazefield, a Norwegian provider of wind-farm management systems.
Financing: So far, Chinese policy banks have funded much of BRI. As BRI grows in scale and policy banks grow weary of taking losses on select early investments, there will be opportunities for foreign asset managers as alternative sources of finance to help structure projects in a manner that attract Chinese private capital and global capital for more sustainable financing.
__MACOSX/BRI assignment /._Lesson 2_Ecosystem of BRI.pptx
BRI assignment /.DS_Store
__MACOSX/BRI assignment /._.DS_Store
BRI assignment /african_shenzhen_chinas_special_economic_zones_in_africa.pdf
African Shenzhen:China’s special economic zones in Africa
DEBORAH BRÄUTIGAM
School of International Service, American University, 4400 Massachusetts Ave, NW, Washington, DC 20016-8071, USA
Email : [email protected]
and
TANG XIAOYANG
New School for Social Research, 6 East 16th St., New York, NY 10003, USA
Email : [email protected]
A B S T R A C T
This article examines recent Chinese efforts to construct a series of official economic cooperation zones in Africa. These zones are a central platform in China’s announced strategy of engagement in Africa as ‘mutual benefit ’. We analyse the background, motives and implementation of the zones, and argue that they form a unique, experimental model of development cooperation in Africa : market-based decisions and investment by Chinese companies are com- bined with support and subsidies from an Asian ‘developmental state ’. Though this cooperation provides a promising new approach to sustainable in- dustrialisation, we also identify serious political, economic and social challenges. Inadequate local learning and local participation could affect the ability of the zones to catalyse African industrialisation. The synergy between Chinese en- terprises, the Chinese government and African governments has been evolving through practice. A case study of Egypt provides insight into this learning process.
I N T R O D U C T I O N
During the last ten years, China’s economic engagement with Africa has
witnessed explosive growth. Trade between China and Africa reached
$106 billion in 2008, ten times the 2000 figure.1 In contrast to trade with
partners such as the United States, where imports of African raw materials
make up by far the lion’s share of trade, Africa’s trade with China is
J. of Modern African Studies, 49, 1 (2011), pp. 27–54. f Cambridge University Press 2011 doi:10.1017/S0022278X10000649
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relatively balanced, with African countries importing around $50 billion of
Chinese goods in 2008. Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) statistics
are notoriously unreliable, but near-weekly announcements of significant
commitments to invest suggest that the actual increases in FDI are likely to
be far higher than the official annual figures, which record a rise from
$74.8 million in 2003 to $5.49 billion in 2008 (MOFCOM 2009). In 2007,
at the annual meeting of the African Development Bank, held for the first
time in Shanghai, the president of China’s Export–Import Bank an-
nounced plans to commit at least $20 billion in export-related finance
across Africa over the following three years.
The impact of China’s economic engagement in Africa is hotly debated.
Some argue that it is neo-colonial in nature: almost exclusively about
getting access to natural resources. Further, the influx of competitive
Chinese products, small-scale Chinese traders, and Chinese labour in in-
frastructure projects is seen as a serious threat to African manufacturers,
market vendors, and workers. In this view, Chinese engagement is unlikely
to benefit Africa’s long-term development (Marysse & Geenen 2009: 392).
On the other hand, the Chinese have regularly announced pledges of
state-sponsored ‘economic cooperation’ with Africa. As part of these
pledges, China’s Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM) is supporting the
development of six (possibly seven) economic and trade cooperation zones
in five (possibly six) African countries. Chinese enterprises have also set up
a handful of industrial zones outside the MOFCOM programme. Chinese
leaders describe these cooperation zones as an important measure to help
African countries develop industries and expand local employment
(People’s Daily 2010). Still, some worry that the zones might be primarily
‘political ’ investments, linked to Beijing’s long-term geo-strategic ambi-
tions, and unlikely to foster sustainable local development (Gayan 2008).
Relatedly, others fear that they may be intended primarily for transship-
ment of Chinese products, for relabelling and re-export to protected
markets as ‘African’ products.
In a similar vein, many development experts are sceptical about the
zones’ prospects as tools for an industrial revival on the continent. African
countries have mixed experiences with industrial or export processing
zones. It is true that some African countries do have notable, market-
driven, ‘bottom-up’ clusters of industries such as the footwear cluster in
Aba and the vehicle parts cluster in Nnewi in Nigeria (Bräutigam 1997;
Meagher 2010; Zeng 2008). Yet these spontaneous clusters have signifi-
cant weaknesses, notably poor infrastructure, weak linkages to modern
sources of innovation and technology, and a general absence of govern-
ment support. The first formal export processing zones were established in
28 DE BORAH BR Ä UT I G AM AND TANG X I AOYANG
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sub-Saharan Africa in 1971, in Mauritius, and were widely regarded as a
success. By 2009, about two dozen African countries had hosted various
forms of special economic zone (SEZs), including export processing zones
(EPZ), free trade zones (FTZ) and industrial parks. However, for reasons
discussed briefly below, the general outcome of SEZs in Africa, especially
in sub-Saharan Africa, has been lacklustre. In some countries, zones are
only partially functioning; some have even been abandoned.
These two sets of concerns are related. Chinese zones will be successful
if they attract significant local and foreign investment, create African
employment, promote exports and elevate industrial competitiveness in
African countries in an environmentally and socially sustainable manner.
Conversely, if these zones end up as isolated Chinese enclaves ; do not
employ Africans or employ them only at the lowest levels ; fail to transfer
or diffuse technology and ‘know-how’ (including the knowledge of how to
effectively market the zones) to local people ; attract industries that are
simply more polluting or adopt worker safety standards that are lower
than those outside the zones ; or serve as uneconomic ‘prestige projects ’
offered merely in exchange for other benefits such as access to resources,
fears about Chinese exploitation would be confirmed.
Very little research has been done on the Chinese zones.2 Some of their
most basic aspects are still unclear to many people, even the most obvious
question as to which of the many media stories about Chinese zones are
about the ‘official ’ zones that enjoy Chinese government support.
Understanding that they are still at an early stage of development, this
article aims to describe how the Sino-African economic cooperation zones
were conceived and initiated, and how they are progressing during im-
plementation. Based primarily on field research and interviews in China,
Zambia, Egypt, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Mauritius, Uganda and Ethiopia
between 2007 and 2009, we investigate three major sets of questions :
(1) How did the official zones come to be located in these particular
countries, and what does this tell us about China’s strategy for Africa?
(2) How are these zones being designed and developed? In particular,
what role does the Chinese government play, and what role is played by
profit-seeking enterprises? (3) What issues have arisen during implemen-
tation that might affect the developmental prospects of these zones? The
second section provides an overview of the background and history of
the zones. The third section examines the roles and responsibilities of the
three main parties to the zones, the fourth section uses a case study in
Egypt to illustrate the opportunities and risks, while the fifth section dis-
cusses a number of strategic issues related to the zones, and the sixth
section concludes. We focus only on the ‘official ’ zones, i.e. those pilot
CH I N A ’ S S P E C I A L E CONOM I C ZON E S I N A F R I C A 29
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zones selected for support from the Chinese government under a pro-
gramme first announced in 2006. Although Chinese companies have
begun to develop other zones outside the pilot programme, these are
beyond the scope of our research.
O V E R V I E W O F C H I N A ’ S E C O N O M I C C O O P E R A T I O N Z O N E S
I N A F R I C A
Although special economic zones first appeared in places like Puerto Rico
(1951), Ireland’s Shannon Airport (1959) and Taichung, Taiwan (1965),
mainland China is the world’s foremost success story in using SEZs to
build up industrial capacity (FIAS 2008; Graham 2004; Knoth 2000).
The creation of SEZs played a strategic role in China’s early economic
reforms. In 1979, four zones – Shenzhen, Zhuhai, Shantou and Xiamen –
were set up as experiments in the management of market liberalisation,
and as magnets for foreign investment. Despite a slow start, these SEZs
proved to be incubators for significant structural transformation.
Shenzhen, in particular, grew from a fishing village to an industrialised
metropolis within a generation. In 1988, the entire island of Hainan be-
came an SEZ and in 1990, a large part of Shanghai, China’s biggest city,
was restructured as the Pudong New Area zone. Today China hosts at
least a hundred zones in a growing variety : free trade, economic and
technological development, and high-tech zones. Chinese officials can-
didly analyse these zones as being quite positive in fostering growth, em-
ployment and an investment-friendly environment, but admit that there
are trade-offs, particularly with regard to social and environmental costs
(interview, November 2009, Beijing).
In 2006, as part of the implementation of its eleventh five-year plan, and
in keeping with the expansion of policies in support of trade and overseas
investment (sometimes called ‘Going Global ’ or Zou Chuqu), the Chinese
government indicated that it would establish up to fifty overseas economic
and trade cooperation zones worldwide, without giving a timeframe
(Bräutigam 2009). The Beijing summit of the Forum on China–Africa
Cooperation (FOCAC) held in November 2006 pledged that three to five
of these would be located in Africa.
It is clear that these zones were in part intended to fulfil ‘ soft power’
political goals, in particular demonstrating the efficacy of some aspects of
China’s development model and sharing it with friendly countries. Yet this
is not the whole picture by any means. The zones were also intended to
help China’s own restructuring, allowing the labour intensive, less com-
petitive, ‘mature’ industries, such as textiles, leather goods and building
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materials to move offshore.3 Comments by Chinese officials reinforce
this interpretation. For example, the Chinese ambassador to Zambia
(the location of one of the zones) put it thus :
We also would like to introduce mature Chinese enterprises with comparative advantages to Zambia to help address the country’s over-reliance on import of consumer and manufactured goods. Therefore, the establishment of the Cooperation Zone can help both Zambia develop and mature Chinese industries redeploy and win more space of development at home.
Southern Weekly 2010
When it became clear in 2006 that China was offering an innovative new
programme, more than ten African governments expressed interest
in hosting cooperation zones (Bo 2006). However, to make the zones sus-
tainable, the Chinese government decided that China’s own companies
would take the lead in developing them. To that end, MOFCOMheld two
rounds of tenders, in 2006 and 2007. More than 120 Chinese companies
proposed projects. Judged by a panel of experts who considered their
market potential and overall feasibility, host country investment
environment and degree of support, and the capacity of the developer,
nineteen zones were selected. Among them, seven were in Africa – in
Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, Mauritius, Nigeria (two), and Zambia (Table 1).
Some countries that had expressed strong interest in hosting a zone, such as
Tanzania and Cape Verde, did not receive one. This is more evidence that
the decision was not political, but depended on the results of the tender.
By mid 2010, six zones were under construction in Africa, while the
Algerian zone had stalled because of unexpected changes in Algeria’s
legislation governing foreign investment. MOFCOM stopped holding
further tenders after 2007, awaiting the initial results of its pilot projects.
However, some individual Chinese enterprises have continued to estab-
lish, expand, or propose new industrial parks or free trade zones in Africa
on their own, including in Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Uganda, Botswana and
South Africa.
As Table 1 suggests, the sectors, developers, and even the size, of these
zones vary considerably. There is no single ‘Chinese model ’ of overseas
cooperation zone. Only one zone will concentrate on mineral processing,
while the others will mainly focus on manufacturing. This also provides
more evidence for a view that Chinese intentions in Africa range far be-
yond natural resource extraction. The zones in Ethiopia and Mauritius
are 100% Chinese-owned, while the others are joint ventures, usually with
African national or state-level governments as minority partners. For ex-
ample, Nigeria’s Ogun State government holds 18% of the shares in the
Ogun zone, while the government of Lagos State and Lekki Worldwide
CH I N A ’ S S P E C I A L E CONOM I C ZON E S I N A F R I C A 31
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TA B L E 1
Overview of China’s official African trade and economic cooperation zones
Country Size
Planning
initiated Status as of late 2010 Developers Industry focus
(1) Zambia
Chambishi
and Lusaka
subzone
11.58 km2
(7.98 km2)
startup 2 km2
Lusaka : 5 km2
2003 In operation & under
construction Lusaka :
planning
China Nonferrous Mining Group
(CNMC group)
Copper and cobalt processing
Lusaka : garments, food, appliances,
tobacco, electronics
(2) Egypt Suez 5.08 km2, startup
1.07 km2 1994 In operation & under
construction
Tianjin TEDA, CADF, Egypt-China
Corporation for Investment (ECCI),
Tianjin Suez International Cooperation
Co.
Textiles & garments, petroleum
equipment, automobile assembly,
electronics assembly
(3) Nigeria
Lekki
30 km2, Phase I
10 km2, start-up
3.5 km2
2003 Under construction China Civil Engineering Construction,
Jiangning Development Corp., Nanjing
Beyond, China Railway, Lagos State
(20%): Lekki Worldwide Investments
Limited
Transportation equipment, textile
& light industries, home appliances
& telecommunication. Possible
oil refinery.
(4) Nigeria
Ogun
100 km2, 1st phase
20 km2, start-up
2.5 km2
Early 2004 Under construction Guangdong Xinguang, South China
Developing Group, Ogun State
Government
Construction materials & ceramics,
ironware, furniture, wood
processing, medicine, computers,
lighting
(5) Mauritius
Originally
Tianli,
renamed Jinfei
2.11 km2, start-up
0.75 km2 2006–7 Under construction Shanxi-Tianli Group, Shanxi Coking
Coal Group, Taiyuan Iron & Steel
Company
Manufacturing (textile, garment,
machinery, hi-tech), trade, services
(tourism, finance, education)
(6) Ethiopia
Oriental
(Eastern)
2 km2, start-up
1 km2 with
10 km2
reservation area
2006–7 Under construction Yonggang (quit), Qiyuan Group,
Jianglian Int’l trade, Yangyang Asset
management and Zhangjiagang Free
Trade Zone (not shareholder)
Electric machinery, steel &
metallurgy and construction
materials
(7) Algeria
Jiangling
5 km2, 1st phase
1.2 km2 2006–7 Approved but
suspended
Jiangling Automobile, Zhongding
International
Automobile assembly, construction
materials
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Investments Ltd. (an investment company owned by Lagos State) hold
40% of the shares in the Lekki zone. An Egyptian consortium holds about
20% of the shares in the Suez zone.
Some of the zone projects were originally the idea of African govern-
ments. For example, as elaborated below, the zone set up by Tianjin
Economic-Technological Development Area Investment Holdings
(TEDA) in Egypt’s Suez region was reportedly initiated at the request of
Egypt’s President Mubarak, who visited the Tianjin economic develop-
ment zone in the 1990s and wanted to replicate the model in Egypt.4 This
is also the case for some of the Chinese zones initiated outside the
MOFCOM pilot programme. In Sierra Leone, the Henan provincial firm
Henan Guoji originally intended to develop real estate (villas and hotels),
but was persuaded by Sierra Leone’s government to invest in a joint
venture industrial park near the port.5
Interestingly, the sub-Saharan African countries where the official
zones were to be built have scored relatively well on the World Bank’s
‘Doing Business ’ surveys. Mauritius, which is hosting one of the zones,
ranks first in ease of doing business in sub-Saharan Africa, while Zambia
ranks sixth, Ethiopia nineteenth, and Nigeria thirteenth out of forty-six
countries. However, in the North Africa and Middle East region, Egypt
ranks eleventh and Algeria fourteenth out of nineteen countries (World
Bank 2010). It is perhaps telling that the Algeria zone is not going forward,
while the Egyptian zone was proposed by a Chinese company with more
than a decade of experience of zone development in Egypt.
In the following section, we take a closer look at the roles of the Chinese
developers, African governments and the Chinese government in order to
illustrate the dynamics of this engagement.
R O L E S A N D R E S P O N S I B I L I T I E S : W H O D O E S W H A T ?
The pilot zones involve three parties : Chinese developers, African gov-
ernments and the Chinese government. The Chinese enterprises have been
the primary actors in the development stage. African governments some-
times partner the Chinese firm, as noted below in Nigeria. Although it
does not take a direct role in developing the pilot projects, the Chinese
government has provided various forms of assistance to the Chinese com-
panies who initiated these projects and won the official tenders.
Chinese government
China’s government provided material and networking support for the
zone developers. The winners of the tender competition – the official pilot
CH I N A ’ S S P E C I A L E CONOM I C ZON E S I N A F R I C A 33
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zones – were eligible for government support through special funds
(not through the foreign aid budget). Each zone developer would be able to
access RMB 200–300 million ($29.4–44.1 million) in grants, and long-term
loans of up to RMB 2 billion ($294 million).6 Developers could apply for
subsidies to cover up to 30% of the specific costs of zone development for
preconstruction (feasibility studies, travel for planning and negotiating,
securing land, preparing a bid) and actual implementation (the purchase
or rent of land, factory or office space, legal and notary fees, customs, and
insurance) through MOFCOM’s Trade and Economic Cooperation Zone
Development Fund.7 Chinese enterprises moving into the zones could be
reimbursed for up to half of their moving expenses.8 Companies could get
export and income tax rebates or reductions on Chinese materials sent
for construction, and easier access to foreign exchange in China’s strict
capital control system. All of these subsidies were performance-based,
i.e. the company had to first pay the costs, and only later could it be
reimbursed.
In addition, the China Africa Development Fund (CADF), an equity
capital instrument set up by one of Beijing’s official policy banks, China
Development Bank (CDB), decided to invest in at least three of the seven
pilot zones (Nigeria Lekki, Mauritius and Egypt) for a total of $100 million
(CADF 2009: 14). CDB set up a Zambia team to provide funding support
for the zones and China Nonferrous Metals Corporation (CNMC) ac-
tivities in Zambia. Some provincial and municipal governments in China
provided additional funds for the pilot zones. For example, Jiangsu prov-
ince and Suzhou municipality announced that they intended to provide a
subsidy to the Ethiopian Oriental zone of over RMB 100 million ($14.6
million). The government of Tianjin promised to provide a subsidy of
5% of the actual investment cost for the Egypt zone.9 Furthermore, in
November 2009, the Chinese government announced a $1 billion fund for
African small and medium enterprises (SMEs), which could be used to
help some of them invest in the new zones (FOCAC 2009).
The Chinese government has not involved itself in the design or direct
operation of the cooperation zones. Yet following in footsteps of other East
Asian ‘developmental states ’ (Japan, Korea, Taiwan), Beijing (and the
provinces) have used their control over subsidies as a carrot (see Woo-
Cummings 1999). MOFCOM and its provincial branches have organised
marketing events in China to promote investment in the zones. Chinese
embassies in Africa recommend the zones to companies planning to invest
in Africa. On at least two occasions, the central government intervened to
help sort out problems that arose with the Chinese developers. Though
the Chinese firms building zones that failed to win official support in the
34 DE BORAH BR Ä UT I G AM AND TANG X I AOYANG
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pilot programme have not received as much attention from Beijing, they
too have often been supported by their provincial and municipal govern-
ments under the call for Chinese firms to ‘go global ’. According to the
promoters, the CADF planned to invest in the Henan Guoji project in
Sierra Leone (Henan Guoji Group 2009).
From all accounts, the Chinese government has taken a ‘hands off’
attitude towards African policies on these zones. We could find no
evidence or even rumours of conditionalities or quid-pro-quos imposed
on host governments by the Chinese government in return for the devel-
opment of the zones. While the Chinese government played a role at
the diplomatic level and in visits by Chinese leaders to some (but not all) of
the countries hosting zones, our interviews make it clear that Chinese
companies, with the support of their local embassy, took the lead in
negotiations with host governments over particular incentives and res-
ponsibilities, particularly for infrastructure construction. As some of the
companies developing the zones are state-owned, this might appear to be
‘government to government’. However, our interviews and those of other
researchers suggest that the company is the main actor. For example, as
noted by Haglund (2009: 88, emphasis added) in his discussion of the
Chambishi zone, an interviewee in Zambia remarked: ‘Usually you have
representation coming through the Chinese government, through the CNMC
then they will have chats with the government [of Zambia], just like when
they were signing in this Chambishi SEZ. ’
Finally, in at least one and possibly several instances, Beijing has played
a more direct role, stepping in to assist in solving a problem facing a
zone developer. After Hu Jintao’s visit to Mauritius in February 2009, the
Chinese government set up a special committee to push the delayed
project forward, and arranged for two new investors to join the original
developer, the Tianli Group. This exception was in response to an explicit
appeal from the Mauritian prime minister for assistance in speeding up the
implementation of a project regarded as strategic by his government (China
Daily 2009). In Nigeria, when the Lagos government contacted the
Chinese government with concerns about delays in the project, the
Chinese government worked with the enterprises to find a solution:
a restructuring to shift the shareholdings and responsibilities away from
the junior partner, a provincial firm, to the more experienced China Civil
Engineering and Construction Corporation (CCECC).10 In contrast, there
was no equivalent move by the Chinese government to solve problems in
the zone in Ethiopia, where financial difficulties led the major Chinese
partner to pull out of the consortium, leaving the smaller partners strug-
gling to develop the zone on their own.
CH I N A ’ S S P E C I A L E CONOM I C ZON E S I N A F R I C A 35
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Chinese developers
The developers of the seven pilot zones in Africa include both state-owned
and private enterprises from China. Two of the zone projects were
originally led by national-level, state-owned enterprises : CNMC and
CCECC. Others were companies owned by provincial or municipal
governments in Jiangling, Shanxi, Jiangsu, Guangdong or Tianjin. Tianli
Group and Qiyuan Group, the original developers of the Mauritius and
Ethiopia zones, respectively, were private companies.
The business models for these ventures varied. Some developers
were utilising existing natural resources to expand processing capacity. For
example, the large state-owned CNMC group set up thirteen subsidiary
companies in the Zambia Chambishi zone, all related either to mining
or to processing of the minerals that are the focus of the mine. Other
developers planned to use their zone as a beachhead to enter new markets.
For example, Jiangling Automobile Group, China’s fourth largest, plan-
ned to build an automobile assembly industrial park in Algeria. Qiyuan
Group, a private steel manufacturer, proposed the Oriental zone in
Ethiopia as a site for factories producing steel and other construction
materials for Ethiopia’s booming construction industry. The developers of
the Mauritius Jinfei zone expected to use their zone’s convenient location
to become a hub of Sino-Africa trade and services, including hotels, a
convention centre, a Chinese language boarding school, a business school,
warehouses and casinos. Developers of the zones in Nigeria and Egypt
planned to attract a variety of industries with an eye to the large domestic
markets in these countries as well as their preferential access to Europe.
Chinese investment in both of these countries had been growing rapidly,
and the developers also expected to benefit from renting out attractive
industrial space. As the enticing promotional brochure developed to at-
tract Chinese enterprises to the Suez Economic and Trade Cooperation
Zone promised:
All the jet lag will be erased off instantly when you open the door of the lobby… The 126 guest rooms of the hotel are full of home-like feelings. From the first sip of fragrant Chinese red wine in the fantastic bar saloon, a kind of long lost warmth is flowing in your heart.
TEDA Tianjin n.d.
African governments
The zones are embedded in the larger political economy of their African
hosts. African host governments regulate the zones’ activities and provide
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(or fail to provide) incentives for their development. Most of the pilot zones
are governed by standard packages of incentives offered by host
governments, without special additions. These usually include tax
holidays, and waivers on import tariffs for raw materials and inputs, along
with restrictions on strike activity. Companies locating into the new
Egyptian SEZ, where a Chinese company is constructing an overseas
zone, enjoy a new incentive package of lower taxes, but perhaps more
importantly, they can also obtain Egyptian certificates of origin for their
products, and thus take advantage of Egypt’s various international trade
agreements (GAFI 2009: 13). This regime was put in place before the
Chinese company won a contract to develop the zone, however. In
Mauritius, although the Jinfei Zone received the same incentives as other
firms in the Free Port (tariff-free import of inputs, exemption from value-
added tax on the initial investment, and so forth), the government of
Mauritius reportedly offered additional incentives to attract the Chinese
investors, in part to compensate for its refusal to give a holiday on the
standard 15% corporate tax.
Host governments are expected to provide infrastructure outside the
zones (guaranteed supplies of electricity, water and gas, as well as roads
leading up to the zones, and, often, an expanded port). The Chinese de-
velopers or the joint venture companies construct the infrastructure inside.
In Mauritius, the host government and the Jinfei consortium shared some
of the costs for external infrastructure investments.11 The Egyptian
government provided power lines and other infrastructure up to the bor-
der of the Suez zone. The Ethiopian government reportedly promised to
reimburse 30% of the consortium’s investment in the zone infrastructure
after the construction was finished.12
Because these pilot zones are also important politically for the Chinese
government and for the African hosts, some of them, as in Ethiopia, have
bilateral coordination committees that include official representatives of
both governments and operate at the strategic policy level. Most African
governments also have investment agencies which promote the zones as
part of their general mandate.
Despite the fact that several zones have African shareholders, the
African partners are not expected to play a direct role, usually because
their stake is relatively small, 20% or less. However, the Lekki zone is an
exception. Nigerian partners have 40% of the shares, a Nigerian is deputy
president of the board, and senior managers for legal affairs and local
promotion are Nigerian.
Some host governments, like Egypt and Zambia, consider the Chinese
SEZs as an essential parts of their countries’ new economic strategies. In
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each case, new regimes for special economic zones or multi-facility eco-
nomic zones were developed separately from the Chinese investments,
and the Chinese developers were among the first to take advantage of the
new incentives. Others, like Nigeria and Mauritius, have zone regimes of
longer standing, and the Chinese zones are among many other parallel
initiatives, even if the scale of the Mauritius zone is so far considerably
larger than the others. By contrast, Ethiopia appears to be treating the
Chinese zone as an ordinary industrial estate, and has no national strategy
to replicate some of the Chinese special zone dynamism.
In the following section, we present a case study of Chinese zone(s) in
Egypt. This involvement has a long history: initial discussions began in
1994, and the implementation of the early plans has undergone several
rounds of rethinking. This experience thus enables us to observe zone
development over a relatively extended timeframe. While we cannot yet
tell if Egypt’s experience will be reflected in the other zones, this history
provides insights into the problems and opportunities in this form of Sino-
African cooperation.
E G Y P T ’ S S U E Z C O O P E R A T I O N Z O N E
Egypt, with forty-seven industrial zones and nine free zones, has been an
enthusiastic proponent of economic zones as a strategy to attract foreign
investment, promote exports, and expand employment (GAFI 2009).
These zones have helped boost Egypt’s manufactured exports from $5.3
billion in 2000 to $25.5 billion in 2008 (World Bank 2009).
In 1994, Egypt initiated discussions with the Chinese government with
the hope of learning from China’s experience of SEZ development. In
1998, the two governments signed a memorandum of understanding
(MOU) to construct a joint industrial zone in one of the thirteen blocks of
the North-West Suez Economic Area (NWSEA), located just below the
southern entrance of the Suez Canal. After the MOU was signed, the
Chinese government appointed TEDA Investment Holdings, the devel-
oper of one of China’s top-performing SEZs, to carry out the task. TEDA
and four Egyptian partners, Arab Contractors Co., National Bank of
Egypt, National Investment Bank and the Suez Canal Authority, formed a
joint venture, Egypt-China Corporation for Investment (ECCI), in which
TEDA held 10% of the shares.
The initial period of zone development was hampered by slow progress
and rocky relations between the Egyptian and Chinese partners. The re-
mote location and lack of infrastructure were at first major obstacles.
The planned Ain Al-Sukhna Port adjacent to the plot had not yet been
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constructed (the first phase was completed only in 2002). TEDA found that
its minority share did not give it the clout to see its ideas and proposals
implemented. Reportedly, some of the funds slated for zone construction
were embezzled by Egyptian partners in the venture.13 Frustrated by
the joint venture, TEDA decided to experiment by starting a new and
ultimately more successful zone focused on small and medium Chinese
firms, and without Egyptian partners.
Thus in 2000, TEDA set up a new corporation, Suez International
Cooperation Company, which bought one square kilometre of the land
held by ECCI to develop an industrial park for small and medium en-
terprises, focusing on Chinese clients. This also took time, but a service
centre of about twenty staff members began to operate in 2004, and by
2006 the completion of housing and factory space allowed Chinese
manufacturing firms to begin moving in. By late 2009, this zone was fully
developed and the spaces were almost completely rented out.14
TEDA’s original investment in the SME industrial park was modest and
there were no plans for expansion. When the first MOFCOM tender for
overseas cooperation zones took place in 2006, TEDA did not participate.
However, when MOFCOM announced the second round of tenders
for 2007, TEDA decided to submit a proposal. They subsequently
won support for their proposal to expand the SME park into the
Egypt Suez Cooperation Zone (ESCZ). In July 2008, TEDA established
a joint venture with Egyptian interests (Egypt TEDA) to develop the
zone, but this time TEDA held the majority of the shares. In October
2008, the China Africa Development Fund also agreed to invest in the
ESCZ.15
The ESCZ planned to foster four clusters : textiles and garments ;
petroleum equipment ; automobile assembly; and electrical equipment.
Electronics and heavy industries may be added at a later stage.16 Part of
the zone will be developed for worker and staff residential use, a standard
feature of Chinese SEZs, and particularly important in this case as the
zone is some way from any urban area, with transport a problem for the
Egyptian workforce in the initial period.
In November 2009, Chinese premier Wen Jiaobao and his Egyptian
counterpart Ahmed Nazif presided over the formal launch of the ESCZ.
Because of the earlier development, eighteen Chinese companies were
already present in the zone, with a total registered capital of $180 million,
producing in a number of sectors, including textiles, luggage, drilling
equipment, steel tableware and women’s sanitary products.17 Some were
exporting to European, Chinese and American markets, while others
had targeted Egypt’s domestic market. The zone also hosted Egyptian
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banking, catering and customs facilities. Workers in the ESCZ were
overwhelmingly Egyptian, and the factories appeared to be in compliance
with Egyptian work permit rules.
Meanwhile, the Egyptian government had completed preparations,
including new legislation, a novel incentive framework and a master
plan (assisted by consultants from Ireland who were familiar with what is
believed bymany to be the world’s first export processing zone, at Shannon
Airport) for an experimental SEZ to be developed in the Suez area. In late
2008, Egypt organised an international tender to choose a developer for
its proposed North-West Suez Special Economic Zone (NSSEZ). Egypt
TEDA, one of twenty-nine global firms to submit proposals, won the
tender in March 2009.18
The history of the Suez zone reveals several things. First, in spite of
the assistance from both governments, TEDA has approached the zone
mainly as a profit-seeking venture. After the unsuccessful first project,
which was arranged by the Egyptian government, the SME park and
the bidding to build the cooperation zone were both initiated by TEDA
according to its vision of where the market was heading. Support from
the Chinese and Egyptian governments and the participation of CADF
facilitated TEDA’s operation, but TEDA moved forward even when there
was little sign of these, as in 2000.
Second, it shows the long timeframe that should be expected as the
zones are developed. Chinese developers experienced with zone con-
struction in China note that even in situations where local governments
were actively facilitating the zone, it usually took ten to fifteen years before
a zone reached maturity or ‘ took off’.19 The primary reason for this is that
in addition to the immense work involved in construction, the developers
need to convince investors to set up factories in what is at first an empty
area. Cost-efficiency also dictates some of the pace. For example, only
when the number of enterprises in the zone reaches a certain density will
related services be added, such as an on-site housing complex for Egyptian
workers.
At this point, Chinese developers in Egypt and elsewhere have a
large advantage over many other attempts to create zones: a direct link to
interested clients. Because of the ‘Going Global ’ policies, increased
local competition and higher costs, and efforts to promote domestic re-
structuring in China, a large number of Chinese enterprises, especially
small and medium enterprises, are expected to continue expanding their
business offshore, some in the relatively undeveloped African market.
TEDA expects that these trends will nurture the growth of the Suez zone
and its long-term prospects.
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It also suggests some challenges that may have shaped the attitude of
subsequent Chinese zone projects towards joint ventures. In the first stage,
the major partners were Egyptian, but the joint venture failed to thrive.
From the Chinese point of view, the partnership hindered the develop-
ment of the zone. Not only was TEDA unable to implement its ideas due
to different perceptions of the business model and inefficiency in com-
munication, but the local partners were even said to have embezzled funds
from the zone. Similar difficulties were also reported, although not em-
bezzlement, in the Sino-Nigerian co-managed Lekki zone. Stories of
frustrating experiences like this circulate among zone developers and those
interested in following in their footsteps, leading to a reluctance to embark
on joint ventures with local partners. Further, as an Egyptian official
commented, at first the Chinese needed a local partner to help them figure
out local customs and practices, particularly how to get the best prices
locally. But once they had learned Egyptian Arabic, and how to bargain,
they were able to dispense with local partners who in any case had been
less helpful than expected.20
Reflecting this assessment, the second zone project, namely the SME
park, was 100% owned by Chinese interests. However, the third zone
project, the larger ESCZ, brought Egyptian interests back, but as minority
partners who simply held shares, and were not part of the management. In
this instance, local partners were again seen as useful for their higher-level
contacts with Egyptian ministers and officials.
At the same time, the Egyptian case study confirms yet again that
African governments themselves play a critical role in shaping the way
zones are administered and promoted. Through its evolving policy re-
forms, its own experiments with a variety of zone forms, and its active
efforts to engage and learn from the experience of countries like Ireland
and China, Egypt’s government has actively directed the cooperation
zone as a strategic and integrated part of national development.
Egyptian officials conducted an international search for a company to
develop their North-West Suez Special Economic Zone, and ended up
selecting a Chinese developer, TEDA, because this company had already
proven its capacity through its existing operation. But the case study also
shows that the Chinese government’s promised support for the SECZ,
which TEDA won in 2007, was clearly seen as an extra bonus in
TEDA’s 2008 bid to develop the adjacent NSSEZ.21 The strategic goals
of China’s government aligned smoothly with those of Egypt’s govern-
ment. At the same time, problems are likely to arise in the future if the
Chinese partners dominate the management of the zone and it remains
an enclave. Hence, in order to ensure the benefits for the host countries,
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the Chinese and African partners may need to alter their roles appro-
priately at various stages of the zone development. We return to this
issue below.
S T R A T E G I C I S S U E S I N Z O N E D E S I G N A N D D E V E L O P M E N T
Researchers have identified the major reasons for the poor outcomes in
previous attempts to establish special zones in Africa, including problems
with infrastructure, local management, policies and incentives, location,
design and maintenance, and promotion (Cling & Letilly 2001; FIAS
2008). Some have argued that unless SEZs are integrated into an overall
trade and economic reform agenda, they will have limited impact and
little chance to succeed as transformative catalysts (FIAS 2008; Madani
1999). However, others contend that if well-designed and well-located
(near universities, technology centres and ports, for example), special
economic zones can create dynamic clusters even in very poor countries
where the overall policies may not be optimum (UNIDO 2009). In this
section we consider more specific strategic issues in order to shed light on
these debates and on broader concerns regarding Chinese investment in
Africa – the use of Chinese workers, for example.
Will these zones be limited to Chinese companies ?
To be successful, zones need to bring in investment, and foreign invest-
ment is particularly important, both for the additional capital, and for the
new ideas and technologies it is assumed to bring. The Chinese govern-
ment is clearly supporting the zones in part to help Chinese companies
move offshore. Ideally, a variety of investors from overseas will be re-
presented. But at the same time, local investors also need access to the
zones, so that these new ideas and technologies can diffuse through local
economies. What kinds of firms are being sought for these zones?
African governments have set a variety of conditions on investment.
The Mauritian government restricted local investors from moving into the
zone, at least in the first phase, because they wanted the special incentives
for the zone to be used solely to attract additional new investors from
overseas, not given to local investors who, it was believed, would have
invested in Mauritius anyway.22 Non-Chinese foreign investors are
specifically welcome. Zambia’s minister of commerce, trade and industry
was quoted as saying that the Zambian government initially wished the
zone to be solely Chinese, but the Chinese wanted the zone to remain
open to other investors.23 Now, the minister explained, ‘we are looking for
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a cocktail of companies that will add value to our raw materials to use the
Chambishi zone. China is helping to attract other foreign companies on
our behalf ’ (Lusaka Times 2008). The master plan of the Chambishi zone
specifies that the promoters will ‘bring in Zambian strategic investors
with good performance and reputation’ (CNMC 2007). Although its own
subsidiary companies would be major investors in the zone, the CNMC
aimed to have forty Chinese companies and at least ten from other
countries (including Zambia) by 2011. All companies must comply with
Zambia’s requirement of an initial investment of $500,000 in order to
access the MFEZ benefits. In Nigeria’s Lekki zone, by early 2008, some
forty-two companies had signed preliminary agreements to invest, of
which only six were Chinese.24
These cases suggest that although both African governments and the
Chinese government were particularly keen to attract investment from
Chinese firms, the Chinese developers may have welcomed diversity in the
zones. Because they were being subsidised by the Chinese government as
part of the ‘Going Global ’ policies, they were expected to devote relatively
more effort to the recruitment of Chinese companies. It is well understood
in China that enterprises within a value chain enhance each other’s
competitiveness by grouping together. Most of the zones planned to foster
clusters, usually textiles, home appliances, and other light industries.
Chinese companies, especially those new to Africa, appreciated the
fact that developers could offer convenient services, a well-established in-
formation network, and ease of communication through the Chinese
language.
Though there was no explicit target, MOFCOM officials told one of
the authors that they hoped Chinese companies would make up 70 to 80%
of the enterprises in the zones.25 At the same time, non-Chinese compa-
nies were indispensable for certain services, such as banking and customs
clearance, and local supplies. Furthermore, to be profitable, the devel-
opers needed to rent out all of the plots in the zone. The Chinese devel-
opers have dealt with these tensions in different ways. In Egypt, they
planned to offer special incentives to Chinese companies such as discounts
on their rents.26 Nigeria’s Lekki zone has adopted a ‘park within a park’
model, where a section exclusively for Chinese investment will be devel-
oped first, and later be surrounded by predominantly non-Chinese sec-
tions.27 Finally, the FOCAC action plan, negotiated between the Chinese
government and African governments, and released just after the Sharm
el-Sheik summit meeting in November 2009, included a reference to
African investment in the zones: ‘The two sides will continue to do a good
job in establishing overseas business cooperation zones in Africa, intensify
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efforts to attract investment, actively encourage more Chinese companies
to make investment in the cooperation zones, and provide facilitation to
African small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) to develop their
business in the zones ’ (FOCAC 2009). As noted above, some of the
$1 billion fund for African SMEs could be used for this.
Use of Chinese labour
There were no standard requirements allowing Chinese companies to use
Chinese labour, and policies and practices varied widely. For example,
Egypt had a clear regime for foreign labour: one work permit was allowed
for every nine Egyptians employed.28 The first stage of the Chinese zone in
Egypt’s Suez region had more than 1,800 local workers and about eighty
Chinese staff.29 Some of the construction in the zone was implemented by
Egyptian construction companies. In Ethiopia, only two expatriate resi-
dential permits are granted for registered enterprises (additional permits
can be approved by the Department of Labour, with difficulty). Early in
the construction phase, the Ethiopia Oriental Industrial Park had about
thirty Chinese staff with shifting numbers of local workers. In the Zambian
MFEZ, the proportion of Chinese to Zambians was about 400 Chinese
and 500 Zambians during the early phase of construction, machinery in-
stallation, and training. In NCFA’s investments in the Chambishi area as a
whole (including the mines), there were approximately 700 Chinese and
3,300 Zambians in late 2009. NCFA’s factories already open in the zone
had an average of two Chinese to every eight Zambians.30 The first phase
of construction of the Lekki zone in Nigeria used between 50 and 200
engineers and technical workers from China;31 Chinese partners said that
the development phase of the project had a ratio of twenty Chinese to
eighty Nigerians.32 Mthembu-Salter (2009: 3) reported that an agreement
negotiated in 2009 between the two sides called for at least 40% of the
workforce to be Nigerian. This suggests that the proportion of Chinese
could be higher and remained contentious.
Mauritius had the most open approach to Chinese workers. The zone
was at first expected to use 5,000 workers at full development, half
Mauritian and half Chinese.33 Later revisions of the plan predicted the
creation of 34,000 direct jobs, although it was unclear how many would be
local and how many imported. Foreign workers have long been a factor in
Mauritius. In March 2008, for example, nearly 23,000 foreign workers
were legally employed in Mauritius, most from India, Bangladesh and
China.34 Mauritians have raised concerns about the number of Chinese
expected in connection with the zone. In the first phase of construction,
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however, the developers, whether out of sensitivity to these concerns or
not, employed 190 Mauritian workers and 30 skilled workers from China
(Koolomuth 2010).
These findings are in contrast to popular accounts that assume Chinese
projects bring in all their own workforce. During construction, the ratio of
Chinese to local employees varies considerably, as these cases suggest. Yet
so far, Chinese factories in Africa have employed predominantly African
workers. The tragedy at the Chambishi mine described below is an ex-
ample of this : all of the workers in the explosives factory were Zambian.
Environmental and labour standards
There is little information on environment and labour standards or pro-
blems in these zones, as most zones have not yet started operation, ex-
ception for Egypt. In Zambia, the zone developer CNMC was criticised
by Zambians for the low wages and labour standards in its mines and its
resistance to organised labour in its mines and factories (Lee 2009). In
2005, poor safety procedures precipitated an explosion in a dynamite
factory partly owned by CNMC which led to the deaths of more than fifty
Zambian factory workers. The issue of Chinese investment in Zambia
became hotly politicised during the 2006 presidential election in Zambia.
Afterwards CNMC established a social responsibility programme to im-
prove the mines, and Zambian unions were allowed to organise in the
CNMC mines.
By 2010, Zambian workers in the CNMC mines had managed to in-
crease their salaries on average by 12–15% and had won other benefits
through their unions. Roy Mwaba, General Secretary of the Zambian
Congress of Trade Unions, acknowledged that the larger Chinese en-
terprises were abiding by local labour law, while outside researchers such
as Haglund (2009: 92) confirm that there had been ‘significant improve-
ments in compliance’ with safety regulations by CNMC, and that in-
dustrial relations ‘have also improved’ although they still had far to go.35
As for the environment, the master plan of the zone at Chambishi calls for
the zone to have an environmental appraisal, and to be certified at the
International Standards Organisation (ISO) 14,000 environmental stan-
dards (CNMC 2007). If carried out (and there is no information on this
yet), the ISO would provide an independent quality control.
In Mauritius, one of the reasons cited for the delay in construction of
the zone was the requirement that each sub-project in the zone have its
own environmental impact assessment and certification from the
Mauritius authorities.36 Environment, labour and safety concerns have not
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yet become an issue in the other zone locations, although this could
change.
Infrastructure, design and location
Location, design and appropriate infrastructure are all critical for the
success of special zones. The zones in Egypt, Mauritius and Nigeria will all
be located close to major ports rather than used to try to channel invest-
ment to a neglected hinterland. The Zambian zone is located close to the
raw materials it will process. The Ethiopian zone appears the most prob-
lematic. Located some 30 km outside Addis Ababa, it is also not near a
major port, as Ethiopia is land-locked. If leather processing becomes im-
portant for this zone, the location may turn out to have advantages, given
the chemicals used in leather processing. In contrast to trends in China,
none of the African zones appear to have been specifically designed with
attention to synergies with local universities or technology institutes. Local
institutional weaknesses are a major impediment.
Several zones were designed by companies from China’s own successful
zones : in particular Tianjin TEDA (Egypt), Nanjing Jiangning Develop-
ment Zone (Lekki, Nigeria) and Suzhou Zhangjiagang Free Trade Zone
(Ethiopia). The China Association of Development Zones assisted the
Zambian zone master plan. The architecture and designs of most of the
zones are in the public record, with developers using drawings and plans
as part of their promotional materials. In Nigeria, after local officials ap-
parently expressed concerns about the quality of the infrastructure being
constructed by one of the junior Chinese partners, Nigerian consultants
were brought in to provide third-party oversight.37
Local communities
As with any land development, the zones need to have strong channels of
communication with local communities, who need to be adequately
compensated for the loss of their land, resettled in equivalent circum-
stances if necessary, and involved in ways that demonstrate the benefits of
the zones for them. So far, the Chinese developers have relied on their
African host governments to arrange the delivery of unencumbered land.
This has not always gone smoothly. The Egyptian zones were built in
vacant desert land, and in Zambia the Chambishi zone is on land that has
long been part of the mining concession, now held by CNMC. However,
in Nigeria’s Lekki zone there were protests from villagers who were re-
luctant to agree to the building of the zone. The zone developers then
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hired local residents as security guards, and according to some reports,
local communities have been given a share (5%) of the equity on the
Nigerian side.38 In Mauritius, where 250 farming families lost their leases
on the government-owned land, resentments continued to simmer for
years after the initial resettlement negotiations and compensation, and
these were periodically picked up and promoted by opposition parties,
particularly around election time.
Technology and knowledge transfer
In China, the contributions and role of special zones evolved over time,
with different goals and priorities in different periods. At first, simply at-
tracting foreign investment was an overriding goal. Over time, upgrading
technology and enhancing its transfer to Chinese firms became more im-
portant. Chinese partnerships with outside zone developers also show a
strategic evolution. In the early 1990s, for example, China partnered with
Singapore to develop two industrial zones in the cities of Suzhou and
Wuxi. The Singaporean partners held majority shares, and took the lead
in developing and marketing the zones until about 2001–2. Then, the
capital and management were restructured and Chinese interests became
the major shareholders and decision-makers in both zones (Gong 2008).
Such evolution and strategic thinking will also be needed in Africa. For
example, there is no evidence that any of the host governments have made
efforts to develop supplier programmes and other close links between the
domestic private sector and the zones. Without this, the zones are likely to
remain enclaves and the opportunities for technology and skills transfers
will be lost. At a minimum, having local investors in the zones is critical in
order for them to take advantage of learning opportunities. Building lin-
kages to African research and development institutes is critical for the
same reasons. In the long run, if the zones in Africa are to be sustainable
showcases of economic progress, as they have been in many parts of
China, the role of African partners has to be enhanced.
Furthermore, the zones are for the most part based on concessions
running from fifty to ninety-nine years. African governments will need to
plan well before that time for a smooth transition to local management.
How will this happen? Who will have the knowledge and skills to manage
the zones? In Nigeria, where state governments are joint-venture partners,
these problems might be expected to be less constraining. The Egyptian
case showed that the host government knew the importance of local
participation, but met a paradox: too much local involvement too early
hindered the ability of the first zone project to be successfully launched.
CH I N A ’ S S P E C I A L E CONOM I C ZON E S I N A F R I C A 47
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The second project proceeded more successfully, but without any
direct Egyptian role. In the third attempt, the Egypt Suez Economic
Cooperation Zone, Egyptian partners were again present, but at a non-
managerial level. This appears to be working, but it is not yet clear
whether or how Egyptian interests will themselves learn how to develop
special economic zones.
Over time, China’s national and provincial governments, and its zone
developers, have acquired considerable expertise in planning, developing
and operating various kinds of industrial parks. At least three of these
experienced Chinese developers are themselves actively involved in the
African zones and provide a learning resource. By inviting African officials
to attend twenty-day workshops in China on China’s own experience
of supporting and managing SEZs, Chinese officials provided indirect
capacity building and knowledge transfer. Some sixty officials from
Zambia, Nigeria and Ethiopia attended these workshops, including min-
isters, parliament members, local administrators and high-ranking officials
in customs, tax, finance, port authority and inspection departments.39
Through the study of the Chinese model of zone development and visits to
the most successful SEZs in Shenzhen, Tianjin and Suzhou, African ad-
ministrators were introduced to China’s practices regarding investment-
friendly regulations and incentives, rather than having these imposed as
conditions. Yet these training programmes are far too short to enable
African officials to acquire the skills needed to operate the zones. Without
direct development and operational experience, Africans will also find it
difficult to expand the zone model to other parts of their country, as the
Chinese have done at home. A systematic plan to train local managers and
gradually increase local stakes could be a solution for the management
transition, since it can promote on-going learning, while maintaining op-
erational efficiency.
The East Asian developmental state
The zones combine the support of a powerful state with an incentive
structure that focuses primarily on Chinese companies. They are devel-
oped by profit-oriented Chinese businesses as entrepreneurial ventures.
This bodes well for their sustainability as zones. The fact that Chinese
businesses are also opening zones outside MOFCOM’s programme of
official support suggests that they also see the potential in attracting
Chinese companies to cluster in areas with better infrastructure, services,
and a ‘ feels like home’ atmosphere. Although subsidies and political sup-
port are part of the portfolio of tools used by Beijing to foster the zones,
48 DE BORAH BR Ä UT I G AM AND TANG X I AOYANG
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business sustainability is slated to depend on performance, through profits
and losses.
Thus, what we see in Africa is an extension of the economic and
political model of the East Asian developmental state with its perform-
ance-based rewards and incentives (Bräutigam 2009: 25). If the zones are
successful, the Chinese state will harvest a number of strategic benefits
from the entrepreneurial activities. These include increased exports of
machinery; a reduction of trade frictions (both through import substi-
tution, as in Nigeria and Egypt, and through the fact that some exports to
Europe and America formerly coming from China will now be produced
in Africa) ; accelerated industrial restructuring in China; the growth of
overseas markets ; and an increase in ‘soft power’ from successful transfer
of a key aspect of China’s development model.
: : :
Over the past decade, an economic renaissance has occurred across
much of Africa. Demand from emerging markets such as China, India and
Brazil for African commodities has pushed up prices, filling government
coffers and boosting foreign exchange reserves. For this demand to
translate into sustainable economic development and much-needed em-
ployment for urban youth, most African countries need to upgrade their
infrastructure, and their industrial and service sectors. At the same time,
China’s own economic development is reaching a transition point. With
labour costs rising along the coast, and a government intent on leaving
behind the entry-level industries, entire industrial sectors in China are
poised to move. Most will go elsewhere in Asia, and even to China’s vast
western region. But some will come to Africa, many to the overseas zones
now being established by Chinese companies which anticipated this move.
Much remains to be learned about the extent to which these zones will
promote ‘mutual benefit ’ as promised by the Chinese. At the time of
writing, the zones were in the initial stage of development, some (Ogun,
Nigeria; Mauritius) had only just begun to clear the land. They offer
promise for attracting China’s mature industries to venture offshore to
Africa to be closer to sources of raw materials and to an important
$50 billion market for Chinese products. They may yet serve to transfer
technology and generate local employment. Yet as critics note, the zones
could turn out to be primarily tools to advance Chinese interests, without
many links to African development objectives. They also face the chal-
lenge that many similar attempts to construct special zones in African
countries have failed.
CH I N A ’ S S P E C I A L E CONOM I C ZON E S I N A F R I C A 49
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Because the officially supported zones are part of the framework of
pledges made at the Beijing FOCAC Summit in November 2006, it is
politically important that at least three of the initial seven zones thrive.
Which will thrive is not preordained. China’s national and provincial
governments do support the ventures, as noted above, but this support has
limits. In the Mauritius case and, to a lesser extent, the Lekki zone in
Nigeria, the Chinese government intervened at the request of concerned
African governments but has apparently not itself proposed any conditions
for zone restructuring. In keeping with its general principle of ‘non-
interference’, Beijing has not put pressure on the governments where
development has lagged (Ethiopia) or been suspended (Algeria), and
where policies have not been as supportive of zone development. The
state-owned China Africa Development Fund decided to invest in at least
three of the zones. Yet even here the principles of profitability and business
sustainability reign. CADF has been selective, carefully choosing the
opportunities that look most promising in terms of returns for the
Fund. These cases suggest that political interests have not overridden
the market principles that are hoped to make the zones both dynamic and
sustainable.
These zones are using an unprecedented business model in Africa.
Although there are exceptions, most economic zones in Africa, especially
sub-Saharan Africa, have historically been developed and operated by
governments, and the results have often been disappointing (FIAS 2008:
31). In China’s own zones, government agencies were also responsible for
their development, with generally good results. However, the new Chinese
zones in Africa are not being planned by government bureaucrats and
given to Chinese firms to implement. Instead, they are designed and es-
tablished by Chinese enterprises spontaneously according to their assess-
ment of business feasibility. The Chinese zone developers are expected to
bring future-oriented design, high-standard infrastructure and world-class
professional management to help industrial investors survive the harsh
market environment in Africa and facilitate their growth.
In some parts of Africa, clusters of dynamic industrial development
have arisen spontaneously, as private initiatives. If the expectations for
the Chinese-run zones are realised (and the jury is still out on this), these
cooperation zones could form a synergistic third model, combining
the market forces of existing clusters with the systematic organisation of
the top-down model. If so, this would help the business sustainability
of the zones. The scale and experience of the developers mean that they
are less vulnerable, and better connected to networks of capital, ideas and
support than Africa’s existing clusters.
50 DE BORAH BR Ä UT I G AM AND TANG X I AOYANG
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These developments may yet come to naught, given the obstacles that
have beset past efforts to develop economic zones in Africa. They face
significant challenges of inclusion, communication, and integration with
local economies. Yet the timing is right for some African countries to catch
the new wave of investors coming out of China. If even some of these
experiments lead to a genuine transfer of knowledge and opportunity from
China to Africa, much as happened with Japan and south-east Asia in the
1970s and with Hong Kong andMauritius in the 1980s, employment could
see significant gains and, in some spots, long-delayed industrial transitions
may yet be realised.
N O T E S
1. All uses of the term ‘Africa’ in this article include North Africa. 2. For exceptions, see Bräutigam 2009; Davies 2008; Mthembu-Salter 2009. 3. ‘Mature’ industries are the opposite of ‘emerging’ or ‘cutting-edge’ industries. Garments and
textiles, leather goods, simple plastic products are sub-sectors where few benefits can be gained from technological innovation and where competition is based more on costs. For an extended discussion of the push for restructuring in China, the link to China’s overseas economic zones, and tools such as the China Africa Development Fund, see Bräutigam 2009: 89–100. 4. Interview with the manager of GAFI promotion centre, 3.6.2009. 5. http://www.kingce.com/show.asp?articleid=508. The developers of the Guoji zone in Sierra
Leone also participated in the competitive tender for MOFCOM support but did not win. 6. These incentives were listed in a draft proposal, http://wuhan.customs.gov.cn/publish/
portal107/tab1656/module11265/info27660.htm, accessed 12.10.2009; http://www.wangchao.net.cn/ bbsdetail_767922.html. The final list of incentives has not been released by the Chinese government. 7. http://www.stnn.cc/trade/200708/t20070831_609308.html. 8. ‘Opinions about promoting the construction of overseas economic cooperation zones (draft for
comments) ’, summarised in: http://smw.xglzgs.gov.cn/swdt/swxx/4716.htm. 9. ‘Chuanxin Hezuo Moshi, Kaifa Feizhou Ziyuan’ [‘Innovate cooperation model, develop
Africa’s resources’], July 2007, http://www.zccz.org.cn/pop/pop.asp?InfoID=181, accessed 3.11.2009; ‘Dongfang Gongyeyuan, Kaipi Feizhou Taojinlu’ [‘Oriental Industrial Park, paving gold path in Africa’], 25.2.2008, Zhangjianggang Daily, http://www.zjgxw.cn/html/tebieguanzhu/20080225/ 63110.html, accessed 14.12.2009; Dongfang Gongyeyuan briefing 2008; ‘Suyishi Jingwai Jingmao Hezuoqu 10 yue Jiepai ’ [‘Suez Overseas Economic & Trade Cooperation Zone opening in October’], 23.2.2008, Jingji Cankao Daily, http://invest.people.com.cn/GB/75571/105500/8852019.html, accessed 14.12.2009. 10. Interviews with Lekki managers in Lagos and Chinese embassy in Abuja, June 2010. Mthembu-
Salter (2009: 2) states that the Chinese government ‘ intervened and unilaterally restructured the Chinese consortium in CCECC’s favour’, but we were unable to confirm this. 11. The Chinese developer was expected to contribute Rs 100 million, or $3.3 milllion, to the
external infrastructure, while the government of Mauritius invested $16 million to enlarge a reservoir and extend water lines to the Jinfei zone, Rs 170 million ($5.6 million) to build a new link road, and additional sums to bring wastewater services, electricity and telecoms to the project site (Republic of Mauritius 2009). 12. Email communication with Thomas Farole, World Bank, September 2010. 13. Interview with a MOFCOM official, Beijing, November 2009. 14. Interview, GAFI official, Egypt, 7.11.2009. 15. In 2008, Egypt TEDA comprised TEDA Investment Holding (75%), ECCI (20%) and Suez
International Cooperation Co. (5%). When CADF joined the project, it was through a new holding company, China-Africa TEDA Investment Co., in which CADF has 40% of the shares and TEDA has 60%. This holding company has the 75% of shares originally held by TEDA Investment Holding. Government of Egypt, ‘Law of economic zones of a special nature’, 2002, Chapter 2, p. 2. See also
CH I N A ’ S S P E C I A L E CONOM I C ZON E S I N A F R I C A 51
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http://suez.tjcoc.gov.cn/news_display.asp?id=106&iid=%BA%CF%D7%F7%C7%F8%B6%AF% CC%AC and http://www.cceccbeyond.com.cn/news-show.asp?ID=279.
16. Interview, vice-director of the Suez Teda Zone, Egypt Suez Zone, 9.6.2009. 17. http://tianjin.chinadaily.com.cn/m/tianjin/e/2009-11/09/content_8934405.htm; http://invest.
people.com.cn/GB/75571/105500/8852019.html. 18. Interviews with Egypt GAFI official, 3.6.2009 and 7.11.2009, Egypt ; and with management of
Egypt TEDA, 9.6.2009, Suez City, Egypt. 19. Interview, vice-director of the Suez Teda Zone, Egypt Suez Zone, 9.6.2009. 20. Interview with GAFI official, Egypt, 7.11.2009. 21. Interview with GAFI official, Egypt, June 2009. 22. Interview, Minister of Finance, Port Louis, Mauritius, July 2008. 23. An official from Zambia questioned this news report, pointing out that the MFEZ policy
requires all zones in Zambia to be open to all investors who meet the minimum investment require- ments. Email correspondence with Shadreck Saili, Zambia Development Agency, 2.2.2010.
24. http://www.mofcom.gov.cn/aarticle/o/dh/200712/20071205290608.html 25. Interview with MOFCOM official, Beijing, November 2009. 26. Interview, vice-director of the Suez Teda Zone, Egypt Suez Zone, 9.6.2009 27. Interview, representative of CCECC-Beyond, Beijing, November 2009. 28. Interview, GAFI official, Egypt, November 2009. 29. Estimates for Egypt and Ethiopia are based on field visits by one of the authors in June 2009. 30. Zambia information courtesy of email communication, Dan Haglund, University of Bath,
10.12.2009. 31. A Nigerian official reported to the authors that the Chinese had been asked to send some of
their construction workforce of about 200 back to China, and hire Nigerians. Telephone interview, Lekki Worldwide Investment official, Lagos, 14.12.2009.
32. Interview, Lekki zone representative, Beijing, 27.11.2009; see also ‘Weida de Kaituo – Laiji Zimaoqu Jianshe Jishi ’ [‘Great exploration – reporting the construction of Lekki Free Trade Zone’], 12.9.2008, Lekki Free Trade Zone Website, http://lekki.jndz.gov.cn/Lekki_News_Show_55.html, accessed 14.12.2009.
33. Interview, Board of Investment, government of Mauritius, Port Louis, 24.6.2008. 34. Government of Mauritius, ‘Digest of labour statistics 2008’, Central Statistics Office;
Government of Mauritius, Ministry of Labour, Industrial Relations, and Employment, https :// www.gov.mu/lmisweb/downloads/dec08/tab19.xls, accessed 12.10.2009.
35. ‘Zhongguo Kaifa Feizhou Yinqi Zhengyi’, 8.4.2010, http://www.infzm.com/content/43550. 36. See, for example, ‘Zone de coopération économique Jinfei s ’éveille’, L’Express (Port Louis),
1.11.2009. 37. Telephone interview, Nigerian official, Lekki Worldwide Investments, Lagos, Nigeria,
14.12.2009. 38. Ibid. 39. ‘Xinguang Shenban de Shoujie Niriliya Ziyoumaoyiqu Guanli Yanxiuban Qude Chenggong’
[‘The first Nigeria Free Trade Zone management seminar hosted by Xinguang International achieved success ’], 24.10.2008, Guangdong Provincial Government website, http://www.gdgz.gov.cn/ssqydt/ news.do?keyId=402882851c7b3a89011d23a9a6570112, accessed 14.12.2009; ‘Zhongguo Kaifaqu Zhengce Yantaoban Shunli Jiesu’ [‘China Development Zone policy seminar successfully ended’], 7.7.2009, Department of Commerce of Jiangsu Province, http://www.jsdoftec.gov.cn/NewsDetail. asp?NewsID=23671, accessed 14.12.2009.
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__MACOSX/BRI assignment /._african_shenzhen_chinas_special_economic_zones_in_africa.pdf
BRI assignment /class case study /Mozambique.docx
Sino-Mozambique Agriculture Cooperation
China’s agricultural cooperation with Mozambique started in 1975, when Mozambique became independent. The Sichuanese provincial government was designated to provide agricultural aid to Mozambique. In 1976, a Chinese agro-technology team composed of 29 experts and technicians was dispatched to work in two Mozambican farms: Niassa farm and Matama farm, covering a total of 7,000 hectar. With four years of experiments and efforts, the production of wheat in Niassa farm succeeded, with an average production of 233 kg per hectare and the highest reaching 400kg per hectare. In Matama farm, test production of corn, wheat, potatoes and vegetables was successful too. China also helped Mozambique build the country’s only gravity irrigation canals at that time- “the solidarity canal” (China’s Economic and Commercial Counselor’s Office in Mozambique, 2007). During the ten years between 1975 and 1985, Sichuan Province had dispatched all together over 120 agro-experts and technicians to Mozambique, assisting in building farms, land reclamation and production of food and vegetable.
Since the creation of FOCAC in 2000, China took innovative and diversified mode to extend agricultural assistance to Mozambique. In 2002, China signed an agricultural MoU with Mozambique, which serves as a framework for bilateral agricultural cooperation.
Establishment of the China Aided Agriculture Technology Demonstration Centre (ATDC)
At the governmental level, the Agricultural Technology Demonstration Center (ATDC) is one of the highlights in China’s agricultural cooperation with Mozambique. The centre in Mozambique was the first among 14 centers decided upon at FOCAC 2006, namely Benin, Cameroon, Congo, Ethiopia, Liberia, Mozambique, Rwanda, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.
The construction of the ATDC in Mozambique commenced in July 2009 and was completed in November 2010. In July 2011, the center was handed over to the Mozambican government. Located in the district of Boane, Maputo, the center covers an area of 52 hectares. The ATDC in Mozambique is undertaken by Hubei Lianfeng Overseas Agricultural Development Corporation, a Chinese state-owned company affiliated with Hubei Provincial Agricultural Reclamation Bureau.
The establishment and implementation of ATDC follow the procedures as set out by the “government-guided, company-dominated and market-oriented” principle:
|
Step 1: Conduct feasibility study (30 May 2007 and 6 June 2007) |
Foreign Economic Cooperation Center of Chinese Ministry of Agriculture did a field trip to Mozambique between 30 May and 6 June 2007. Coordinated by Mozambican Ministry of Agriculture and Ministry of Science, China exchanged views with Mozambique counterparts on selection of sites, focus areas of cooperation and technology. Mozambique proposed two areas, Moamba in northwest of the capital and Umbeluzi in Southwest of the capital. China decided to construct ATDC in Umbeluzi as for its closer location to Maputo and better infrastructure in terms of water, electricity and roads.
|
|
Step 2: Consultation |
Consult Africans on their advice and modify the plan. Chinese government provides RMB 40 million yuan (over US$ 6 million) financial support for each centre.
|
|
Step 3: Construction of ATDC |
Begin construction of ATDC. Mozambican center includes administrative offices, laboratories and housing for researchers, technicians and trainees along with other facilities, as well as fields to carry out agricultural production tests, implement irrigation systems and space for livestock production. The construction was completed in November 2010.
|
|
Step 4: Technical Cooperation (April 2012 to April 2015) |
In the first three years after establishment of the centre, China will provide free assistance to recipient countries for necessary equipment, production materials and training of local personnel. In Mozambique, the focus is soybean and com cultivation and processing demonstration and training.
|
|
Step 5: Commencement of commercial opeation |
According to bilateral agreement between China and Mozambique, the centre was independently run by Lianfeng Overseas for 3 years and jointly run with Mozambique for 10 years. Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security of Mozambique took charge for the project and the South Branch of the the Agriculture Research Institute of Mozambique (IIAM) became the local partner.
|
|
Step 6: Handing over |
Hand over the center to recipient African government after three years operation run by Chinese partner. Sustainability after hand-over is now the major concern of both China and African government.
|
China-Mozambique division of labour as follow:
|
Development Phase |
China |
Mozambique |
|
Construction phase |
Provision of : Necessary machinery and facilities to guarantee operation; seeds and agriculture materials.. |
Provision of land free of charge; offer concessions and support; provision of Chinese engineering and technical personnel |
|
Technical Cooperation phase |
Introduction of various breed of livestock and crops; conduct experiments and research, breed selection and demonstrations; carry out training and guide the application and dissemination of techniques; expansion of variety and production of improved seeds; provision of technical services.
|
Designation of a focal point responsible for project coordination and liaison and support the work of staff members. |
|
Commercialisation of operational phase |
Achievement of sustainable development through industrialisation and self-sustaining operations. |
Selection of a Mozambican institution to jointly manage the centre with Hubei Lianfeng Overseas Agriculture Development Corporation (subsidiary of Hubei Reclamation Bureau). |
According to the Document on promoting sustainability of ATDC, jointly issued by MOFCOM and Ministry of Agriculture in 2011, the objectives of China’s ATDC are a mixed motivation of diplomacy, food security, economy and investment. First, serve China’s foreign strategy and improve bilateral relations; Second, increase the agricultural production, improve agro-technology and enhance the food security of recipient countries; Third, provide a platform for investment of Chinese companies in Africa and promote the “going out” strategy of agriculture. Through ATDC’s platform, eight state-owned farms and companies from Hubei Province are now “going out” to Mozambique to expand agro-business.
Programme of ADTC
· To test and breed major crops, fruit trees, livestock and poultries;
· To select locally suitable breeds from the lab for demonstration;
· To transfer useful technologies to Mozambican government officials, agricultural and technical personnel and farmers through training courses to raise farmers’ income and promote agriculture development;
· To promote a sustainable food value chain that encompasses agriculture food products, seedlings, agriculture machinery sales and paid technical services, with financial support from the private sector.
Four functions of demonstration techniques:
· Experimentation and research
· Demonstrations and extensions
· Technical training
· Industrialised development
During the three years of technical cooperation, the ADTC implemented food crop planting experiments, vegetable planting experiments, and livestock and poultry breeding experiments. The ADTC tested hybrid rice combinations and upland rice imported from China and selected ten high-yielding and good quality rice varieties suitable for local farming. The centre also introduced 20-30 vegetable varieties from China and Swaziland boar for breeding.
Working with Wanbao [footnoteRef:1]The centre has also turned the Hubei-Gaza Friendship Farm in Gaza Province into a rice demonstration base, where it has produced new rice varieties and developed rice planting techniques. Following the success, large-scale rice testing and demonstration was conducted and in 2011, it has grown to around hectares of experimental paddy fields and have yielded 9-10 tons per hectare for three successive years. With the help of Chinese rice experts, local farmers have also seen their paddy fields yield five tons per hectare, two tons more than previous yields. ATDC in Mozambique also took an advanced step in providing a platform for multilateral cooperation. Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation had project cooperation with the centre and South Korea has used the centre to conducted trainings. Bill & Melinda Gates has tested 30 rice varieties for its“Green super rice for Africa”project at the site of China’s ATDC in Mozambique. [1: In the new phase of agricultural cooperation, not only state-owned companies, but also increasingly more Chinese private agricultural companies e.g. Wanbao are investing in Mozambican, which gives new impetus to the country’s agricultural development. In 2008, Lianfeng set up Hubei-Gaza friendship farm, based on a provincial agreement between Hubei and Gaza province to help local communities to improve productivity and transfer technology. In 2011, through the effort of China Development Bank, Wanbao Grains & Oils, a private Chinese company was empowered to fully take over the development and construction of the Friendship Farm, based on its agreement with Hubei Reclamation Bureau. With an investment of US$95 million. Wanbao successfully completed the development and construction of the first phase - the trial sample farm of 5,000-mu (equivalent to 75000 hectare.), involving land reclamation, water conservancy construction, rice planting, harvesting and other work.
]
While there is appreciation for the training and the work done by ADTC, there were also issue such as damaged water conservancy irrigation facilities and equipment that have not yet been repaired. There is also the insufficient purchasing power of farmers and the lack of agricultural funds, which affect agriculture production and technical guidance provided by ATDC experts which resulted in the limited scale of production. Although China has always appropriated special funds for use as agricultural assistance funds to fund ADTC, however to expand the benefits of the centre, more funding will be required from the Mozambique government, private sector and the international scene as well.
Discussion:
1) What do you think are the success factors contributing to the success of ADTC?
2) To ensure sustainable large-scale production and adoption of the new techniques and equipment, how can the Mozambique government garner long-term funding commitment from the private sector?
3) ADTC is still largely unknown to the international community, how can China and Mozambique work together to make the centre well known to potential international development partners to expand its scope towards sustainable development?
2
__MACOSX/BRI assignment /class case study /._Mozambique.docx
BRI assignment /class case study /Ethiopia.docx
Ethiopia’s Eastern Industrial Zone
EIZ’s park gate displays Chinese characters reading "China-Africa friendship, cooperation and win-win"
Thirty-seven kilometers south of Addis Ababa, capital of Ethiopia, the Eastern Industry Zone (EIZ) has attracted 85 companies to build factories, making clothing, textiles, shoes, cement, medicine and automobiles. Inaugurated in 2010 by Chinese investors, the industry zone is the only overseas economic and trade cooperative zone that is supported by Ethiopia at the national level.
Chinese private investors are trailblazers in Ethiopia’s SEZ development, as they built the first Industrial Park (IP) in the country – the EIZ. Ethiopia’s experience with IPs began when the Chinese Jiangsu Qiyuan Group first planned to invest in establishing the EIZ in 2007. From their interaction with the EIZ, the first modern IP in Ethiopia, the Ethiopian government was able to gain access to key SEZ management concepts and observe first-hand the services Chinese zone developers provided. Not only is the first IP in Ethiopia set up by a Chinese investor, but there is also an increasing number of privately developed IPs owned and operated by Chinese investors. Furthermore, as Chinese SEZs tend to attract more Chinese investors, the increase of Chinese IPs in Ethiopia will bring further Chinese manufacturing investment.
How it all started…
Although the idea of setting up the EIZ was born largely because Qiyuan won the bid from MOFCOM’s Overseas Economic and Trade Cooperation Zone Program, another incentive for investing in the EIZ was Qiyuan’s previous investment experiences in Ethiopia. In 2006, Qiyuan invested in an Ethiopian cement plant. This investment helped them develop connections with the Ethiopian government. After obtaining a 200 million Ethiopian Birr (US$ 7.23 million) loan from a local bank, Qiyuan started its investment in the cement sector with the Ethiopian government’s encouragement. The Ethiopian government believed that their local cement supply could not meet all the development needs for Ethiopia’s industrialization and urbanization. In addition to taking lessons from its previous investment experience in Ethiopia, Qiyuan also hired a Chinese vice general manager with more than ten years of business experience in Ethiopia to prepare for the establishment of the EIZ.
According to MOFCOM’s initial plan, the Chinese government would support zone development enterprises with concessional loans. The Chinese Ministry of Finance (MOF) initially intended to finance 30 percent of the total infrastructure cost in these zones, yet this financial support was never fulfilled due to the change in government policy. The 300 million RMB (US$ 44.04 million) in financial support originally promised by MOFCOM and the MOF was cancelled. The municipal and provincial government from Suzhou, Jiangsu province, where Qiyuan’s headquarter is located, only supported the EIZ with US$ 5.65 million, although they promised to award the project more than US$ 14.67 million as a winner of MOFCOM’s bid.
With little financial or diplomatic support from the Chinese government, Qiyuan coordinated with the Ethiopian government to establish the EIZ. It was much harder for Qiyuan to develop an IP than it was the cement plant, however. At the time Ethiopia was still very new to the entire IP concept and there was no legal or institutional framework in place for the development and management of IPs. Before the EIZ was built, most government officials had no idea what an IP was, how it worked, and what services the government should provide in order for one to operate efficiently. Without prior IP experience, most decisions had to be made directly by the Ethiopian prime minister. To get anything done, Qiyuan had to first obtain a special approval letter from the prime minister and then visit different functional departments individually for administrative support. Additional problems arose due to the lack of a IP law detailing rights and responsibilities for IP developers, enterprises within IPs, and the Ethiopian government.
Leading to the first Industrial Park (IP) law in Ethiopia…
Therefore EIZ’s establishment paved the way for Ethiopia to enact its first IP law. With an increasing need for legislation to govern IP development, operation, management, and regulation, Ethiopia’s first IP Proclamation was enacted in 2015. The IP Proclamation stipulated the rights and obligations of IP developers and enterprises; requirements for work permits and residence; guarantees and protections from the Ethiopian government; and regulation on land access and environmental protection. Although it is hard to track the legislation’s original process, the EIZ administrator mentioned that two articles in the Proclamation were largely the result of their continuous negotiation with the Ethiopian government. One article allowed IP developers to sublease land to other enterprises and issue them a sublease land certificate on behalf of the government. The other mandated the Ethiopian Investment Commission (EIC) guarantee delivery of One Stop Shop (OSS) services and brought other functional departments together to coordinate and streamline administrative services for each IP. The Industrial Park Development Corporation (IPDC) was also established in 2014 to mandate the development and administration of state-owned IPs. IPDC’s structure and establishment was modeled after Singapore’s JTC Corporation, hence the IPDC does not seem to have not taken much instruction from China in this regard
The Ethiopian government also further restructured the EIC. Formerly managed by the Ministry of Industry, the EIC now answers directly to the prime minister’s office and has become an independent department responsible for the attraction of foreign investment.30 Although the EIC was set up before the EIZ was built, it is possible to argue that the EIC’s restructuring was related to Ethiopia’s exchanges with China and the EIZ. The newly established OSS directorate, within the EIC, provide enterprises with streamlined custom clearance, visa, and tax services. Beside OSS’s headquarters in Addis Ababa, each IP now has an OSS office, which delegates other state ministries to provide desk services.
Becoming a showcase of China-Africa Economic Cooperation
By 2018, EIZ which hosted companies ranging from shoe manufacturer and steelmakers to leather processors and car assemblers, has provided more than 10,500 work positions for the local people in the Dukem area. Huajian Group which produces for brands like Guess, Calvin Klein, Nina and other branded items which set up its factory in EIZ in 2011, has brought US$31 million in foreign exchange income to Ethiopia. EIZ has become a showcase of high quality factories in sectors such as pharmaceuticals, pulp and textile. There are 83 companies that are either under construction or operational inside the premises of the industry zone, of which 56 have already started production. EIZ’s success also showed that an IP could improve production efficiency by supplying water, sewage treatment, telecommunication services, and other infrastructure on a large scale. Investors gained easier access to infrastructure necessary for industrial production and the government was also able to better monitor industrial production by collecting data on an IP-sized scale, instead of by individual companies.
The sewage treatment plant in EIZ
In addition to improving infrastructure, the EIZ also taught Ethiopia that an IP could help address bureaucratic inefficiencies and corruption issues. Before the EIZ’s establishment, it took a company up to eight years to obtain a land lease certificate, with lots of rent seeking occurring during the process. However, an IP allowed the government to negotiate over a large piece of land with the IP developer through a transparent negotiation process, after which the IP developer could sub-lease each shed to investors at a fixed price. This process saved time for investors while streamlining redundant administrative measures for all parties involved.
Addressing concerns for expansion
As the zone has run out of land and warehouses, to meet demands from foreign investors, there is plan for the construction of its second phase to expand the land. The plan is to expropriate an additional 167 hectares of rural land and the relocation of around 300 farmers which spark concerns about lack of fair compensation from the local community who had once lost their fields due to the initial construction of the industrial park. Farmers whose land has been earmarked for the expansion are frustrated that there will not be adequate compensation although the Dukem Land Development and Management Office has assured that each farmer will receive better compensation and in addition, the expansion will include building of a hospital, school and market centre for farmers as well as improved electricity and water supplies. Furthermore, the prospect of giving up farming for work in the factories in EIZ is often unwelcome due to low wages, long working hours and poor treatment by employers which leads to strikes and protests.
Discussion:
1) What were Qiyuan’s challenges with regards to the building of EIZ and how do you think they overcome the challenges?
2) Besides infrastructure development and business opportunities, one of the key achievement of the EIZ was the enactment of the Industrial park law in Ethiopia. Why is this critical to the success of EIZ and how does this inform policymakers in other SEZs?
3) How can the government and private sector work with the local in Dukem to address their concerns with regards to the EIZ’s expansion plan to assure that “there are no empty promises”?
__MACOSX/BRI assignment /class case study /._Ethiopia.docx
BRI assignment /class case study /Sihanoukville Special Economic Zone (1).docx
Sihanoukville Special Economic Zone
The past decade has witnessed an unprecedented and massive influx of Chinese investments and tourism into Cambodia. The capital inflow and rising visitor numbers have been both beneficial and disruptive for Cambodia's economic development and social cohesion. Relations between Cambodia and China gained momentum after the two countries established a comprehensive strategic partnership in 2010. At the heart of the relationship is Phnom Penh's close embrace of China's Belt and Road Initiative. There has been remarkable progress in infrastructure development throughout the country under BRI since 2013, such as the Chinese-funded Sihanoukville Special Economic Zone. Within the BRI framework, Sihanoukville is known as the first port of call on China’s massive infrastructure programme. The area, previously known as Kampong Som before it was renamed after former king Norodom Sihanouk, received US$4.2 billion in Chinese investment for power plants and offshore oil operations.
Model for development of SEZs in Cambodia
Established in 2008, Cambodia Sihanoukville Special Economic Zone (SSEZ) is considered the biological child of the Royal Government of Cambodia and the Chinese government. It is constructed by Chinese and Cambodian enterprises, which is a landmark project on "Belt and Road" Initiative, aiming at creating an ideal investment platform for enterprises’ “investment in ASEAN, radiation to the world”. SSEZ is located in Preah Sihanouk province, SSEZ is adjacent to the No.4 national road,212km away from capital city Phnom Penh, 12km from the Sihanoukville international deep sea port,railway station and 3 km from the Sihanoukville International Airport. SSEZ has been developing rapidly. With the total planning area of 11.13km², SSEZ has finished the initial phase of the development area of 5.28km², with textiles and garment, bags and leather products, hardware and machinery, wooden products as the leading industries. In 2015, East China's Jiangsu province opened a trade and economic representative office in the Sihanoukville Special Economic Zone (SSEZ) in southwest Cambodia, aiming to further boost trade and investment ties between the two countries.
In the second phase, full play to the advantage of port-vicinity and will mainly bring in industries such as hardware & machinery, construction materials, home furnishing, fine chemical, etc. SSEZ will finally be built into a well-facilitated, fully-functional, ecological model industrial zone with 300 enterprises settled in and 80 thousand to 100 thousand industrial workers. According to a Council for the Development of Cambodia (CDC)’s report, the SSEZ exported products worth 372 million U.S. dollars in 2018, up 68 percent compared to a year earlier. SSEZ has housed more than 160 factories with the registered investment capital of about 918 million U.S. dollars, creating 22,495 jobs. The factories produce textiles, shoes, travel goods, electronic products, electrical accessories, tires, car parts, furniture, office equipment and supplies, and sports equipment, among others.
Tourism development in Sihanoukville
Sihanoukville used to be a sleepy coastal town in south Cambodia. Its beaches were known for their quiet, cosy – albeit a little seedy – atmosphere that attracted mostly families, individual travellers and backpackers. Aside from the goings-on of the tourists and those connected with the country’s sole deep-water port, nothing much had changed over the years. That was until the Chinese investment flooded in as a result of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Fast forward to 2019 and the once-tranquil city has been transformed beyond recognition. Significant amounts of Chinese investment have flooded into Sihanoukville because of its convenient location and the government's openness to investment, particularly in real estate, hotels and casinos. This has in turn prompted more Chinese tourists to flock to Sihanoukville for gaming, making the town a magnet for Chinese investors. According to a recent report by the Sihanoukville provincial authorities, Chinese nationals now own more than 90% of businesses in Sihanoukville, including hotels, casinos, restaurants and massage parlors -- fueling concerns over Chinese domination of the local economy. The magnitude and make-up of its tourists has also changed with the new influx. Tourism increased more than 700 percent between 2012 to 2017, with Chinese tourists accounting for one-third of the 6.2 million visitors Cambodia received last year. Officials estimate that Chinese nationals make up some 90 percent of the expatriate population in Sihanoukville. A number of the long-term Western tourists living in the city have either been pushed or kicked out to make way for better paying Chinese. Some have moved out to avoid the area because of the loss of tranquillity.
Growing discontentment towards influx of Chinese investors
Influx of Chinese investors and tourists and increasing “Chinafication” of Sihanoukville has stirred local resentment as landless Cambodians are pushed out of Sihanoukville development deals while Chinese workers are brought in to cater to the growing demand. Although BRI-linked Chinese investments have significantly contributed to Sihanoukville's economic growth, the benefits of Chinese investment have not been widely shared with the local population. It appears that only local elites or Cambodians who own land or buildings or operate businesses that cater to Chinese nationals come out ahead.
The Chinese financial influx is also often ‘closed looped’, with few meaningful opportunities for local players. Chinese companies often do business with other Chinese companies, which then bring in Chinese workers. Chinese tourists, often travelling in groups handled by Chinese tourist agencies, want to stay at Chinese-run hotels and eat at Chinese restaurants, and local businesses and people are often forced out of any potential economic gain. Furthermore, the collapse on of a Chinese-owned high-rise apartment block under construction in Sihanoukville, which left 28 people dead and at least 26 injured, most of whom were Cambodian construction workers, has deepened negative feelings about Chinese investment. In the wake of the fatal building collapse, a new inspection committee was tasked with reviewing all construction projects across the country, and the Ministry of Land Management, Urban Planning, and Construction reported that it had found at least five operating without proper permits in Sihanoukville. Many of the Chinese-built facilities are also not properly regulated or monitored by the relevant local authorities.
Along with the steady influx of Chinese workers and visitors, is an increase in vices and criminal activities. Reports about sexual harassment, kidnappings and traffic accidents involving Chinese nationals are also fueling anti-Chinese sentiment. In Cambodia, 68 percent of those arrested in the first six months of 2018 were Chinese citizens, far outnumbering others nationals. Demand from China and Vietnam has made Cambodia a key transit point in the illicit wildlife trade, with a record 3.2 tonnes of African ivory seized at the Sihanoukville port last December. Many Chinese nationals working as pimps and prostitutes in the seaside town have been arrested, and around 50 Chinese nationals were detained in Sihanoukville last August in a crackdown on prostitution rings. Chinese nationals, along with locals and other foreigners, have also been arrested during illegal drug raids on pubs. Many Cambodians now tend to avoid Sihanoukville, once a popular holiday destination for locals, due to the perception that it has become a "Chinese enclave." A report by the tourism ministry showed that the number of Cambodians visiting Sihanoukville during the popular Pchum Ben festival last year fell by an annual 13.5%. They are also deterred by rising costs of food and accommodation. Cambodian holidaymakers are instead going to other provinces such as Kampot, Siem Reap, and Ratanakiri.
Tax Evasion and Mal-practice in SSEZ
Following the allegations of two companies which were operating in SSEZ, shipping goods there to avoid US anti-dumping duties in 2017, US has urged the Cambodian government to help crack down on companies using a Chinese-backed special economic zone to evade US tariffs. These products were found to have originated from China, and included glycine, a chemical compound used in food and pharmaceuticals, and steel pipe fittings. In addition, the eighty-three shipping containers full of rubbish found at Sihanoukville prompted investigation into Chinyeun Plastics, a Chinese-owned company with Cambodian shareholders operating in the SSEZ. The waste originated from the US and Canada and the Environment Ministry of Cambodia has ordered the company to return the shipment of 1,600 tonnes of garbage. The company has also been fined more than one billion riel (US$250,000) for illegally importing waste.
Discussion:
1) The rapid development of SSEZ has led to the peripheral development of the tourism sector in Sihanoukville which has led to socio problems and discontentment among the locals. Learning from this, how can host government tighten control over foreign investments especially to deter vice industries?
3) In light of unchecked development by Chinese investors and the sociocultural and environment impact of these investments, how should the provincial and national government agencies in Cambodia work with the Chinese government to strengthen review of investors and monitoring mechanisms?
__MACOSX/BRI assignment /class case study /._Sihanoukville Special Economic Zone (1).docx
BRI assignment /class case study /The Case of Kunming (1).docx
The Case of Kunming-Vientiane Railway in Laos
Introduction
The Kunming-Vientiane link will eventually connect with a railway line to Bangkok, and southward down the Malay peninsula to Singapore. The Laos section of the project is now half complete. Construction on the China–Laos railway began in December 2016 and involves six Chinese contractors from subsidiaries of the state-owned China Railway Group. Contractors now report that it’s half-finished and is on schedule to be completed by December 2021. Trains on the line can travel at up to 160 km/h (100mph), cutting the travelling time between the two cities to three hours from three days, said Lao Railways’ director general Somsana Ratsaphong. Tickets will start from US$20 a trip.
Welcome to the China-Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor, one of the key planks of the New Silk Roads, or Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The apparition on the Mekong is an under-construction bridge, part of the 420 km-long, US$6 billion worth high-speed railway connecting Kunming, in Yunnan province, to the Lao capital Vientiane and then, further on down the road, bound to unite mainland Southeast Asia all the way to Singapore. The Laos government’s role is to leverage its section of the railway to transform Laos from a ‘landlocked’ to a ‘land-linked’ country. Laos’ one-party system has allowed the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party, which has governed since 1975, to push ahead with the project.
A railway bridge under construction by Chinese engineers across the Mekong River in Luang Prabang
The Laos government hopes the passenger and freight railway will boost tourism and trade and bring prosperity to its seven million citizens. Given the country’s mountainous geography, the railway is a mighty engineering challenge: only 38% of it will run along the ground, with the rest crossing 170 bridges and passing through 72 tunnels.
Laos is dependent on China to bankroll the US$7 billion project, while Laos – where subsistence agriculture makes up half of the economic output – pays for the remaining 30 per cent with loans from Chinese financial institutions. Part of the loan’s tenure will be interest-free, with a 2 per cent annual rate charged over 30 years. The financing terms have raised concerns among developing nations of being pushed into a debt trap, as debtors may find themselves saddled with large borrowings that would take a long time to repay.
Developments of Laos through the project
The numbers by the Lao Ministry of Public Works and Transport are impressive – the Kunming-Vientiane high-speed railway, started in 2016 and to be completed in 2021, features 72 tunnels, 170 bridges and will have trains speeding along at 160 km an hour.
The China-Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor is one of the six main BRI corridors identified back in March 2015. These are BRI’s land arteries – the backbone of an intricate, integrated continental landmass featuring multiple layers of transportation, telecom, energy infrastructure, financial, trade, political and economic projects and agreements.
Northern Laos, a maze of mountains, jungles and a few rivers, for a long time was virtually isolated until the opening of borders with Vietnam and China led to immense economic and demographic transformations – with traditional rice-based agriculture giving way to speculative commercial agriculture. Laos is landlocked between powerful neighbors China and Thailand. A North-South economic corridor has been the favored strategy by both China and Thailand to develop commerce, tourism and investments in Laos. Mountain people minorities linked to Chinese culture such as the Chin Haw, Akha, Yao and Hmong, who speak Lao and know Lao culture, were cast as the perfect intermediaries and partners. Especially in the BRI era, connections with China, both in the formal and informal economy, are now overtaking connections with Thailand. Vientiane – not exactly a transparent government – has encouraged Chinese investments of extremely dubious value in luxury hotels, malls and casinos in Special Economic Zones (SEZs) along the Chinese border. At the same time, Chinese companies have been pouring billions of dollars into the productive development of these SEZs, as well as in dams, mines and rubber plantations.
Issues arising from the project
The development through the railway project has created a mini-boom in the three northern Lao provinces of Luang Namtha, Oudomxay and Luang Prabang. More than 7,000 Lao people are working on the Kunming-Vientiane railway, most of them residents who live nearby. However that still pales compared to the more than 40,000 Chinese working for six Chinese contractors, in six different segments, duly supervised by Huang Difu, chairman of the Laos-China Railway Company and general manager of China Railway International.
The remnants of the Indochina War (Vietnam War) which left an enormous volume of unexploded ordnance, have forced construction companies to suspend construction temporarily to clear some of the unexploded ordnance. There has also been opposition from affected villagers. In October 2016 they were prevented from speaking at public meetings held to promote the project, to oppose the railway. In January 2018, the Lao government revealed that a compensation law had been drafted for compulsory acquisitions related to all Laos infrastructure projects.
Kunming-Vientiane is a stark example of how BRI projects usually face a maze of political and financial hurdles. The original design, from 2011, predates the New Silk Roads, which were launched in 2013. Much of the problems have to do with the toxic land for development equation – a situation not much different in Cambodia and Myanmar. In Luang Prabang, countless cases of villagers are forced to leave their homes and there are others still waiting for fair compensation from Vientiane. In Laos there are a dizzying 242 different categories of compensation – spanning everything from mango trees five years of age or older, to hardwood and teak trees less than one year old, not to mention crucial land in main transportation hubs.
A small rice mill in Muong Xay, northern Laos, will soon be demolished to make way for a major train station. Over 4,000 families will lose their land to the railway, according to government figures. Their total compensation is set to reach US$250 million. A specific figure is yet to be fixed for many. The land has nevertheless been handed over for Chinese companies to build on.
The railway will be 70% financed by Beijing, the remaining 30% for Vientiane – roughly $840 million – are supported by a low-interest Chinese loan of $500 million. A Lao bauxite mine plus three potash mines secure the Chinese loan. Last year 2018, Laos’ public debt reached 65% of gross domestic product, up from 61% in 2017, partly because of increased borrowing from Chinese banks. The International Monetary Fund is concerned about the figure because Laos’ silver and copper mines are reaching exhaustion, and the country has a very low tax base. The Laos government, based in Vientiane, has been facing difficulties in coming up with its share of capital for the project. In March 2018, the Deputy Minister of Public Works and Transport had to urgently request approval of a budget of 510 billion kip (or US$60 million) for Laos’ 2018 contribution to the project.
Where the Song River runs through Vang Vieng, locals noticed pollution from the railway site in its previously transparent waters. After they protested, officials ordered the waste to be diverted away from the Song.
Much more than interest rates on Chinese loans – which in fact are small – the red alert on BRI-related projects in Laos concerns the environmental impact, and the fact that Laos is a poor, landlocked transit nation, it may be paying in the future a disproportionate social and environmental cost for projects that mainly benefit the Chinese economy. A sharp contrast is offered by Ock Pop Tok, or East meets West in Lao, an indigenous model of fair trade, sustainable business, socially conscious enterprise founded by a Lao and an Englishwoman in 2000, managed by women, and for the benefit of Lao women.
Ock Pop Tok started with five weavers and now links to more than 500 in villages across Laos. Textile production in Laos carries an immensely significant cultural value. Technical and esoteric knowledge has been transmitted from generation to generation in each village specific to a subgroup, a powerful sign of strong cultural identity. Silk has been cultivated in Laos for more than 1,000 years. Ock Pop Tok managed to assemble master weavers using techniques practiced by the Tai Kadai ethnic group since 800 BC, when they left Yunnan. Ock Pop Tok also promotes Hmong artisans. Hmongs are animists who came from Tibet and Mongolia by the early 19th century. There are more than 49 ethnic groups in Laos. Westerners classify them by language – Mon, Khmer, Sino-Tibetan, Tai, Kadai – while in Laos they are recognized by where they live – on the plains, in plateaus or high in the mountains.
Questions:
1) What is the main benefit of the Kunming-Vientiane Railway to Laos?
2) What are some of the issues/ challenges faced?
3) How can the high-speed railway project integrate into the complex, fragile, social and environmental system of Laos?
__MACOSX/BRI assignment /class case study /._The Case of Kunming (1).docx
BRI assignment /class case study /Kyaukphyu SEZ.docx
Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone
After many rounds of negotiations, the Myanmar government and a Chinese company have inked a framework agreement for the development of a special economic zone (SEZ) in November 2018, in Rakhine State. The project will offer China access to the Bay of Bengal while enhancing its regional connectivity as part of Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The Kyaukphyu SEZ is uniquely positioned to serve as a trade corridor connecting the economies of China, India and ASEAN.
The SEZ project will include a deep seaport and will cover a total of 520 hectares—20 for the port, 100 for housing and 400 for an industrial park. Some 50 percent of the land is allocated to fisheries, 30 percent to garment factories and the rest to other small enterprises. Since the 2015 elections that swept the National League for Democracy (NLD) to power, the government has been negotiating with the China International Trust and Investment Corporation (CITIC) to raise Myanmar’s stake in the Kyaukphyu SEZ in Rakhine State. CITIC struck a shareholders agreement with the previous government under President Thein Sein just before the 2015 election. It gave the Chinese developer an 85 percent stake in the project and Myanmar the rest. Critics of the project raised concerns that the deal could land Myanmar in a debt trap with China. After negotiations under the NLD government, China agreed that Myanmar would hold 30 percent of the shares. CITIC’s share is divided among a consortium of six companies that includes Charoen Pokphand (CP), the largest private company in Thailand. The CITIC Consortium will form project joint ventures together with Myanmar local enterprises for the construction and operation of the project which will be implemented under the framework of the "Myanmar Special Economic Zone Law" promulgated by Myanmar government in 2014.
Deep Sea-port to Bring about Development of Rakhine state
A joint Myanmar-Chinese consortium will have concession rights to operate the port and the term of the project was agreed at 50 years. The SEZ is expected to provide 100,000 jobs for the local and the government will generate a revenue of US$7.8 billion from the SEZ and US$6.5 billion from the deep seaport. The first phase of the project which involves the construction of two jetties and will commence after environmental and social impact assessments are conducted.
The deep-sea port project consists of the Madae Island Terminal and Yanbye Island Terminal, totally with 10 berths. It also includes the road and bridge connecting the industrial park and deep sea port. The deep sea port project will be constructed in four phases, with a total construction duration of 20 years. After the completion of project, the expected annual capacity of the deep sea port will be 7.8 million tons of bulk cargo and 4.9 million TEU containers. With the increased container throughput, the deep sea port may update to the complete container terminals, with the annual capacity of 7 million TEU containers.
Tension between the Government and the Community
The development of the SEZ however has led to deeper tension between the Myanmar government and the Arakan Army as the Myanmar government and Chinese state-owned CITIC Group are pushing the project forward despite public opposition. There has also been limited transparency and inadequate public consultation with communities affected by the project. There has also been increasing pressure to secure stability in Rakhine through the Myanmar military and violence over the past five months has displaced as many as 30,000 people.
The movement for Rakhine autonomy and federalism calls for local control of natural resources as a key tenet. If the government moves ahead with the SEZ without addressing these issues, it risks prolonging the conflict with the Army, making repatriation for the Rohingya increasingly risky and unlikely. The communities support the Arakan Army as they wanted to have their own laws, their own management and regulation of natural resources and government. One of the main concern of the SEZ is that the projects are not meeting the needs of the local as there is no law to protect the ethnic minority’s rights.
Communities in the Kyaukphyu area have already seen Chinese development implemented to their detriment. The US$2.5 billion Shwe gas pipeline by China National Petroleum Corporation is the largest extractive development project in Myanmar and consists of 1,200 kilometres of pipeline between Kyaukphyu and Yunan, China. Since the project began in 2008, local residents have rallied around groups like the Shwe Gas Movement to oppose the pipeline. Communities in the area have faced forced displacement, forced labor, and the destruction of their natural resources. More than 100 hectares were reportedly spoiled in Gyin Gyi village tract, across three villages in the township. The aggrieved landholders have been seeking compensation since 2013, and while most have received payments, nearly half have not.
Recent studies of a river in the area found very high levels of lead and phenol pollution. People in Rakhine have also seen few benefits and proceeds from the pipeline, which are controlled by China’s national oil company. The Chinese government has had also no contact with the local people , apart from some meeting with pipeline project-affected people by the Chinese embassy. Therefore the Myanmar government’s decision to prioritize Chinese-backed mega-projects will only worsen the inequality and marginalization that drive the conflict in Rakhine.
Call for Transparency and Disclosure
Public access to information about the SEZ project remains scarce. Before investment agreements have been finalised, local authorities and project developers were moving forward with preparatory work for land acquisition and the resulting resettlement and livelihood changes for the local population. Plots and property were measured and documented, indicating preparations for future compensation. Yet community members have received limited information about the purpose and method of this process. Civil society groups have requested maps that collate this data but government officials have not made them available. Prices were increasing as speculators buy plots in anticipation of future demand in the SEZ area. Farmers are also unaware of the transactions. Most don’t have land titles to sell, for a variety of reasons: Customary tenure is unrecognised; there were disincentives for land registration during the Socialist era; and would-be title holders continue to face barriers to registration, including corruption and laws that provide little protection and are poorly enforced. These property transactions raise questions about who has the right to sell land and indicate that de facto land acquisition is occurring, despite a May 2016 Presidential Notification ordering a temporary halt to state land acquisitions.
Sales of land can result from pressure, coercion and misinformation from businessmen in collusion with local authorities. Depriving displaced persons of adequate compensation impedes their ability to re-establish livelihoods and results in violations of rights enshrined in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Lack of transparency creates uncertainty for communities and establishes conditions for land-related grievances and human rights violations. Access to remedy is severely limited because the judiciary lacks the independence, capacity and willingness to adjudicate conflict and disputes over land. CITIC has offered community members microfinance and has begun setting up vocational training opportunities. These activities are efforts by CITIC to be a responsible investor in Myanmar. But these activities are not enough to satisfy the company’s legal obligations. Communities have a right to timely information about project developments so they can participate in planning and make informed decisions about their future. Transparency, access to information, and opportunities for genuine consultation and participation are principles of international standards such as the World Bank’s Policy on Involuntary Resettlement. Through the EIA Procedure, Myanmar law requires that developers of major projects adhere to these standards. The government and developers must immediately demonstrate stated commitments to responsible investment in Myanmar by applying democratic principles of timely and meaningful transparency and consultation.
Discussion:
1) How can the Myanmar Government achieve win-win resolution that ensure the rights of the Rakhine community for local control of natural resources is protected and at the same time the development of the SEZ can move forward without military intervention?
__MACOSX/BRI assignment /class case study /._Kyaukphyu SEZ.docx
BRI assignment /class case study /The case of China-Malaysia Projects (1).docx
The Case of Malaysia’s East Coast Rail Link
Introduction
The East Coast Rail Link (ECRL) is a planned standard gauge double-track railway link infrastructure project connecting Port Klang on the Straits of Malacca to Kota Bharu in northeast Peninsular Malaysia, connecting the East Coast Economic Region states of Pahang, Terengganu and Kelantan to one another and to Peninsular Malaysia's west coast and Central Region e.g. Negeri Sembilan.
The railway link infrastructure project would have carried both passengers and freight from the West Coast of Peninsular Malaysia to its East Coast and vice versa. Construction began in August 2017. The seven-year project was originally scheduled for completion in 2024. Under the project, Malaysia has raised RM55bil from China, of which 85% of the loans were provided by the Export-Import Bank of China and 15% by Islamic bonds. The project is divided into three phases, from the Klang Valley to Kuantan, Kuantan to Kuala Terengganu and Kuala Terengganu to Kota Baru and Tumpat in Kelantan. There will be a total of 14 passengers only stations, 1 frieght only station and 5 combined passengers and freight stations. This project cuts travelling time of West-East Malaysia to 4-hour with total of 640km versus average of 7-hour drive for 474km. There will be 3 interchange stations with Keretapi Tanah Melayu Berhad (KTMB), Express Rail Link (ERL) presently connects KL Sentral and KLIA and Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) that connects Sg. Buloh to/from Kajang.
According to the progress report of the East Coast Railway Project in Bentong Station as of April 19, the project directly created more than 2,000 jobs for the country, and the localisation ratio of employees (including all branches of China Communications) was 70%. Recruitment plan included 2,873 local employees, including 790 engineers, safety officers, and QA/QC positions; 2,083 people in over 40 types of jobs, such as steel workers, concrete workers, test workers, drivers, woodworking, plumbers, and welders. The training programme was also jointly implemented by China Communications Construction Company (CCCC) and Malaysian Railway Link and Pahang University of Malaysia. It was funded by CCCC (RM23mil) to promote East Coast Railway Project and development of Malaysia Rail Transit.
On 3 July 2018, Malaysia Rail Link Sdn Bhd (MRL) instructed China Communications Construction Company (CCCC) to suspend all works under the engineering, procurement, construction and commissioning contract (EPCC) of the ECRL project. Malaysia’s government has decided to cancel the rail project being built and financed by China after failed attempts to lower the price. The Chinese government has offered to cut 10 billion ringgit (US$2.45 billion) off the price in an effort to get the project back on track.
Resumption of the Project
After the Pakatan Harapan coalition swept into power in May last year, there were serious doubts on the status of China’s megaprojects in Malaysia. And even after Mahathir Mohamad’s first visit to China in August 2018 as prime minister, the fate of these projects still hung in the balance. Yet, in the run-up to and during Mahathir’s second visit to China in April 2019, such doubts were erased as China and Malaysia agreed to restart the ECRL and Bandar Malaysia. Malaysia also stands out for its endorsement of Huawei even as the United States seeks to thwart Huawei’s global expansion. In turn, China appears ready to support Mahathir’s domestic socio-economic development agenda of building infrastructure, providing jobs, upgrading its industries and improving the lives of its people. Chinese companies like Huawei and SenseTime appear poised to expand their footprint in Malaysia.
The context surrounding Mahathir’s second visit to China in April 2019 was markedly different from that of his first visit in August 2018. In his 2018 visit, the foremost issue that stood out was the uncertainty over the fate of China’s mega-projects in Malaysia, such as the ECRL and the Multi-Product Pipeline as well as the Trans-Sabah Gas Pipeline. The indications then were that these projects would either be cancelled or suspended indefinitely.
Mahathir came across as critical of China during a joint press conference with Chinese Premier Li Keqiang in August 2018 when he commented on the topic of free trade and said that “we do not want a situation where there is a new version of colonialism because poor countries could not compete with rich cities”.
In contrast, during Mahathir’s April 2019 visit, the atmospherics had become much more positive. For one thing, Mahathir did not criticise China before and during his visit. In fact, a key message that came out from the visit was that Malaysia was fully behind the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the major foreign policy initiative by Chinese President Xi Jinping. More importantly, before the visit, China and Malaysia made progress on two signature projects under the BRI which had previously hit an impasse. The first project was the ECRL. In January this year, there were still conflicting signals on the status of the ECRL with Malaysian Economic Affairs Minister Azmin Ali first announcing that the Malaysian cabinet had decided to scrap the project, followed by Finance Minister Lim Guan Eng’s remarks on the very same day expressing shock over Azmin’s announcement. Mahathir joined the fray when he called for patience and urged the public not to jump to conclusions but to wait for the official statement. In a hint that frantic negotiations were going on behind the scenes, China’s foreign ministry spokesperson Geng Shuang said that the two sides had always maintained constant communication on this issue.
It was eventually announced on 12 April 2019, following Daim Zainuddin’s visit to Beijing, that the two sides had reached a Supplementary Agreement that paved the way for the resumption of the ECRL at a reduced cost of RM44 billion, down from the initial cost of RM65.5 billion. This announcement took place less than two weeks before Mahathir’s visit to China on 24 April 2019. An MoU between the Malaysian Investment Development Authority (MIDA) and China Communication Construction Company (CCCC) on the development of industrial parks and logistic hubs pursuant to the Supplementary Agreement that revived the ECRL. (CCCC is a China state-owned company that has entered into a 50:50 joint venture with Malaysia Rail Link to jointly develop the ECRL).
The Genting tunnel construction site, part of the East Coast Rail Link (ECRL) project in Bentong, Malaysia
Revised East Coast Rail Link Deal
Following ‘months of negotiation’, promoter Malaysia Rail Link Sdn has signed a supplemental agreement with CCCC, reducing the total cost of phases 1 and 2 from the original 65·5bn ringgit to 44bn (slashing cost by 30%) for a shorter route. The Prime Minister, Mahathir said the revised deal would avoid a so-called ‘debt trap’ which could have seen Malaysia paying 81bn ringgit in total over the life of the project. The ECRL was to be largely funded through a 56·7bn ringgit loan from China’s Exim Bank, but Mahathir said this would no longer all be needed. Reducing the size of the loan ‘will result in lessening the principal repayment amount, total interest costs and other fees’, he explained.
The domestic contribution to civil works has been increased from 30% to 40%, while the two countries have agreed to form a 50:50 joint venture to operate the line. Mahathir said the two organisations would share any operating losses, but ‘the profit will be 80:20 to us’. Malaysia has also committed to negotiating a contract for the supply of palm oil to China, he added.
Revisions to the alignment have been agreed to divert the line away from the Klang Gates Quartz Ridge in Gombak, Selangor, which the government has put forward for consideration as a UNESCO world heritage site. A more southerly route via Negri Sembilan would reduce tunnelling and shorten the line by around 40 km, while facilitating closer integration to the existing rail networks. Changes include the removal of the Integrated Transport Terminal (ITT) in Gombak under the Mentakab-Port Klang route and eight stations have been cut out, although a new stop is envisaged at Shah Alam, the capital of Selangor province. Completion is now expected by the end of 2026, two years later than originally anticipated. Aside from construction companies, ports in Malaysia such as Kuantan Port and Port Klang are expected to benefit from the resumption of the ECRL project.
The new alignment of the ECRL rail network is designed to provide much-improved connectivity throughout the east coast region, as well as connecting it to the west coast, while at the same time, taking into consideration the potential growth for the industrial, commercial and tourism sectors along the ECRL corridor.
Questions:
1) What do you think were the reasons for the suspension of the East Coast Rail Link project?
2) What were the perceived benefits to China and Malaysia to be derived from the project now that it is resumed?
3) What are the lessons derived from this case that can be applied to current and future BRI projects?
__MACOSX/BRI assignment /class case study /._The case of China-Malaysia Projects (1).docx
BRI assignment /Lesson 1_Introduction to Chinese Development Model and BRI (1).pptx
The Chinese Model of Economic Development
The China model differs from traditional socialism mainly in its use of a market system in the economy. It also differs in its commitment to democracy “with Chinese characteristics” and to a new model of party leadership.
The Chinese political model does not fit neatly in either category. Over the past three decades, China has evolved a political system that can best be described as “political meritocracy” (Bell, 2015)
Four corners of the China Development Model:
State-Led Development Model
Development as Top Priority
Focus on Good Governance
Gradual and Pragmatic Reform
ABOUT BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE
BRI is a transcontinental long-term policy and investment program which aims at infrastructure development and acceleration of the economic integration of countries along the route of the historic Silk Road. The Initiative was unveiled in 2013 by China`s president Xi Jinping and until 2016, was known as OBOR – One Belt One Road. According to the official outline, BRI aims to “promote the connectivity of Asian, European and African continents and their adjacent seas, establish and strengthen partnerships among the countries along the Belt and Road, set up all-dimensional, multi-tiered and composite connectivity networks, and realize diversified, independent, balanced and sustainable development in these countries.”
BRI is a global initiative but by its nature of building on the historic Silk Road puts a major focus on countries in Asia, Eastern Africa, Eastern Europe and the Middle East, a region mainly composed of emerging markets. Currently 71 countries are taking part in the Initiative, together representing more than a third of the world`s GDP and two thirds of the world`s population. Under this initiative, it has brought about a total of 171 intergovernmental cooperative undertakings with over 150 countries and international organisations, trade in goods with countries along the Belt and Road exceeding US$7 trillion, non-financial direct Chinese investment in these countries, of nearly US$16 billion and newly signed overseas contracting projects valued at over US$500 billion.
BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE: The (land based) Silk Road Economic Belt, comprising six development corridors and The 21st Century Maritime Silk Road
Six Development Corridors:
New Eurasian Land Bridge Economic Corridor (NELBEC)
China – Mongolia – Russia Economic Corridor (CMREC)
China – Central Asia – West Asia Economic Corridor (CCWAEC)
China – Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor (CICPEC)
Bangladesh – China – India – Myanmar Economic Corridor(BCIMEC)
China – Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)
The 21st Century Maritime Silk Road connects China to Southeast Asia, Indonesia, India, the Arabian peninsula, Somalia, Egypt and Europe, encompassing the South China Sea, Strait of Malacca, Indian Ocean, Gulf of Bengal, Arabian Sea, Persian Gulf and the Red Sea.
Cooperation Priorities
BRI promotes the joint formulation of development plans and measures for advancing cross-national or regional cooperation between countries involved in BRI. This includes intergovernmental cooperation and multi-level macro policy exchange, communication mechanisms and policy support for the implementation of large-scale projects and the coordination in monetary policy.
1. Policy coordination (Promotion of intergovernmental cooperation, multi-level intergovernmental macro policy exchange and communication mechanism) 2. Facilities connectivity (Improvement of connectivity of infrastructure construction plans and technical standards systems) 3. Unimpeded trade (Reduction of investment and trade barriers, promotion of regional economic integration) 4. Financial integration (Coordination and cooperation in monetary policy, set-up of financing institutions) 5. People-to-people bonds (Cultural and academic exchange and dialogue, media cooperation)
Coordination of BRI
The overseeing body of BRI is the “Office of the Leading Group on Promoting the Implementation of Belt and Road Initiatives” which is under the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC). The leading group is in charge of guiding and coordinating work related to the initiative.
China`s new State International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDCA) plays an important role in the implementation of BRI plays. The agency was unveiled on April 18,2018 and will be responsible for strategic guidelines and policies on foreign aid. SIDCA will be answerable to the State Council and according to State Council “will better serve the country’s global strategy and to build the Belt and Road Initiative”.
Various Chinese governmental agencies are involved in the formulation and implementation of BRI, including the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), the Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM), the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) or the Ministry of Culture (MoC).
Funding of BRI
1. Policy Banks Agricultural Development Bank of China (ADBC) China Development Bank (CDB) Export-Import Bank of China (CHEXIM) 2. State Owned Banks Agricultural Bank of China (ABC) Bank of China (BOC) China Construction Bank (CCB) Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC) 3. State Owned Funds (selection) China Investment Corporation (CIC) Silk Road Fund (SRF) 4. International Financing Institutions (selection) Asian Development Bank (ADB) Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) New Development Bank (NDB)
To fully fund the total BRI project volume of estimated USD 4 to 8 trillion, diverse funding channels such as BRI bonds, private capital investment and public-private partnerships (PPP) but also State-Owned Enterprise (SOE) investment will be crucial for the success of the Initiative.
BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE: ASEAN in China’s Grand Strategy
As a key stretch along the Maritime Silk Road as well as one of China’s most important economic partners, Southeast Asia plays a significant role in the initiative. Alongside developments of infrastructure projects, the rapid rise of knowledge exchanges and capacity building between the region and China is an important dimension:
Chinese leaders have reiterated that Southeast Asia has become a priority in China’s neighborhood diplomacy and that China is committed to building ‘a closer China–ASEAN Community of Shared Destiny’;
Based on the Five Connectivity Index, Southeast Asia is believed to have the greatest potential for ‘jointly build[ing] BRI’ compared to other regions;
Southeast Asia is considered to be the ‘frontline’ of China’s Maritime Silk Road, where most of the Southeast Asian countries are situated either around the South China Sea or the Indian Ocean;
Multilateral mechanisms the ten ASEAN states have been able to form with other countries, such as the ASEAN Plus Three, East Asia Summit (EAS), and ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF);
South-western provinces of China, could benefit from the connectivity projects linking Southeast Asian countries;
China’s grand land-sea connectivity plans: Critical security implications for China and the region.
China’s Expectations of Southeast Asia (Gong, 2019)
China maintains stable and friendly relations with the region;
Regional countries trust China to the extent that they would not regard China as a threat but as a genuine positive partner;
Regional countries become good economic partners for China by being reliable suppliers of resources to sustain China’s economic growth;
China enjoys strong political influence in the region to the extent that it can play a leading role in regional agenda-setting;
The region (including individual states) does not join or support any strategic alignment or encirclement at the instigation of another or a set of other external powers against China; and
China can use the region as a strategic springboard for other international strategic objectives, such as the promotion of world multi-polarization and the building of Chinese soft power to enhance China’s international image
Controversies, Challenges, Issues of BRI
Undermine security and economic architecture of the international order
Target countries vulnerable to Chinese economic or diplomatic pressure
Debt Trap for world’s poorer regions
Export of Chinese authoritarism vs political democracy
Investment decisions driven by geopolitical needs instead of sound financial sense (many projects put on hold due to financial viability)
No significant relationship between corridor participation and project activity (projects not centrally directed, provincial and regional governments tasked with developing own BRI projects)
Opaqueness, closed bidding and procurement process that hands Chinese companies and workers the bulk of China’s overseas infrastructure projects
Polluting investments and failure to engage and include local communities
Report on Navigating the Belt and Road Initiative (Asia Policy Society Institute, June 2019)
In 2018, the Asia Society Policy Institute (ASPI) embarked on a policy project to analyze a range of BRI infrastructure initiatives in a single region, Southeast Asia, which offers a microcosm of differing political systems and development levels, all with abundant experience dealing with China.
Examination of BRI operations and impacts in five main areas: financial sustainability, transparency (including anti-corruption and competitive procurement), labor practices, stakeholder engagement, and environmental protections.
Analysis was based on in-depth case studies of major BRI rail, port, and energy infrastructure projects.
Findings from Report:
“Respecting Sovereignty” or Ducking Responsibility?
Chinese officials invoke the principles of “non-interference” and “respect for local law” to distance themselves from aspects of BRI projects that fall short of international standards and best practices, in order to secure project deals and allows developers to benefit by cutting corners and evading responsibility for legal, social, labour, environmental issues.
Resulting in lack of rigorous oversight in poorer developing countries with limited capabilities or weak governance and result to alienate local communities
Example: Kunming-Vientiane Railway in Laos
Findings from Report:
Quick Agreements undercut Project Sustainability and Raise Risks
Push by Chinese officials, project developers and host country actors to expedite sign-offs on MOU and contracts, locking in deals before necessary due diligence has been undertaken and without proper evaluation of projects in terms of costs, benefits and impacts.
Resulting in reduced transparency, invites corruption, lack of accountability and undercuts viability of project and raises overall risks.
Examples: Malaysia’s East Coast Rail Link (ECRL) and Indonesia’s Jarkarta-Bandung High Speed Railway
Findings from Report:
Inadequate Project Preparation Assessment and Analysis
Especially projects funded by a Chinese state-owned and/ or policy bank with state-backed insurance or similar guarantees provide incentives for developer and hosts to speed up project and bypass necessary due diligence and planning.
Resulting in problems that necessitate politically and financially expensive changes to projects which are in progress
Examples: Malaysia’s East Coast Rail Link (ECRL) and Indonesia’s Jarkarta-Bandung High Speed Railway
Findings from Report:
Lack of Environmental and Social Impact Assessments
Incomplete assessments conducted in haphazard manner, falsified or bypassed entirely, especially in countries where government enforcement of environmental standards is lax. Even when assessments are conducted, that are rarely translated into local language and made available publicly to host countries. Consultants by Chinese developers with local civil society and environmental groups are rare.
Resulting in underestimating impact of projects and lack of mitigation measure to address concerns over environmental damages (food security, nutrition and health, and protection of local communities and indigenous culture)
Examples: Lower Sean II Dam in Cambodia and Pak Lay Dam in Laos
Findings from Report:
Uncontrolled Project Financing and Debt
Instead of financing from MDBs and private international financiers, use of public money through government-backed insurance or Chinese development bank financing, which provides implicit or explicit government guarantee leading to Chinese developers taking outsize risks or pursue unprofitable projects
Resulting in unstructured projects not according to commercial lending standards that saddle host governments with unsustainable debts leading to debt-equity swaps and concessions.
Examples: Kyaukpyu deep seas port in Myanmar and Kunming-Vientiane Railway in Laos
Findings from Report:
Lack of Local Stakeholder Engagement
Inadequate engagements with local host stakeholders, civil society organisations and communities. Strong preference for government-to-government deals which undermine dealings with local stakeholders and affected populations
Resulting in tensions with local populations and negative social, political effects.
Examples: Malaysia’s East Coast Rail Link (ECRL) and Lower Sean II Dam in Cambodia
Findings from Report:
Ineffective Incorporation of Local Labour, Businesses and Training
Heavy reliance on imported Chinese labour that did not provide sufficient local employment opportunities, weak safeguards for workers’ rights and training programmes reduces projects’ benefits to host countries. Local recruitment of unskilled candidates done on short timeline without capacity building and upskilling. Insufficient efforts made to establish links to upcoming projects to foster skills transfer post-project in countries where China has funded technical colleges and training facilities.
Resulting in dissatisfaction and resentment from local communities generates social tensions and social problems
Examples: Kunming-Vientiane Railway in Laos and Kyaukpyu deep seas port in Myanmar
Findings from Report:
Non-competition, Transparency and Corruption
Language problem, equipment compatibility and quality control deters host countries and foreign contractors from bidding on BRI-related contracts. Hence most projects are awarded to Chinese companies or host country bidders with political connections. Established governmental or industry bidding procedures (domestically used in China) are not deployed in host countries. Pervasive use of bribery, cost padding and kickbacks were practiced.
Resulting in lack of an open, transparent and inclusive procurement process generates corruption and waste through inflated prices and bribes. Heavy reliance on Chinese vendors and subcontractors also breeds resentment among the local communities.
Examples: Indonesia’s Jarkarta-Bandung High Speed Railway and Malaysia’s East Coast Rail Link (ECRL)
Findings from Report:
Lack of Project Oversight and Coordination
Chinese embassies appear to have little visibility into projects implemented by Chinese companies and are unaware of developments in the host countries. This limits ability of Chinese authorities to exercise oversight of BRI projects. The embassy local-language capabilities, knowledge of the local communities and social conditions are not leveraged to engage communities and help Chinese companies to understand the local political context.
Resulting in relevant ministries in Beijing being caught off guards when issues arise.
The Chinese Model of Economic Development
The Chinese reform since 1978 ranks as one of the most extraordinary episodes of social and economic transformation in history: industrialization, marketization, urbanization, and globalization all occurring at the same time. Four corners of the model:
State-Led Development Model
State active involvement to stimulate economic growth: In the aftermath of the global financial meltdown, Beijing has used active state-initiated programs to promote growth and ameliorate or remove the injustices inflicted by the unbridled market.
State capitalism: Since the mid-2000s, China’s political economy has stabilized around a model where most sectors are marketized and increasingly integrated with the global economy; yet strategic industries remain firmly in the grasp of an elite empire of state-owned enterprises (Naughton & Tsai, 2015).
The Chinese Model of Economic Development
Development as the Top Priority
In post-Mao China, priority was changed from political campaigns to economic development.
Deepen market reforms to achieve national objectives, while implementing new restrictions on individual political freedom
Focus on Good governance
Reform practices at all levels of government in response to emerging social, political, economic, and environmental issues, as well as to challenges posed by China’s market-oriented reforms and rapid modernization (Deng & Guo, 2011)
Good governance as backdrop for establishment of functioning democracy
Seek Singapore’s assistance in training Chinese civil servants (Liu & Wang, 2018)
Combination of better public services and enhance policing work (emphasis on crack downs of corruption, environmental pollution and inequality)
Innovate social management and prioritising self-governance of society, mutual governance by government and people
The Chinese Model of Economic Development
Gradual and Pragmatic Reform
Incremental and piecemeal changes through three decades of reform
No reform blue-print: adaptable and flexible to changing governance environment
Development of a stronger and effective system of governance
Towards a new type of democracy to establish mechanism to:
Select right talents at all levels of the Chinese states
Exercising democratic supervision
Carrying out extensive and intensive social consultation (Zhang, 2011)
Belt and Road Initiative: Extension and Export of Chinese Development Model
China continues to intensify and broaden its economic role in the world through the suite of projects that fall under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Beijing’s external geoeconomic interventions are providing varieties of development loans and assistance, a range of large-scale infrastructural programs, and the formation of new institutions like the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB).
These interventions are creating new geographies that force us to reconsider the intersections of networks and territory, the transformation of places, and multi-scalar linkages between states, citizens, and many of the institutions that mediate relationships in between.
This apparent China model of development increasingly reflects and articulates new geographical representations, such as South-South cooperation, and widespread discursive appropriation of the BRI is being mobilized from South Asia to South America in order to support and gain investment from Beijing’s tremendous financial and infrastructural capacity.
Across global landscapes, we are witnessing the transformation of trans-continental and trans-oceanic connections, dramatic changes in the role and character of places, the transformation of nature, the creation of new political and economic subjects, and much more.
__MACOSX/BRI assignment /._Lesson 1_Introduction to Chinese Development Model and BRI (1).pptx
BRI assignment / BRI -Discussion-Paper-4.pdf
DISCUSSION PAPER
MTI Global Practice
No. 4 September 2018 Marcus Bartley Johns Julian Latimer Clarke Clay Kerswell Gerard McLinden
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This series is produced by the Macroeconomics, Trade, and Investment (MTI) Global Practice of the World
Bank. The papers in this series aim to provide a vehicle for publishing preliminary results on MTI topics to
encourage discussion and debate. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper
are entirely those of the author(s) and should not be attributed in any manner to the World Bank, to its
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Citation and the use of material presented in this series should take into account this provisional character.
For information regarding the MTI Discussion Paper Series, please contact the Editor, Ivailo Izvorski, at
[email protected].
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All rights reserved
1
MTI DISCUSSION PAPER NO. 4
Abstract
This study examines the relevance of trade facilitation reforms in maximizing the economic impact
of infrastructure connectivity investments through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It provides
an overview of trade facilitation performance in BRI economies, with a focus on those countries
involved in six key land corridors. This overview is based on three categories of data: international
indicators for trade facilitation performance, notably Doing Business, the Logistics Performance
Index, the Enabling Trade Index, and the OECD Trade Facilitation Indicators; publicly-available
literature and analysis on the BRI corridors; and analysis conducted through World Bank projects
involving BRI economies. A key finding is that, in a global context, trade facilitation along the
BRI corridors is weak, with performance for most corridors below global averages according to
most indicators. There is also wide variation in performance between countries along each
corridor, providing a significant barrier to the efficient utilization of the corridors for predictable,
timely cross-border transportation of goods. Based on the review of corridor performance, the
study recommends priority trade facilitation reforms for the BRI economies, as well as
recommendations on the implementation of these reforms, based on international experience.
Corresponding authors: [email protected];
JEL Classification: F13, F55
Keywords: Trade, Trade Policy, Trade Facilitation, Belt and Road Initiative
2
Abbreviations
BCIMEC Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor
BRI Belt and Road Initiative; formerly known as ‘One Belt, One Road’
CICPEC China-Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor
CPEC China Pakistan Economic Corridor
CO Certificate of Origin
DB Doing Business report of the World Bank Group
EDI Electronic data Interchange
EU European Union
FDI Foreign Direct Investment
FEU Forty Foot Equivalent
FIATA Federation international des Associations de Transitaires et Assimiles
(International Federation of Freight Forwarders Associations)
GDP Gross Domestic Product
HQ Headquarters
ICD Inland Container Depot
ICT Information and Communication technology
IRU World Road Transport Organisation (formerly known as International Road
Transport Union)
Kg Kilogram
L/C Letter of Credit
LDC Least Developed Countries
LCL Less than Container load
3
LPI Logistics Performance Indicators of the World Bank
NGO Non-Governmental Organization
OECD Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development
OIE World Organization for Animal Health
PRC People’s Republic of China
SEZ Special Economic Zone
SME Small-to-Medium size enterprise
SMTQ Standards, Metrology, Testing and Quality
SPS Sanitary and Phyto-Sanitary standards
TBT Technical Barriers to Trade
TIR Transports Internationaux Routiers, customs transit and guarantee system
TEU Twenty Foot Equivalent Unit
TFA Trade Facilitation Agreement of the World Trade Organization
TTFA Trade and Transport Facilitation Assessment
UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
US United States
VTIP Vietnam Trade Information Portal
WCO World Customs Organization
WEBOC Web-based One Customs System
WEF World Economic Forum
WTO World Trade Organization
4
Executive Summary
Trade facilitation reforms will be of central importance for maximizing the economic impact of
the BRI. The costs generated by inefficient trade processes and procedures make up a significant
share of overall trade costs globally, with an estimated impact greater than tariffs, underlining the
need to address trade facilitation weaknesses in parallel with the BRI physical infrastructure
investments.
A review of corridor performance indicates that, in general, trade facilitation performance is
below average along BRI corridors. According to indicators such as the Logistics Performance
Index, Doing Business (Trading Across Borders), and Enabling Trade Index, only the New
Eurasian corridor performs above global average in all the key indicators, including time to clear
the border and fulfill documentary requirements for import/export, and LPI (Customs and border
management) scores. Average time to comply with regulatory requirements for export and
import for each corridor is higher than the global average on all other corridors, except for time
to export for the China-Pakistan corridor, which is slightly below the global average. The
average time is furthest from the global average for the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar
corridor. Of the three trade facilitation performance benchmarks presented (LPI, DB and ETI),
the average rank for each corridor places only two corridors in the top 50% globally (the New
Eurasian and Indochina corridors). The Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar corridor average
rankings are in the top 50% globally in only one of the three indices. The China-Mongolia-
Russia, China-Pakistan and China-Central Asia-West Asia corridors average ranking is in the
bottom 50% globally in all three indices, as discussed in Section 2.
The review of corridor performance indicators highlights that there is wide variation in times to
export and trade facilitation performance along the BRI corridors. Addressing this is especially
important given supply chain connectivity is significantly affected by variations in performance.
Except for the New Eurasian corridor, the time required to fulfill regulatory requirements for
import are higher than for export. Although this is common globally, for the BRI the difference
between import and export times is larger than average, especially for the China-Pakistan, and
China-Central Asia-West Asia corridors.
The World Trade Organization Trade Facilitation Agreement (WTO-TFA) is a key benchmark
for reform as it represents a multilaterally-agreed set of sound trade facilitation practices. The
WTO-TFA builds on a significant body of international instruments and procedures developed at
the World Customs Organization (WCO), UN Regional Commissions, and regional bodies
including APEC and ASEAN. For those BRI economies that have notified the WTO of their
plans for implementation, there is a greater-than average level of ambition in what provisions
will be implemented immediately without countries requiring more time or technical assistance
5
(Category A provisions). However, of the 71 BRI economies covered in this report, 13 are not
WTO Members and 4 BRI WTO members have not yet ratified the TFA1.
Complementing the review of indicators of trade facilitation performance, analysis of the
individual situation of each corridor highlights a combination of unique factors, and shared
challenges. This paper discussed the challenges faced along each corridor, as well as in selected
countries on each corridor. Table 13 identifies priority trade facilitation issues for each of the six
corridors. The review of the trade facilitation environment on each BRI corridor suggests that
there are six common themes that should be prioritized in improving trade facilitation
performance:
• Greater coordination is needed between agencies, with the private sector, and between BRI economies along corridors is needed to implement key trade facilitation reforms.
National Trade Facilitation Committees should play a central role, and they should take
on BRI-related trade facilitation reforms, in the context of other efforts such as WTO-
TFA implementation.
• Regulatory transparency needs to be improved. Trade Information Portals have been implemented in a number of BRI economies and their use is expected to grow Members
come into compliance with their WTO obligations. As well as being beneficial in itself,
reform to improve transparency is a stepping stone for other, more ambitious trade
facilitation reform, including the implementation of national and regional Single Window
systems.
• Risk-based approaches to border management are needed, especially in agencies other than Customs. Information on trade transactions needs to be shared between governments
along specific corridors, in order to facilitate legitimate shipments. Information-sharing
can also support risk profiling so that resources can be directed more effectively.
• Implementation of modern ICT systems can play a substantial role in supporting trade facilitation reform, but needs to be designed and deployed to support reengineered and
streamlined practices and rather than simply the automation of existing procedures.
• Significant additional trade transaction costs and procedural inefficiencies are generated by non-Customs agencies. Greater information sharing between agencies involved in
standards-related approvals is needed, both within and between governments. Beyond
information sharing, greater impact would also be achieved through the mutual
recognition of standards and conformity assessment, paving the way for eventual mutual
recognition of standards.
• Effective transit regimes need to be implemented for each BRI corridor.
Identifying the challenges faced by BRI economies in facilitating trade along the key corridors is
a necessary first step – but early attention needs to be given to how reforms will be designed and
1 Data compiled in May 2018. There is no official list of BRI corridors or countries. This full list of 71 economies
has been compiled based on World Bank analysis and various public sources.
6
implemented to most effectively tackle them. This paper makes four recommendations for
addressing the trade facilitation challenges faced by BRI economies:
• Undertake corridor-by-corridor diagnostics of trade facilitation constraints, given the limited evidence base that exists at present for identifying the key trade facilitation
constraints along each corridor. These should focus on the five themes identified above,
as well as any other relevant issues identified for each corridor.
• Develop reform action plans for each corridor, based on improved trade facilitation outcomes. These action plans would identify the most effective sequencing of reforms,
and also include monitoring frameworks to track progress in reform implementation. The
action plans would need to reflect an appropriate balance of reforms implemented
regionally, recognizing that ultimately most of the burden for implementation will need
to be managed at the country level.
• Develop appropriate coordination mechanisms and associated institutions to support active collaboration among BRI economies to encourage the exchange of data,
operational information and best practices; build regulatory consistency; address trade
facilitation-related problems; and so on.
• Draw on international standards and accepted good practice principles for trade facilitation wherever possible.
7
Contents
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................... 1
Executive Summary ........................................................................................................................ 4
Section 1: Why trade facilitation reforms matter for achieving the objectives of the BRI .......... 10
Trade Facilitation and its relevance for connectivity initiatives ............................................... 10
Economic relevance of trade facilitation reform ...................................................................... 13
Key principles of trade facilitation reform................................................................................ 16
The importance of the WTO Trade Facilitation Agreement ..................................................... 20
Conclusion ................................................................................................................................ 24
Section 2: Assessing trade facilitation performance along the BRI corridors .............................. 25
Overview of BRI trade facilitation performance for all 71 economies .................................... 25
Comparison of performance between corridors ........................................................................ 29
Detailed trade facilitation indicators by corridor ...................................................................... 34
i) China-Pakistan Economic Corridor ............................................................................... 35
ii) China, Mongolia, Russia Economic Corridor ............................................................ 38
iii) New Eurasian Land-Bridge Economic Corridor ........................................................ 42
iv) China-Central Asia-West Asia Corridor..................................................................... 45
v) China-Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor ......................................................... 48
vi) Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIMEC) ......................... 53
China: reforming the trade facilitation regime to unlock its potential as a key BRI hub ......... 58
Section 3: Reform Priorities.......................................................................................................... 60
Coordination and cooperation within governments, and with the private sector, on trade
facilitation reform ..................................................................................................................... 61
Transparency ............................................................................................................................. 65
Information-sharing: three aspects where coordination between BRI countries would facilitate
trade........................................................................................................................................... 70
The adoption of risk-based compliance management ............................................................... 73
Trade facilitation procedures for goods in transit ..................................................................... 76
Use of ICT and progress toward automation ............................................................................ 82
The “how” of reform: planning and sequencing of trade facilitation initiatives in the BRI
context ....................................................................................................................................... 84
Conclusion .................................................................................................................................... 88
References ..................................................................................................................................... 89
Annex : WTO Membership and Status of Trade Facilitation Agreement Ratification and
Categorization, by BRI Corridor................................................................................................... 94
8
BOXES
Box 1: Trade facilitation in China’s “Vision and Actions” document ......................................... 12
Box 2: Potential impact of trade facilitation reform in the BRI ................................................... 14
Box 3: Defining “Trade Facilitation” ........................................................................................... 15
Box 4: Trade facilitation reform progress and challenges in Pakistan ......................................... 37
Box 5: Lao PDR ............................................................................................................................ 50
Box 6: Vietnam ............................................................................................................................. 52
Box 7: Trade Information Portals – a tool for improving transparency ....................................... 69
Box 8: Principles for implementing policies and procedures for transit ...................................... 79
Box 9: Transit lessons from the Greater Mekong Subregion ....................................................... 81
9
Trade Facilitation Challenges and Reform Priorities for Maximizing the
Impact of the Belt and Road Initiative
Marcus Bartley Johns, Julian Latimer Clarke, Clay Kerswell, Gerard McLinden2
Introduction
Trade facilitation reform will be critical to achieving the objectives of the Belt and Road Initiative
(BRI). Although much attention has been paid to the impact of infrastructure investments through
the BRI, reforms to streamline the flow of goods across borders will be essential.
This paper outlines why trade facilitation reform matters for the BRI; what some of the key
challenges are for improving trade facilitation along the BRI corridors; and how BRI economies
can collectively and individually implement reforms to address these challenges.
Section 1 provides context on the importance of trade facilitation within the BRI, and why trade
facilitation is an essential complement to investments in physical infrastructure connectivity. It
briefly recaps evidence on the economic impact of trade facilitation reforms, and surveys best
practices in trade facilitation. It also explains the World Trade Organization (WTO) Trade
Facilitation Agreement (TFA), as a multilaterally-agreed benchmark for best practice, and its
relevance for the BRI.
Section 2 draws on a variety of international indicators – notably Doing Business, the Logistics
Performance Index, the Enabling Trade Index, and Trade Facilitation Indicators, to provide an
overview of trade facilitation performance on the specific BRI corridors. In addition to comparing
overall performance on the corridors with each other and with global averages, the section analyses
each corridor in detail, identifying weak spots and potential bottlenecks. The discussion on each
corridor also considers notifications made by WTO Members of their implementation plans for the
WTO-TFA. It also draws on relevant World Bank project experience with selected BRI economies.
Drawing on international best practices in trade facilitation reform and the review of corridor
performance in the preceding sections, Section 3 identifies some of the key areas of trade
facilitation reform needed to address constraints on the BRI corridors. It also discusses lessons
learned from World Bank and other international experience in implementing these reforms. This
includes issues like the sequencing of reforms, and the identification of reforms for implementation
2 The authors are Senior Trade Specialist, (GMTRI, World Bank); Senior Economist (GMTP1, World Bank); Senior
Trade Facilitation Consultant; and former Lead Trade Facilitation Specialist (GTC09, World Bank), respectively.
The paper was finalized under the guidance of Caroline Freund (Director, International Trade and Regional
Integration, World Bank) and draws on various inputs from World Bank staff, including Michael Ferrantino, Elcin
Koten, Sjamsu Rahardja, Charles Kunaka, Violane Konar-Leacy, Michele Ruta, and Chunlin Zhang. The paper
benefited from review comments by Erich Kieck and Ankur Huria. The authors also benefited from discussions and
papers circulated for a May 9 internal World Bank workshop on the BRI. The study benefited from a mission to
China coordinated with the Ministry of Finance and Ministry of Commerce, whose assistance was greatly
appreciated. The study was financed through the China-World Bank Partnership Facility, through a project led by
Chunlin Zhang.
10
collectively rather than at a national level. It also discusses the benefits of following international
best practices and standards developed for trade facilitation, compared with the less effective and
potentially riskier approach of developing corridor- or BRI-specific trade facilitation standards.
Section 1: Why trade facilitation reforms matter for achieving the objectives
of the BRI
This section outlines the importance of trade facilitation for achieving the connectivity and trade
objectives of the BRI. It sets out the global context for why trade facilitation matters for an
initiative such as the BRI, as a basis for the analysis in the subsequent sections. The section also
sets out why the WTO TFA is an important benchmark for reforms required to improve trade
facilitation performance.
Trade Facilitation and its relevance for connectivity initiatives
Connectivity initiatives like the BRI can only realize their full potential when economically-sound
investments in infrastructure are combined with investments in trade facilitation reforms that lower
transaction costs and improve transparency and reliability. As successive editions of the World
Bank Logistics Performance Index have emphasized, trade supply chains are only as strong as
their weakest links and the benefits from investments in one area may not be fully realized unless
complementary investments are made to overcome constraints and bottlenecks in another.
At the global level, despite significant investments by many countries in major infrastructure
connectivity projects, border clearance procedures continue to be amongst the most problematic
links in the global trade supply chain. Outdated and overly bureaucratic procedures imposed by
Customs and other border management agencies are now seen as posing a greater barrier to trade
than high tariffs. As outlined below, several estimates of the impact of full implementation of the
WTO TFA foresee a greater impact on trade costs than reducing all most-favored nation tariffs to
zero3. Cumbersome systems and procedures increase trade transaction costs and lead to delays
and uncertainties in the clearance of import, export and transit goods. These delays and costs
undermine national competitiveness and impact heavily on the capacity of countries to benefit
from trade related economic growth.
Growing investment in trade facilitation reform by government and development partners has
come alongside the increasing use of trade facilitation provisions in bilateral, regional and
multilateral trade agreements, notably the WTO TFA, which came into force in February 2017.
While estimates of the potential economic impact of TFA implementation on trade vary widely,
ranging from $80 billion per year to over $ 1 trillion4, even the lower end of available estimates
implementation of the TFA will deliver significant development dividends from the TFA.
Importantly, estimates also indicate that the benefits will fall disproportionately to low and lower
middle-income countries as their relatively poor border management performance results in trade
transaction costs that are significantly higher than those in developed countries. While the
projected impact of TFA implementation varies from country to country, OECD estimates that the
3 World Trade Organization (2015), World Trade Report, Geneva, 78. 4 Ibid.
11
potential transaction cost reduction from full and effective implementation are in the order of
16.5% of total costs for low income countries, 17.4% for lower middle-income countries, and
14.6% for upper middle-income countries. Estimates on the impact on trade also tend to favor
developing countries: for example, mid-range estimates from the WTO predict an increase in
exports of 13% for Least-Developed Countries, 11% for non-G20 developing countries (i.e.
smaller, middle-income countries), 10% for developed countries, and 9% for G20 developing
countries. It is important to note, however, that the expected economic gains from implementation
of the TFA require its full and effective implementation rather than mere legal compliance with
the basic requirements of the Agreement. As such, for the purposes of this paper, all TFA measures
are regarded as mandatory, even those that are subject to “best endeavor” provisions5.
In this context, trade facilitation is a central consideration in reaping the full benefits BRI. The
Government of China, in articulating its vision and action plan for the BRI in a document released
by three Chinese ministries in March 20156 (the “Vision and Actions” document), recognized trade
facilitation as one of the foundation components of the BRI and as an important complement to
the proposed investments in trade-related infrastructure. (see Box 1). Its emphasis on trade
facilitation was reiterated in another document prepared for the 2017 BRI Submit, where it was
proposed as one of the “areas of cooperation”7.
The “Vision and Actions” document specifically calls for enhanced customs cooperation in areas
such as information exchange, mutual recognition of regulations, and mutual assistance in law
enforcement. It also focuses on improving bilateral and multilateral cooperation in the fields of
inspection and quarantine, certification and accreditation, standards measurement, and statistical
information. The document proposes that BRI economies work collectively to improve customs
clearance facilities at border ports, establish “single-window” systems8, reduce customs clearance
costs, and improve customs clearance capability. It also highlights the need to lower non-tariff
barriers, jointly improve the transparency of technical trade measures, and enhance trade
liberalization and facilitation.9
Agreement to prioritize trade facilitation reform as part of the wider BRI makes strong
development sense and is likely to mobilize new investments in the sector and should serve to
build and sustain reform momentum. Moreover, as key BRI economic corridors include countries
with vastly different trade facilitation performance, the need to focus on improving the
5 This refers to measures that countries are encouraged but not required to implement 6 Government of China (2015), “Vision and Actions on Jointly Building Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century
Maritime Silk Road”. http://en.ndrc.gov.cn/newsrelease/201503/t20150330_669367.html. (Accessed on September
6, 2018). 7 Government of China. 2017. “Building the Belt and Road: Concept, Practice and China’s Contribution”. Chapter
III. https://eng.yidaiyilu.gov.cn/wcm.files/upload/CMSydylyw/201705/201705110537027.pdf. (Accessed on
September 6, 2018). 8 National Single Window systems are discussed more in Section 3. There is no globally-accepted definition of a
National Single Window, but for the purposes of this report, it is understood as an IT system that allows traders to
make a one-time submission with all required information for border clearance, with this information shared with all
necessary government agencies, and then with the trader receiving one response. The objective is to streamline
processing by removing the need to transact with multiple government agencies in clearing shipments. 9 Government of China (2015), “Vision and Actions on Jointly Building Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century
Maritime Silk Road”. http://en.ndrc.gov.cn/newsrelease/201503/t20150330_669367.html. (Accessed on September
6, 2018).
12
performance of the countries with the lowest levels of performance is clear. Essentially, the overall
efficiency of a given transport corridor depends on the trade facilitation performance of all the
countries participating in the corridor.
Box 1: Trade facilitation in China’s “Vision and Actions” document
The “Vision and Actions” document issued in March 2015 underlined the importance of trade
facilitation for improving connectivity along the Belt and Road. The document stated the
following:
“Countries along the Belt and Road should enhance customs cooperation such as information
exchange, mutual recognition of regulations, and mutual assistance in law enforcement; improve
bilateral and multilateral cooperation in the fields of inspection and quarantine, certification and
accreditation, standard measurement, and statistical information; and work to ensure that the WTO
Trade Facilitation Agreement takes effect and is implemented. We should improve the customs
clearance facilities of border ports, establish a "single-window" in border ports, reduce customs
clearance costs, and improve customs clearance capability. We should increase cooperation in
supply chain safety and convenience, improve the coordination of cross-border supervision
procedures, promote online checking of inspection and quarantine certificates, and facilitate
mutual recognition of Authorized Economic Operators. We should lower non-tariff barriers,
jointly improve the transparency of technical trade measures, and enhance trade liberalization and
facilitation10.”
Importantly, given the trade facilitation goals identified in the BRI Action Plan, it proposes
collective action to ensure that the multilateral commitments enshrined in the WTO TFA are
effectively implemented by all participating countries. As almost all BRI participating countries
are either WTO Members, or are currently in the process of accession, implementation of the TFA
is either an immediate legal commitment or a future requirement of WTO membership. The TFA
therefore provides an internationally agreed set of trade facilitation measures based on
internationally accepted border management principles and is designed to guide individual and
collective reform and modernization efforts. In addition, it provides a sound reference point for
assessing trade facilitation performance across BRI participating countries.
Government of China (2015), “Vision and Actions on Jointly Building Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century
Maritime Silk Road”. http://en.ndrc.gov.cn/newsrelease/201503/t20150330_669367.html. (Accessed on September
6, 2018).
13
Economic relevance of trade facilitation reform
The economic benefits of trade facilitation reform are now widely acknowledged. Empirical
evidence is now strong on the cost of inefficiencies and the potentially large returns on investments
that can be obtained through targeted reforms.11 To remain competitive, countries will need to
reduce trading costs, bolster export competitiveness, and pursue trade supportive policies. All these
factors are important, but trade facilitation reform should be emphasized, as it plays a major role
in improving national competitiveness and facilitates the capacity of countries to participate in
regional and global value chains. The World Bank’s Logistics Performance Index clearly
illustrates that trade logistics performance is directly linked with important economic outcomes
such as growth, trade expansion, and export diversification. Countries with better logistics grow
faster, become more competitive, and increase their trade-related foreign investment. 12
Research also indicates that increasing logistics performance in low income countries to the
middle-income average could boost trade by around 15 percent and benefit all firms and consumers
through lower prices and better access to competitively priced services.13 Similar evidence
emerges from cross country datasets including the World Bank’s Doing Business (Trading Across
Borders) data set and the Logistics Performance Index as well as the World Economic Forum’s
Global Enabling Trade Index.
11 Wilson, Mann, and Otsuki (2004), Assessing the Potential Benefit of Trade Facilitation:
A Global Perspective, World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 3224, World Bank, Washington DC; World
Trade Organization (2015), World Trade Report, Geneva.
12 Arvis et al, (2010), Connecting to compete 2010: trade logistics in the global economy: the logistics performance
index and its indicators, World Bank, Washington DC. 13 Hoekman & Nicita(2008). Trade Policy, Trade Costs, and Developing Country Trade. Policy Research Working
Paper; No. 4797. Washington, DC: World Bank.
14
Box 2: Potential impact of trade facilitation reform in the BRI14
This box considers the estimated impact of potential improvements in trade facilitation among the
group of Belt and Road countries. The method is based on that used in World Economic Forum
(2013)15, using a gravity model for global bilateral trade, and an out-of-sample simulation is
performed for selected improvements in two components of the Enabling Trade Index (ETI) –
border administration and transport and communications infrastructure. The values of the ETI are
updated using the most recent Global Enabling Trade Report (2016). This result represents a
generic improvement in infrastructure investments and border administration made by each
country in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) for trade among that group of countries.
The calculations suggest that large gains could be achieved through effective trade facilitation by
BRI economies: $650 billion in additional trade according to an ambitious scenario, in which
performance improves halfway to global best practice; and $447.9 billion according to a modest
scenario, in which performance improves halfway to regional best practice16. This represents an
increase of 32.36% in trade in the ambitious scenario, and 22.3% in the modest scenario, from
existing total trade of approximately $2.1 trillion, according to WITS data.
While this includes infrastructure improvements as well as procedural streamlining, the significant
potential impact underlines the importance of considering trade facilitation reforms as an essential
complement to the improved infrastructure connectivity that the BRI aims to provide. It is not
intended as an impact estimate for the Belt and Road initiative per se, which would need to involve
estimates based on the specific infrastructure investments in the countries involved.
While speed and efficiency of border clearance is important, predictability and reliability of border
clearance is also a major concern for traders. Poor risk management practices lead to time
consuming and often unnecessary physical inspections and laboratory testing requirements and
can cause large variations in clearance times, with multiple inspections by different border
agencies relatively common. In addition, increasingly strict community protection measures
resulting from poor administration of SPS, TBT and national security requirements often impair
14 Based on World Bank staff calculations (Ferrantino and Koten) and World Economic Forum (2013) 15 This methodology is designed in World Economic Forum (2013), “Enabling Trade: Valuing Growth
Opportunities” and estimates the impact of a 1% improvement in the Enabling Trade Index (ETI) on trade between
pairs of countries. The ETI scores each country’s environment for trade on a scale of 1 to 7, with 7 being best. The
focus is on the average of sub-index B (Border Administration) and sub-index C (Transport and Communications
Infrastructure) as being the two components of the index most closely related to trade facilitation. These estimates,
which consider country size, purchasing power, geography and other determinants of trade, suggest that an
improvement of 1% in an exporting country’s score in border administration and infrastructure increases exports by
1.2%, while a similar 1% increase in an importing country’s score increases imports by 0.6%. Countries benefit
from each other’s improvements in trade facilitation, so that if both the exporter and the importer improve border
administration and infrastructure by 1%, trade between the two countries should expand by 1.8% (1.2% + 0.6%). 16 Ambitious scenario and modest scenario are considered in which all countries improve trade facilitation according
to the global best practice and regional best practice, respectively. Each country i’s non-fuel imports from country j
(total imports minus imports in chapter 27 of the Harmonized System classification) are provided from the WITS
UN Comtrade Database. Export data is used instead for countries that the import data is missing. These countries are
Bangladesh, Bhutan, Iran, New Zealand, Philippines, Tajikistan, Ukraine, and Yemen.
15
reliability in all but the top performing countries. High degrees of unpredictability prompt traders
to adopt costly hedging strategies, such as maintaining large inventories to cater for worst-case
supply scenarios or switching to more reliable, and frequently more expensive, transportation
modes.17 Research suggests that these induced costs on the supply chain can be even higher than
direct freight costs.18 In essence, unreliability makes firms less competitive. At the same time, it
makes it difficult for firms in poorly performing countries to participate in global value chains
which require just in time availability of inputs and high levels of predictability.
The rationale for trade facilitation reform is especially strong along economic corridors, where the
weakest link along a corridor can undermine the impact of infrastructure and regulatory reforms
in other countries. As highlighted in this paper, one of the features of the major land corridors in
the BRI is the large variation in trade facilitation performance along the corridors. The risk of
delays and costs associated with regulatory compliance is especially high for those corridors
involving large numbers of countries.
Box 3: Defining “Trade Facilitation”
There is no universally-agreed definition of what is covered under the broad title of trade
facilitation. A narrow yet consistent definition used by many practitioners and the one that has
informed the development of the WTO TFA is stated simply as “the simplification and
harmonization of international trade procedures”. UN/CEFACT expands on this definition by
incorporating commercial considerations and defines it as “the simplification, standardization and
harmonization of procedures and associated information flows required to move goods from seller
to buyer and to make payment.” However, many trade facilitation practitioners have adopted a
wider perspective on the supply chain focusing not only on procedures but also on import, export
and transit operations and the elements that impact on the performance of the entire trade supply
chain.
A wider definition focuses on the performance of the overall supply chain, encompassing firms’
connectivity with markets based on cost, time, and above all, reliability and predictability.19 The
broad focus of the BRI, incorporating hardware (trade related infrastructure) and software (trade
related policies and procedures), suggests a wider and more comprehensive definition of trade
facilitation. However, as infrastructure issues are well covered in in other chapters of this paper,
a narrower definition, focused on the WTO TFA agenda, has been applied in order to focus
attention on opportunities to simplify and harmonize trade procedures in order to lower trade
transaction time and costs and improve transparency, reliability and certainty in import, export and
transit procedures.
17 Guasch and Kogan (2003), ‘Just-in-case inventories: a cross-country analysis, World Bank Policy Research
Working Paper 3012, World Bank, Washington Dc. 18 Arvis, Raballand, and Marteau (2007), The Cost of Being Landlocked: Logistics Costs and Supply Chain
Reliability, World Bank, Washington DC. 19 Grainger A, and Mclinden, G, (2013) “Trade Facilitation and Development” in Lukauskas, Stern and Zanini,
Handbook of Trade Policy and Development, Oxford University Press.
16
Key principles of trade facilitation reform
Regardless of the precise definition applied, trade facilitation practitioners generally agree on the
four key principles that underpin contemporary approaches to trade facilitation reform. These
same principles guided the work of officials engaged in negotiating the WTO TFA. The four key
principles are:
i) simplification, which refers to the process of eliminating all unnecessary elements and duplication in formalities, processes and procedures;
ii) harmonization, which refers to the alignment of national formalities, procedures, operations and documents with international conventions, standards and practices;
iii) standardization, which refers to the process of developing internationally agreed formats for practices and procedures, documents and information requirements;
iv) procedural reform and modernization, which refers to the adoption of modern, internationally agreed processes and systems; and
v) Transparency in what procedures apply to trade, and how they are enforced.
Collectively, these principles are focused on reducing unnecessary procedures and red tape while
allowing governments to effectively discharge their border management policy objectives and
responsibilities. A summary of the objectives government agencies pursue while regulating cross
border trade are included in Table 1. How efficiently and effectively governments discharge these
various objectives can, however, have a significant impact on the capacity of countries to benefit
from trade related economic growth opportunities. Both business and government stand to gain
from sensible trade facilitation focused reforms based on the above principles.
Sound trade facilitation involves the effective management of a broad range of government
responsibilities including revenue collection, community protection, national security, and trade
policy implementation in such a way as to ensure high levels of compliance without imposing
excessive transaction costs on the trading community. The scope of legitimate government
objectives generally managed by border agencies can be found in in Table 1 (below). Balancing
these objectives is far from simple
17
Table 1: Trade Facilitation encompasses a broad range of activities
Issue Key Government Objective Broad strategies
Food Safety • Protect public health and safety
• Protect the reputation of a country’s food industry
• Minimize the potential risk of food- borne illnesses by ensuring that the
quality of internationally traded food
meets relevant standards
Biosecurity
Animal
Quarantine
• Protect the country from exotic pests and diseases
• Protect the country’s reputation in overseas markets
• Minimize the risk of pests and diseases entering the country by
ensuring that national and
international standards of animal
health are met
Immigration • Protect the government’s right to determine who may enter, leave or
remain in the country on a permanent
or temporary basis
• Minimize the risk of people entering, leaving or remaining in the country
illegally by ensuring that people who
travel across or remain within a
country’s borders are authorized to
do so.
Intellectual
property • Protect the rights of owners of
trademarks and copyright material
• Protect the community from potentially unsafe products (e.g.,
counterfeit medicine).
• Minimize the risk of trade in counterfeit and pirated goods by
ensuring that internationally traded
goods do not infringe intellectual
property rights, including trademarks
and copyright.
Revenue
Collection • Protect the national revenue • Minimize the risk of government
revenue leakage by ensuring that the
correct amount of revenue is paid on
imported (or exported) goods.
National security • Protect the supply chain against acts of terrorism
• Minimize the risks of terrorist attacks by ensuring that international and
national security standards are met
Safety Standards • Protect consumers against injury, illness and death related to unsafe
goods
• Protect a country’s reputation in overseas markets
Source: World Bank (2012), Risk-Based Compliance Management
Achieving meaningful improvements in trade facilitation is not an easy or straightforward process
and faces many challenges. Central to achieving progress is the need for border management
agencies to move away from an exclusive focus on control, a focus that has dominated the culture
of customs and other border management institutions for literally thousands of years. Fortunately,
there is now strong evidence that adopting modern approaches to border management can improve
regulatory control while at the same time delivering trade facilitation dividends for the trading
18
community. Evidence from across the globe proves that the apparently contradictory objectives of
facilitation and control are in fact two sides of the same coin, and both can be accomplished
through well-designed and effectively implemented reform and modernization programs in line
with the provisions of the WTO TFA20.
Achieving major improvement in trade facilitation performance therefore frequently requires a
major change on focus or a paradigm shift in the way customs and other border management
agencies approach their work and fulfil their government mandates. The elements of this paradigm
shift are summarized in Table 2. Essentially, achieving meaningful reform in trade facilitation
performance consistent with the WTO TFA and BRI ambitions will involve border management
agencies moving from the old paradigm (described in the left column) to the new (described in the
right column). This shift is currently occurring to varying degrees in most BRI countries, however,
progress needs to be deepened and accelerated to achieve meaningful improvements in trade
facilitation performance across the BRI.
20 Mclinden, G., “Collaborative Border Management: A new Approach to an Old Problem”, Economic Premise, No.
78, World bank, 2012
19
Table 2: A Changing Trade Facilitation Paradigm
Old border management paradigm Contemporary border management Paradigm
Focus on control Balance between control and facilitation
Reform as a series of independent episodes Reform as a process of continuous improvement
Limited availability of information on regulatory
requirements
Transparency and a focus on assisting traders to
comply voluntarily with requirements
High level of physical inspection and testing Intervention by exception based on genuine risk
Focus on physical control of the goods Focus on information pertaining to the goods
preferably before arrival
Identification of non-compliance Identification of both non-compliance and high
compliance in order to incentivize high compliance
Limited use of ICT, mainly by Customs agencies Extensive use of ICT and real-time information
sharing by all agencies via Single Window systems
Adversarial relationship with the trading
community
Constructive partnership with the trading
community
Competition between agencies Genuine cooperation and collaboration between
agencies
Focus on operational statistics Focus on meaningful measures of performance
against all government objectives
Focus on fulfilling agency mandate Focus on contributing to the achievement of
national objectives
Government officials always right Capacity to challenge decisions
Consecutive processing and clearance by agencies Parallel processing and clearance
Limited cooperation and trust with neighbors and
trade corridor partners
Strong cross border collaboration, harmonization of
procedures and mutual recognition of certification
mechanisms
Source: Compilation by the authors based on World Bank experience in supporting reform and
modernization projects across the world; and Doyle (2011).
While improving the performance of customs remains a high priority for many BRI countries, it
is only one of the many agencies involved in border processing, and there is now strong evidence
to demonstrate that it is often responsible for no more than one-third of regulatory delays. For
example, in many cases, logistics professionals have a higher level of satisfaction with customs
than with other border government agencies. Data from the World Bank’s Logistics Performance
Index suggest that logistics professionals across the world rate their level of satisfaction with
customs agencies much higher than that of other border management agencies.
20
This highlights the need to focus attention on reforming and modernizing the systems and
procedures employed by border management agencies other than customs, including health,
agriculture, quarantine, police, immigration, standards, and the myriad of other organizations
involved in regulating trade flows. It is not uncommon for over 30 different government agencies
to play a role in the processing and clearance of goods. It therefore matters very little if traders can
submit customs declarations electronically if a raft of documents still needs to be taken by hand to
other agencies, then examined and approved before customs can release the goods. Indeed, the
United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) has estimated that: “A single
trade transaction may easily involve 30 parties, 40 documents, 200 data elements, and require re-
coding of 60–70 percent of all data at least once.” Achieving meaningful trade facilitation gains
therefore requires comprehensive “whole-of-border” reform initiatives and effective cooperation,
information sharing, and genuine collaboration among all border management agencies.
The importance of the WTO Trade Facilitation Agreement
The WTO TFA was negotiated over ten years and brings together in a multilateral agreement many
of the developing best practices and standards on trade facilitation set out above. This is in no
small part because the WTO TFA built on previous international efforts in this area, for example
in the World Customs Organization, UN regional commissions, free trade agreements, and
elsewhere. The WTO TFA is designed to support a shift to the new border management paradigm
summarized in Table 2 above. It allows Member countries to design their own implementation
plans in keeping with their own priorities capabilities. The TFA’s 12 substantive Articles contain
provisions for expediting the movement, release and clearance of goods, including goods in transit
(see Table 3). The TFA also sets out measures for effective cooperation between customs and other
appropriate authorities on trade facilitation and customs compliance issues. It also contains
provisions that will help improve transparency, increase possibilities for countries to participate in
regional and global value chains, and reduce the scope for corruption.
21
Table 3: WTO TFA – Section 1 measures
Article Measures Scope
1
Transparency, the publication of information, information available on
the internet and the establishment of enquiry points
All border management
agencies
2
Traders and other interested parties must be given an opportunity and
reasonable time to comment on proposals for new trade-related and
customs laws and administrative regulations
All border management
agencies
3
Advance Rulings - Traders can obtain reliable "binding" information
about the tariff classification, origin, or other customs treatment of his
goods before importation
Customs
4 Appeal and review of decisions - The rights of traders to obtain review
and correction of decisions
Mandatory for Customs and
encouraged for other border
management agencies
5 Notifications for enhanced controls or inspections All border management
agencies
6 Disciplines on fees and charges imposed on or in connection with
importation and exportation and penalties
All border management
agencies
7
Release and Clearance of Goods – Provides for pre-arrival processing,
electronic payment, separation of release from final determination of
duties, fees and charges, risk management, post clearance audit,
publication of release times, authorized economic operators, expedited
shipments and perishable goods.
All border management
agencies
8 Border agency cooperation – Requires national border management
agencies to cooperate and coordinate activities and encourages
neighboring countries to cooperate to facilitate trade.
All border management
agencies
9 Movement of goods intended for import under customs control –
provides for declarants to be able to move goods from a customs office
of entry to another customs office within the same customs territory.
Customs
10 Formalities connected with importation, exportation and transit –
Provides for acceptance of copies, supports the adoption of international
standards, the establishment of single window systems, discourages the
use of pre-shipment inspection for customs classification and valuation,
eliminates the mandatory use of customs brokers, mandates the use of
uniform national documentation and procedures, the right of traders to
return rejected goods, and supports temporary admission and inwards and
outwards processing.
All border management
agencies
11 Freedom of transit – Provides for strengthened disciplines over freedom
of transit, transit fees and charges, non-discrimination, transit procedures
and controls, guarantees and enhanced cooperation in transit matters.
All border management
agencies
12 Customs cooperation – Supports enhanced provisions for the exchange
of information between customs administrations.
Customs
Source: WTO and Authors
22
The BRI economies that have notified their commitments to the WTO are implementing more than
half of the provisions of the TFA immediately (see Chart 1). They have elected to do so according
to the process set in Section II of the TFA, which contains special and differential treatment (SDT)
provisions that allow developing and LDC Members to determine when they will implement
individual provisions of the Agreement and to identify provisions that they will only be able to
implement upon the receipt of technical assistance and support for capacity building. To benefit
from these provisions, a developing or LDC WTO Member must categorize each provision of the
Agreement and notify other WTO Members of these categorizations in accordance with specific
timelines outlined in the Agreement. Category A covers provisions that the Member will
implement as soon as the Agreement enters into force (or in the case of a least-developed country
Member within one year after entry into force). Category B covers provisions that Members will
implement after a self-determined transitional period following entry into force of the Agreement,
and Category C covers provisions that Members will implement on a date after a transitional period
following the entry into force of the Agreement and after obtaining the required assistance and
capacity building support. For provisions designated as categories B and C, Members must
provide dates for implementation of the provisions.
23
Chart 1: Proportion of WTO-TFA articles implemented immediately, as of May 2018
Source: WTO. Current as of 17 May 2018.
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%
Bulgaria
Croatia
Czech Republic
Estonia
Greece
Hong Kong, SAR
Hungary
Israel
Latvia
Lithuania
Poland
Romania
Russian Federation
Singapore
Slovak Republic
Slovenia
Taiwan, China
Turkey
Macedonia, FYR
Saudi Arabia
China
Malaysia
Thailand
Philippines
Qatar
Georgia
Brunei Darussalam
United Arab Emirates
Jordan
Albania
Montenegro
Oman
India
Bahrain
Cambodia
Kuwait
Moldova
Tajikistan
Armenia
Kazakhstan
Bangladesh
Pakistan
Ukraine
Sri Lanka
Mongolia
Vietnam
Lao PDR
Afghanistan
Kyrgyz Republic
Kenya
Tanzania
Indonesia
Myanmar
Nepal BRI economies that have not notified
Category A, or are not WTO Members
Azerbaijan Maldives
Belarus Palestine
Bhutan Serbia
Bosnia and
Herzegovina
Syrian Arab
Republic
Djibouti Timor-Leste
Egypt, Arab Republic Turkmenistan
Iran, Islamic Rep. Uzbekistan
Iraq Yemen, Rep.
Lebanon
24
Not all BRI economies are WTO Members: of the 71 BRI economies, 58 are WTO Members21.
Of these WTO Members, four have not ratified the TFA. As of May 2018, Djibouti is the only
WTO Member that has ratified the TFA, but has not yet notified its Category A provisions. The
measures on which countries are delaying implementation, and the countries in which this is the
case, will be discussed in more detail in Section 2.
All WTO Members along the six BRI corridors that are the focus of this paper have ratified the
TFA, but five countries are not WTO Members (Belarus, Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkmenistan,
Uzbekistan) although of these five, all but Turkmenistan are negotiating accession to the WTO.
This widespread membership of the WTO is positive, as it means that most countries along the
key BRI corridors are implementing the WTO-TFA measures, which comprise a useful benchmark
for trade facilitation reform. However, the five countries that are not WTO Members require
particular attention given they are not legally bound to implement the TFA provisions, although
the four countries negotiating accession will be required to implement the TFA provisions after
joining the WTO. This is especially so given they are concentrated on the China-Central Asia-
West Asia corridor, as discussed in more detail in the relevant part of Section 2.
Conclusion
Inefficiencies relating to trade procedures are a major source of trade costs, and trade facilitation
reform is intended to streamline these trade procedures, while ensuring that border agencies can
accomplish revenue, safety and community protection objectives. For this reason, trade facilitation
is a necessary complement to the infrastructure connectivity investments that will be made through
the BRI. This is reflected in several of the key vision statements for the BRI. The WTO-TFA
provides an important benchmark for trade facilitation reform, with most countries along the six
BRI corridors focused on its implementation. The TFA complements other international
instruments relating to trade facilitation, including those from the World Customs Organization
(WCO), UN Regional Commission, and regional bodies like the Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation (APEC). The next section builds on the vision of trade facilitation as an important
part of the BRI, by surveying the level of trade facilitation at present, and the key challenges along
the six BRI corridors in facilitating trade.
21 Data compiled in May 2018
25
Section 2: Assessing trade facilitation performance along the BRI corridors
The preceding section highlighted the importance of trade facilitation reform for reducing trade
costs, especially in the context of connectivity initiatives like the BRI. It also outlined the key
principles and practices of trade facilitation reform, as set out in international agreements like the
WTO-TFA, which provides an important benchmark for the reforms that BRI countries will need
to undertake.
Against this backdrop, Section 2 provides a broad assessment of the state of trade facilitation in
BRI countries, as a basis for highlighting key gaps, and showing where reform efforts should
concentrate. This is informed by: 1) a review of global indicators of trade facilitation performance,
and 2) a review of analytical work, including from World Bank operational engagements on trade
facilitation in BRI countries, where available. It is important to note that data is not available for
all countries, and there is a lack of specific diagnostic work to identify trade facilitation constraints
along the BRI corridors. The available data is presented at a summary level for all 71 countries,
but the focus is on the six key land corridors22 in the BRI:
• China, Pakistan Economic Corridor;
• China, Mongolia, Russia Economic Corridor;
• New Eurasian Land Bridge Economic Corridor;
• China, Central Asia, West Asia Economic Corridor;
• China, Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor)- also known as the Nanning – Singapore Economic Corridor; and
• Bangladesh – China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor .
This section draws on different indicators to present trade facilitation performance, because no
single indicator can be taken as a definitive reflection of performance. Balance also needs to be
struck between using the indicators to facilitate comparison within and between corridors, and with
global performance; and focusing on the specific trade facilitation environment on each corridor.
For this reason, this section begins by presenting the aggregate performance of each corridor,
comparing them with each other and with global benchmarks. It then discusses each corridor in
greater detail, describing both the indicators as well as more detailed country and corridor-specific
information, based on World Bank operational experience in these countries, WTO Trade
Facilitation Agreement notifications, as well as other sources.
Overview of BRI trade facilitation performance for all 71 economies
Although this paper focuses on the six main BRI economic corridors, a review of trade facilitation
indicators for all 71 economies currently included in the BRI highlights several issues that will
22 As noted above, there is no official list of BRI corridors or countries. This list has been compiled based on World
Bank analysis BRI. It should be noted that participation in some corridors overlaps, and in general the corridors are
not framed strictly as transport routes but more as broad economic groups. For ease of reference in the text,
acronyms are not used, but the corridors are referred to by the countries participating or by an abbreviated name
(e.g. Eurasian corridor; China-Indochina corridor)
26
need to be addressed. Table 4 presents indicators, where available, from LPI, the Enabling Trade
Index, and OECD Trade Facilitation Indicators, along with time to comply with export and import
requirements from Doing Business. As a simple indicator of relative performance in the former
three indicators, the percentage for each economy of the score of the highest-ranked BRI economy
(Germany and Singapore across the three indicators) is also shown, along with an aggregate of
these percentages.
The data for the BRI as a whole indicates there is significant variation between regions in trade
facilitation. European economies tend to have the fastest times to import and export, as well as
strongest performance in the three indexes included in the table. Countries in East Asia also tend
to perform strongly (with Singapore as the leading performer although other South East Asian
countries also perform well). BRI economies in the Middle East and North Africa show the
weakest performance, and of the three African economies (Kenya, Tanzania and Djibouti),
Djibouti’s performance is one of the lowest of all BRI economies. As is discussed in more detail
in the review of corridors below, Central and West Asian countries also face major challenges in
reforming trade facilitation in order to maximize the opportunities created through the BRI.
Another issue discussed below is the considerable variation within regions. For example, the East
Asian countries participating in the BRI include the strongest performer in each of the three trade
facilitation indicators (Singapore) as well as two of the countries with the most inefficient trade
facilitation (Lao PDR and Myanmar).
Table 4: Overview of selected trade facilitation indicators for all 71 BRI economies
Economy
LPI
Customs
score
2018
LPI
Customs
% of
highest
BRI
performer
DB 2018
Time to
import
(Hours)
DB 2018
Time to
export
(Hours)
WEF ETI
Border
Administration
Value
WEF ETI
Border
Administration
& of highest
BRI performer
OECD
TFI
OECD
TFI % of
highest
BRI
performer
Average
% of
highest
BRI on
LPI,
WEF,
OECD (1-7, 7=best)
(0-2,
2=best)
Afghanistan 1.73 41.19 420 276 n/a n/a n/a n/a 41.19
Albania 2.35 55.95 10 9 4.99 77.97 n/a n/a 66.96
Armenia 2.57 61.19 41 39 4.77 74.53 1 57.14 64.29
Azerbaijan n/a n/a 68 62 4.7 73.44 1.12 64 68.72
Bahrain 2.67 63.57 54 71 4.04 63.13 1.05 60 62.23
Bangladesh 2.3 54.76 327 246.7 3 46.88 0.78 44.57 48.74
Belarus 2.35 55.95 5 9 n/a n/a 0.57 32.57 44.26
Bhutan 2.14 50.95 5 5 4.89 76.41 0.59 33.71 53.69
Bosnia and
Herzegovina 2.63 62.62 6 5 4.64 72.5 1.05 60 65.04
Brunei
Darussalam 2.62 62.38 48 117 3.89 60.78 1.19 68 63.72
Bulgaria 2.94 70 1 4 5 78.13 1.49 85.14 77.76
Cambodia 2.37 56.43 140 180 3.6 56.25 0.92 52.57 55.08
27
China 3.29 78.33 158 47.1 4.9 76.56 1.36 77.71 77.53
Croatia 2.98 70.95 0 0 5.36 83.75 1.57 89.71 81.47
Czech
Republic 3.29 78.33 1 1 5.8 90.63 1.55 88.57 85.84
Djibouti 2.35 55.95 78 109 n/a n/a 0.39 22.29 39.12
Egypt, Arab
Republic 2.6 61.9 240 48 3.05 47.66 1.19 68 59.19
Estonia 3.32 79.05 0 2 6.15 96.09 1.74 99.43 91.52
Georgia 2.42 57.62 17 50 5.3 82.81 1.55 88.57 76.33
Greece 2.84 67.62 1 24 4.83 75.47 1.48 84.57 75.89
Hong Kong,
SAR 3.81 90.71 19 2 6.02 94.06 1.72 98.29 94.35
Hungary 3.35 79.76 0 0 5.71 89.22 1.44 82.29 83.76
India 2.96 70.48 325.8 144.5 4.4 68.75 1.25 71.43 70.22
Indonesia 2.67 63.57 99.4 53.3 4.35 67.97 1.13 64.57 65.37
Iran, Islamic
Rep. 2.63 62.62 333 221 3.2 50 n/a n/a 56.31
Iraq 1.84 43.81 131 85 n/a n/a n/a n/a 43.81
Israel 3.32 79.05 64 36 5.51 86.09 1.45 82.86 82.67
Jordan 2.49 59.29 79 38 5.22 81.56 0.93 53.14 64.66
Kazakhstan 2.66 63.33 8 261 4.2 65.63 0.98 56 61.65
Kenya 2.65 63.1 180 21 4.44 69.38 1.21 69.14 67.21
Kuwait 2.73 65 89 96 4.12 64.38 0.74 42.29 57.22
Kyrgyz
Republic 2.75 65.48 108 41 n/a n/a 0.99 56.57 61.03
Lao PDR 2.61 62.14 230 228 3.7 57.81 0.7 40 53.32
Latvia 2.8 66.67 0 24 5.48 85.63 1.6 91.43 81.24
Lebanon 2.38 56.67 180 96 4.2 65.63 0.84 48 56.77
Lithuania 2.85 67.86 0 9 5.64 88.13 1.7 97.14 84.38
Macedonia,
FYR 2.45 58.33 8 9 4.54 70.94 1.11 63.43 64.23
Malaysia 2.9 69.05 79 55 5 78.13 1.27 72.57 73.25
Maldives 2.4 57.14 100 42 n/a n/a 0.7 40 48.57
Moldova 2.25 53.57 4 3 4.52 70.63 0.99 56.57 60.26
Mongolia 2.22 52.86 163 230 4 62.5 1.17 66.86 60.74
Montenegro 2.56 60.95 23 8 2.73 42.66 1.17 66.86 56.82
Myanmar 2.17 51.67 278 286 n/a n/a 0.53 30.29 40.98
28
Nepal 2.29 54.52 61 56 4.06 63.44 0.69 39.43 52.46
Oman 2.87 68.33 70 52 5 78.13 0.97 55.43 67.30
Pakistan 2.12 50.48 272 130 3.9 60.94 1.17 66.86 59.43
Palestine n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a
Philippines 2.53 60.24 72 42 4.09 63.91 1.03 58.86 61.00
Poland 3.25 77.38 1 1 5.7 89.06 1.66 94.86 87.10
Qatar 3 71.43 48 25 5.01 78.28 0.91 52 67.24
Romania 2.58 61.43 0 0 2.98 46.56 1.42 81.14 63.04
Russian
Federation 2.42 57.62 81.1 97.4 3.9 60.94 1.28 73.14 63.90
Saudi Arabia 2.66 63.33 228 69 4.26 66.56 1.22 69.71 66.53
Serbia 2.6 61.9 4 4 2.92 45.63 1.24 70.86 59.46
Singapore 3.89 92.62 36 12 6.4 100 1.75 100 97.54
Slovak
Republic 2.79 66.43 0 0 3.67 57.34 1.59 90.86 71.54
Slovenia 3.42 81.43 0 0 3.64 56.88 1.68 96 78.10
Sri Lanka 2.58 61.43 72 43 4.02 62.81 0.99 56.57 60.27
Syrian Arab
Republic 1.82 43.33 141 84 n/a n/a n/a n/a 43.33
Taiwan, China 3.47 82.62 47 17 5.6 87.5 n/a n/a 85.06
Tajikistan 1.92 45.71 233 141 3.9 60.94 0.67 38.29 48.31
Tanzania n/a n/a 402 96 2.69 42.03 0.91 52 47.02
Thailand 3.14 74.76 54 62 5.1 79.69 1.38 78.86 77.77
Timor-Leste n/a n/a 100 96 n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a
Turkey 2.71 64.52 52 21 5.1 79.69 1.48 84.57 76.26
Turkmenistan 2.35 55.95 n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a 55.95
Ukraine 2.49 59.29 72 26 4.06 63.44 1 57.14 59.96
United Arab
Emirates 3.63 86.43 54 27 5.72 89.38 1.35 77.14 84.32
Uzbekistan 2.1 50 285 286 n/a n/a 0.63 36 43.00
Vietnam 2.95 70.24 132 105 4.2 65.63 1.36 77.71 71.19
Yemen, Rep. 2.4 57.14 n/a n/a 1.7 26.56 0.29 16.57 33.42
Source: World Bank (Doing Business and LPI), OECD (TFIs), World Economic Forum (ETI).
Note: Lighter-shaded cells indicate a value closer to the “best performer” in that indicator. Table presents
key trade facilitation performance indicators for all 71 BRI economies. The column furthest to the right is
intended to present a simple snapshot of performance, based on the average percentage of the highest BRI
performer’s score across three indicators, with equal weighting: LPI Customs; WEF ETI Border
29
Administration; and OECD TFI. If an economy is not included in one or more specific indicator, the
average is based on the available indicator/s.
Comparison of performance between corridors
A snapshot of relative performance is provided by looking at the aggregate performance on each
corridor. It is possible to do this for a number of different indicators, including:
i) Average days to import and export, based on Doing Business data (Chart 2); ii) Average customs and border management agency performance, based on Logistics
Performance Index data (Chart 3); and
iii) Average rankings in key trade facilitation performance benchmarks, drawing on Doing Business, Logistics Performance Index, and the Enabling Trade Index (Table 5).
Traders face times to import that are above the global average on all corridors except the New
Eurasian corridor, and times to export that are above global average on all corridors except the
New Eurasian corridor and China-Pakistan corridor, according to the DB data. The only corridor
where both time to export and import are below the global average is the New Eurasian corridor.
The China-Pakistan corridor, time to export is slightly below the global average, but time to import
is almost double the global average.
On all corridors except the New Eurasian corridor, times to import are higher than times to export,
and the difference between the two is higher than the average difference globally. This is not
unusual, with governments tending to impose greater regulatory requirements on products entering
their own markets, than on products transiting their territory or exiting their market bound for
others. The difference between the two is higher than the global average difference on all but two
of the BRI corridors: the China-Mongolia Russia Corridor; and China-Indochina Peninsula
Corridor. The difference along the China-Pakistan corridor is most significant, reflecting geo-
political or ‘national security’ issues that are prevalent along this corridor.
While the Doing Business data shows a key outcome of trade facilitation performance (time to
import and export), the Logistics Performance Index can be used to show the relative performance
of Customs and other border agencies, which is the key factor affecting time to import and export
as measured by DB. The Doing Business data provides a cross-country comparison of a key
outcome of trade facilitation performance: the time to comply with import and export
requirements. The Logistics Performance Index, and specifically the indicator within this on
Customs and Border Agency efficiency, allows for comparison of relative performance in the main
cause of this outcome: the performance of government agencies responsible for trade facilitation.
The LPI is based on the views of professional logistics operators globally on different aspects of
the logistics environment. This includes performance of Customs and other border agencies under
the “Customs and Border management” indicator, which is one of the six indicators that makes up
the overall LPI score. Chart 3 shows the average scores for each corridor in the LPI Customs
indicator in 2016 and 2018, the most recent years available. This provides a snapshot of the
performance of these agencies performance for each corridor, as well as whether performance is
30
improving or declining. Although the scores may appear relatively close, LPI ranking is also quite
sensitive to small changes in performance. 23
Chart 2: Average time to comply with import/export requirements by BRI Corridor (days)
Source: Doing Business, 2018. Note: includes time required to complete documentary requirements, as
well as complete border clearance procedures. Total for “days” is based on taking total hours for
compliance from DB and dividing by 24. Note this does not take into account variations in opening hours
of border posts.
23 For example, an increase by 0.14 (from 2.52 to 2.66) in performance for Kazakhstan between 2016 and 2018 saw
its ranking rise 21 places from 86 to 65; and a decrease of 0.44 in Pakistan’s performance between 2016 and 2018
saw its ranking fall 68 places from 71 to 139.
0.0
2.0
4.0
6.0
8.0
10.0
12.0
Average Days to Import Average days to Export
Global average days to import Global average days to export
31
Chart 3: Average Customs and Border management performance by corridor
Source: Authors’ calculations based on World Bank Logistics Performance Index, 2016 to 2018
Performance by Customs and other border agencies improved on four of the six corridors and
declined on two, between 2016 and 2018. On the China-Pakistan and Bangladesh-China-India-
Myanmar corridors, performance declined; while it improved on the others. The key driver of the
decline in performance on the China-Pakistan corridor was Pakistan, which fell from 68 rankings
to 139th place. On the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar corridor, performance fell for the
majority of countries, with significant declines in Bangladesh and Myanmar; and a small decline
in India.
The most notable improvement is on the New Eurasian Land-Based Economic Corridor, reflecting
a major increase in Customs and Border Management performance in the LPI by Kazakhstan.
However, as noted below, this should be interpreted with caution after looking at subsequent years
of the LPI, to ensure the LPI improvement there is not an isolated occurrence. Other indicators on
trade facilitation show much weaker performance on this corridor: for example, Kazakhstan has
the second-highest time to export of the six BRI corridors.
The China-Central Asia-West Asia Corridor is the lowest performing, though performance ticked
up slightly from 2016, according to the LPI. The China-Central Asia-West Asia corridor is the
lowest performing in 2018, as it was in 2016, placing it below the BCIMEC and China, Mongolia,
Russia corridors. Comparing the average LPI Customs score for each corridor with the global
average, only two corridors rise above the global average in 2018: the New Eurasian corridor and
the China-Indochina corridor.
The rankings of countries in global benchmarking surveys also allows for comparison between
countries and between the BRI corridors. Table 4 shows a comparison based on rankings in three
indexes: LPI Customs; DB Trading Across Borders; and the World Economic Forum Enabling
Trade Index, which is a broad index of trade facilitation performance. It also indicates whether the
corridor is in the top 50% globally, if the corridor were compares against all countries included in
0.00 0.50 1.00 1.50 2.00 2.50 3.00 3.50
China-Pakistan
China, Mongolia, Russia
New Eurasian Land-Based
China-Central Asia-West Asia
China-Indochina Peninsula
Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar
Average LPI Customs score 2018 Average LPI Customs score 2016
32
the relevant index. For example, if the China, Mongolia, Russia corridor, or China-Pakistan
corridor were considered as one country, they would not rank in the top 50% in any of the three
indexes included in the table. However, if the Eurasian corridor and China-Indochina corridors
were each taken as one country, they would be included in the top 50% on all of the three indexes.
The average rankings suggest the Eurasian Corridor performs most strongly, followed by the
Indochina corridor, with. both corridors above the global average in all of the three indexes, if
taken as one country. The China, Mongolia, Russia; China-Pakistan; and China-Central Asia- West
Asia corridors face the greatest challenges, falling below average performance in all of the three
indexes; and the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar corridor is only in the top half of LPI Customs
rankings by a slim margin, putting it close to below average performance as well in all three
indexes.
The corridor aggregates presented in this section need to be interpreted with caution. Their
intention is only to provide a brief, and simplified, overview of average performance along each
corridor, to allow for comparison between corridors. However, for both average and median
values, the corridors containing fewer countries (especially China-Pakistan and China-Mongolia-
Russia) are more affected by variations in performance in individual countries than the corridors
containing more countries. However, noting this, from the corridor aggregates presented above
some trends do emerge.
33
Table 5: Average rankings by corridor in key trade facilitation benchmarks24
Corridor name
WEF Enabling
Trade Index
Border
Administration
Rank 2016 (136
total)
Doing Business
Trading Across
Borders Rank
2018 (189 total)
LPI
Customs
Ranking
2018 (160
total)
Is the
corridor in
the top 50%
for each
index?
China-Pakistan 78.5 121* 85 N, N, N
China, Mongolia, Russia 86 102.3 85 N, N, N
New Eurasian 45.5 50.4 54 Y, Y, Y
China-Central Asia-West Asia 75.8 115 96.6 N, N, N
China-Indochina 65.7 93.2 58.9 Y, Y, Y
Bangladesh-China-India-
Myanmar 85.6 144.7 80.75 N, N, Y
*Note: 2017 Data for Pakistan
First, performance along the BRI corridors is not especially strong compared to global averages.
Only the New Eurasian and China-Indochina corridors perform above global average in all the
indicators presented, including times to import/export, LPI customs and border management
scores. The Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar coridor average rankings are in the top 50%
globally in only one of the three indices. The China-Mongolia-Russia and China-Central Asia-
West Asia and China-Pakistan corridors average ranking is in the bottom 50% globally in all three
indices.
Second, on balance the weakest corridors overall appear to be the China-Pakistan, the China-
Mongolia Russia, and China-Central Asia-West Asia corridors, as the distance between these and
the global average performance on the three indexes is greatest. The challenge faced for the China-
Central Asia-West Asia corridor is especially strong, given the number of countries included,
meaning achieving a strong increase in performance requires reform in multiple countries that
currently perform weakly. The Eurasian corridor is the strongest performing, as would be expected
given the high performance, and also the nature of the EU as a customs union. Although
performance varies considerably between countries along the China-Indochina corridor (as
discussed in the next section), its performance is also relatively strong.
24 The table averages the rankings in each index, for the WEF ETI, DB TAB, and LPI Customs. The final column
indicates whether, for each of the indexes, the average score for the corridor puts it in the top 50% of the relevant
index.
34
The wide variation in times to export and trade facilitation performance highlights the importance
of improving trade facilitation performance across the BRI. This is especially important given
supply chain connectivity is significantly affected by variations in performance.
Detailed trade facilitation indicators by corridor
The aggregates by corridor presented above, while useful in providing a quick snapshot for each
corridor, do not reveal the considerable variation in performance of the countries in each corridor.
The data below shows the variation in performance more clearly for each corridor. For example,
the China-Indochina Peninsula Corridor includes the highest scorer on the LPI Customs indicator
(Singapore) as well as one of the lowest, Myanmar, which is ranked 131 of 160 countries surveyed
for the LPI, with the other countries on the corridor distributed between the two extremes.
This section presents indicators of key outcomes of trade facilitation performance for each
corridor. They show the LPI scores in 2016 and 2018 on the Customs and border management
indicator; the change in ranking from 2016 to 2018 to indicate whether performance is improving
or declining; as well as the ranking in the Customs and border management indicator in both years.
Using Doing Business Trading Across Borders data from 2018, the tables also show the total time
to import and time to export for each country. Each of these time values in days includes two
aspects estimated in the Doing Business data set, one of which records the time required to
complete documentary requirements for import or export, and the other recording the time required
to complete border formalities. In tables 6, 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12 below, these are added together to
give an estimate of total time to import and time to export.
Both the LPI and Doing Business data are subject to various caveats about the nature of the
indicators and the method of data collection, but they provide a sound basis for comparison
between countries. One key caveat to note in interpreting the data is that the Doing Business data
records trade facilitation performance with key trading partners, and only on selected commodities.
For some countries, this reflects the unique circumstances of their trading situation. For example,
member states of the European Union typically show no time or cost associated with border
clearance in Doing Business, as their key trading partners are typically other EU member states,
which are members of the EU Customs Union. Although the Doing Business Trading Across
Borders data is still relevant, the possibility of situations like this means it is important to also
review other indicators like the Logistics Performance Index for a more comprehensive view of
Customs and border management outcomes.
The paragraphs on each corridor also include the OECD Trade Facilitation Indicators for each
corridor, where available. While the LPI and DB data focus on the outcomes of trade facilitation
regimes, in terms of their impact on time to trade and logistics performance, the TFIs measure the
state of implementation of particular aspects of the trade facilitation regime. They are based on
questionnaires sent to governments and global transport and logistics operators, as well as
publicly-available data, and are validated with the government of each country surveyed.
For each corridor, WTO membership, TFA ratification, and the status of TFA notifications is
included in an Annex, and discussed in each section where relevant. As discussed above, the TFA
35
provides an important benchmark for trade facilitation reform in the context of the BRI. The
categorization of articles of the TFA into Categories A, B and C indicates each WTO Member’s
self-assessment of their readiness to implement the TFA – the more articles that are included in
Category B and C; the greater the level of effort required to implement the TFA fully.
The material below is not an exhaustive presentation of the trade facilitation situation and
constraints for each corridor, as this would be beyond the scope of the current paper. Instead, each
section aims to highlight some of the most relevant issues for facilitating trade along the corridor,
as a basis for discussion and further, more detailed, analysis. It draws on publicly available material
on each corridor, as well as analysis gathered through World Bank projects in various countries
along each corridor.
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor
As a corridor comprising only two countries sharing only one major border crossing, the
assessment of the trade facilitation performance is relatively straightforward. However, the
challenges faced on the China-Pakistan corridor in many ways echo those along other corridors.
The basic point is that on this corridor, as with the others, traders wanting to take advantage of
improved infrastructure connectivity through BRI investments face significant delays associated
with meeting border management requirements.
The corridor links China’s Xinjiang Province with Pakistan through the Khunjerab Pass border
crossing, and then to the sea at Gwadar Port (or other ports including Karachi or Port Qasim). The
main trade facilitation issues involve streamlining trade across the land border crossing, and also
ensuring that traders wanting to use the improved land connectivity to trade through Pakistan’s
seaports can do so without facing cumbersome border clearance procedures for import or export.
Although Pakistan-China trade has grown in the last decade, it is still relatively low compared to
trade with other partners25, with the main objective the China-Pakistan corridor being to address
this. Although the focus in analysis and media coverage of the corridor has been in infrastructure
investments, the countries face considerable challenges in addressing trade facilitation barriers if
trade along the corridor is to grow significantly in the future.
The 2017-2030 “Long-Term Plan” for the Corridor, released by the two governments, focuses on
infrastructure development but does specify some areas of trade facilitation-related cooperation,
including:
• Establishment of customs special supervision areas along the CPEC on the basis of China- Pakistan economic cooperation zones and industrial parks;
• Information exchange of free zones in Pakistan and the customs special supervision areas in China;
• Data exchange on pilot basis so as to realize free flow of goods among customs special supervision areas along the CPEC route and enhance trade facilitation;
25 Choudrhi et al, ‘Pakistan’s International Trade: The Potential for Expansion Towards East and West’ International
Growth Centre, January 2017.
36
• The Plan also contains a commitment from Pakistan (but not China) to introducing special
Customs clearance procedures for CPEC trade. 26
These priorities focus on information exchange between Customs administrations, as well as the
commitment from Pakistan to develop special clearance procedures for CPEC trade. However,
there are much wider trade facilitation challenges that will need to be addressed. For example, it
will be important to go beyond Customs to include other border agencies including those
responsible for managing standards and quarantine requirements.
For Pakistan, a key challenge is streamlining documentary and procedural requirements, reflected
in the very high time to comply with these requirements in the Doing Business data (11.3 days),
and Pakistan’s low performance in these areas in the OECD TFIs. Although 96.3% of declarations
are submitted and processed electronically, according to the 2018 LPI survey results, the use of
electronic processing is undermined if a large number of documents still need to be physically
submitted before clearance can commence, and if multiple and potentially duplicative processes
exist, in order to clear border requirements. Box 4 presents a more detailed discussion of Pakistan’s
reform efforts and ongoing challenges.
One objective of the corridor is to open a new option for shipping goods in and out of Western
China via Pakistan’s ports (although the very high land transportation cost over the mountainous
border needs to be considered). For this to function properly and be financially viable, Pakistan’s
transit regime will be critical. Pakistan acceded to the TIR Convention in 2015, and China acceded
in 2016, paving the way for the use of the most common international system for customs transit27.
Neither country is operationalizing the system fully at all border crossings, although pilot
implementation has commenced.
However, the challenges in implementing existing transit agreements, notably the Afghanistan-
Pakistan agreement, show the potential difficulties ahead in establishing an effective transit regime
for CPEC trade. A key problem highlighted by a 2014 study of Afghanistan-Pakistan transit was
inadequate communication and coordination between the two countries Customs agencies on
transit procedures28.
Pakistani firms wishing to use the corridor to trade at lower cost with China face challenges in
complying with Chinese border clearance requirements. China’s trade facilitation regime is
discussed in more detail at the conclusion of Section 2, but the data presented below indicates that
while China’s trade facilitation performance has remained stable in recent years (e.g. allowing it
to maintain its ranking in the LPI Customs indicator from 2016 to 2018), firms exporting to China
still face considerable delays and challenges in complying with procedural requirements,
compared with other countries.
26 Pakistan Ministry of Planning, Development and Reform and PR China National Development and Reform
Commission, “Long-Term Plan for China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, 2017-2030”, available at www.cpec.gov.ok
(accessed 28 March 2018) 27 See section 3 for a detailed discussion of the TIR convention. 28 USAID, “Analysis of Afghanistan-Pakistan Transit Trade Agreement”, USAID Pakistan, May 2014.
37
Box 4: Trade facilitation reform progress and challenges in Pakistan
The recent focus of trade facilitation in Pakistan has predominantly been related to improvements
in IT systems, particularly the Web-Based One Customs (WEBOC) system. Capacity and
Infrastructure issues have limited WEBOC’s effectiveness, especially beyond the Port of Karachi.
Many of these issues are now being addressed, with functionality improved to include most
Customs processes and a national roll-out (completed in 2017) improving system coverage.
However, what still appears to be lacking is a systematic approach to process reforms, in order to
maximize the potential offered by enhanced systems capacity and functionality.
Reforms in Pakistan have resulted in automated processes still predominantly based on outdated
and complex regulatory practices. Risk Management is not sufficiently developed or applied and
WEBOC does not form part of a National Single Window environment, with other regulatory or
permit issuing agencies not yet fully connected electronically. This means that despite
improvements in ‘customs’ processes, cross-border transactions can still be subject to multiple,
manual (paper based), interventions by numerous agencies.
The National Security environment in Pakistan also imposes additional trade barriers not
experienced along other corridors. Enhanced border security measures result in numerous physical
controls, particularly at land border crossings. In many instances the National Logistics Cell, a
public sector enterprise on logistics, gives effect to these measures, especially in the form of Non-
Intrusive Inspection (X-ray scanning), where deep reforms have been difficult to achieve.
The other critically-important facilitation issue that affects goods movements through Pakistan is
transit management. As noted elsewhere in this paper, the adoption and implementation of the TIR
Convention offers an opportunity to remedy this situation.
Table 6: China-Pakistan: corridor performance indicators
Country
LPI
Customs
rank
2016 (of
160)
LPI
Customs
score 2016
(5=best)
LPI
Customs
Rank 2018
LPI
Customs
score 2018
(5 = best)
DB 2018
Time to
import
(Days)
DB 2018
Time to
export
(Days)
WEF 2016
ETI Border
Admin
rank (of
136)
WEF ETI
Border
Admin
Value (1-7,
7=best)
China 31 3.32 31 3.29 6.6 2.0 52 4.9
Pakistan 71 2.66 139 2.12 11.3 5.4 105 3.9
39
countries in 2016 includes investment in physical infrastructure of border clearance facilities, as
well as streamlining border clearance procedures31.
For Mongolia, taking advantage of improved infrastructure through the BRI will depend to a large
extent on its capacity to access international ports in China, particularly for goods in transit. The
high time to export in the Doing Business data for Mongolia, although based on an export to China,
also indicates the challenges that Mongolia, as a landlocked country, faces in moving goods
through China to export to global markets. Given the number of landlocked countries along the
various BRI corridors, improving the effectiveness of the transit regime is one of the key trade
facilitation issues to be addressed to improve performance in the BRI, as is discussed in more detail
below.
As part of an ongoing World Bank project, interviews conducted with customs officials and
brokers as well as freight forwarders suggest that efforts to streamline the costs and burdens
associated with trade are already underway, though significant challenges remain. This is
consistent with previous analysis of the trade facilitation situation in Mongolia. While more could
be done to address the unique challenges faced by Mongolia, inefficiencies at-the-border and
behind-the-border appear to impede market access and hamper the expansion of trade.
There are a number of causes for delays at Mongolia’s border checkpoints, including congestion;
physical inspections and security checks; inefficient sampling procedures; the late arrival of
documentation; and limited use of electronic systems for document submission. The border
crossings are advertised as operating twenty-four hours per day, seven days per week whereas they
operate closer to eight hours per day, six days per week with light traffic volumes. The restricted
operating hours are not so problematic at the border, but in the commercial centre of Ulanbaatar,
restricted operating hours cause considerable traffic congestion. The World Bank survey pointed
to unbalanced staffing levels between regional and urban checkpoints. For example, the remote
Zamyn Uud checkpoint employs twenty more staff (150) than are assigned to Ulanbaatar (130),
resulting in relatively speedy processing times at Zamyn Ud (5 hours) whereas processing times
in the capital city can take up to 24 hours.
In Mongolia, low internet penetration has limited the impact of automated customs facilities. The
customs agency has made internet filing of declarations widely available along with supporting
documents that can be submitted online as scanned copies. At Ulaanbaatar, for example, an
electronic data interface (EDI) has been put in place for pre-arrival information and pre-approval
by Customs and other government agencies. Nonetheless, shippers continue to use hard copies.
At Zamyn Uud, EDI is used for communication between border agencies, though its habitual use
by exporters was less apparent. Electronic signatures are issued at Ulaanbaatar but it is not clear
from the survey whether electronic signatures are widely accepted at other border stations.
Declarations can be submitted online; government forms and government regulations are also
publicly available online. Although back-office processing and selectivity have been
31 Office of the Leading Group for the Belt and Road Initiative (2017), ‘Guidelines on Construction of China-
Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor’, https://eng.yidaiyilu.gov.cn/zchj/qwfb/35979.htm (accessed 28 March 2018)
40
computerized32, the systems require regular electricity and reliable internet connections. Poor
connectivity ensures that manual declarations are still relatively common, particularly in border
areas.
However, automated border services have not always been accompanied by streamlined
procedures. Inconsistent interpretation of rules and inconsistent enforcement are widespread. The
major difficulties with import declarations pertain to misclassification and undervaluation. SPS
certificates for goods passing through Zamyn Uud require clearance from laboratories located in
Ulaanbaatar. Payment of taxes and duties can be made through designated bank deposits at Zamyn
Uud but Ulaanbaatar expects electronic transfers for payment of taxes and duties. In Zamyn Uud,
Customs is responsible for security issues and health requirements, whereas Ulaanbaatar separates
these functions but requires fewer signatures. This needs to be addressed, given that the majority
of Mongolia’s freight (90%) is concentrated around Ulaanbaatar.
The indicators of trade facilitation performance paint a complex picture of Russia’s trade
facilitation regime, with a combination of relatively higher efficiency in some areas, and weak
perceptions of Customs and other border agency performance. The reasons for this warrant further
analysis, especially given Russia’s important status as a transit country, as well as major economy,
along two of the BRI corridors.
Customs has implemented a series of reform initiatives, but there are indications that the impact
of these has not been widespread, perhaps due to inefficiencies in other government agencies, as
well as in specific trade procedures. Russia’s time to import, according to 2018 Doing business
data, is half that of Mongolia’s. As a developed country Member of the WTO, Russia is already
required to implement all provisions of the WTO-TFA.
The weak perception of institutions involved in trade facilitation is reinforced in the OECD TFIs.
While performance is relatively higher than in the LPI (for example, compared with China – see
Table 7), weaknesses are identified in processes related to the submission of documents, and the
procedures associated with clearing shipments. There are also concerns with the integrity and
impartiality, reinforcing the concerns expressed by logistics operators on the solicitation of
informal payments, among other sources of delays. As discussed further in Section 3 below,
Russia’s implementation of the TIR Convention for road transit is an important issue for its role
in the BRI corridors.
32 Anecdotal evidence gathered through a World Bank project suggests that while the Customs system includes a
selectivity module, risk profiling is under-developed and risk management capabilities require further improvement.
41
Table 7: OECD Trade Facilitation Indicators (TFIs) for Mongolia, Russia and China
Mongolia Russia China
Information availability 1.29 1.40 1.50
Involvement of the trade community 1.40 1.40 1.40
Advance rulings 0.75 1.80 1.70
Appeal procedures 1.30 1.70 1.30
Fees and charges 1.50 1.40 1.70
Formalities - documents 0.88 0.70 1.30
Formalities - automation 0.90 1.40 1.20
Formalities - procedures 1.10 1.20 1.30
Internal border agency co-operation 1.10 1.00 1.00
External border agency co-operation 0.80 1.10 0.80
Governance and impartiality 1.80 1.40 1.70
Note: scoring ranges from 0 to 2 (best performance). Figures are rounded for ease of comparison, with
full data available from the OECD.
Source: OECD TFI, 2018
Table 8: China-Mongolia-Russia Corridor: corridor performance indicators
Country
LPI
Customs
rank
2016 (of
160)
LPI
Customs
score
2016
(5=best)
LPI
Customs
Rank
2018
LPI
Customs
score
2018
DB
2018
Time
to
import
(Days)
DB
2018
Time
to
export
(Days)
WEF 2016 ETI
Border
Administration
rank (of 136)
WEF ETI
Border
Administration
Value (1-7,
7=best)
China 31 3.32 31 3.29 6.6 2.0 52 4.9
Mongolia 100 2.39 127 2.22 6.8 9.6 102 4
Russian
Federation 141
2.01 97 2.42 3.4 4.1 104 3.9
42
Chart 5: China-Mongolia-Russia: Trade Facilitation Indicators (OECD)
New Eurasian Land-Bridge Economic Corridor
The Eurasian corridor links China with the EU, with Kazakhstan and Belarus as key transit
countries33. The corridor aggregates earlier in the section showed that this is the strongest-
performing BRI corridor overall. It is the only corridor that, if taken as one country, would place
in the top 50% of rankings in each of the three benchmarks reviewed above; and its average LPI
Customs score in 2018 is the highest of the multi-country corridors.
The relatively high performance of this corridor reflects the inclusion of EU countries, which are
typically among the strongest performers in benchmarking reports like Doing Business or the
Logistics Performance Index. This is in part due to the nature of the EU as a Customs Union, and
the dominant position of other EU member states as key trading partners for countries within the
EU. Of the corridors with more than 2-3 participants, the Eurasian corridor has the highest average
share of WTO TFA provisions in Category A (84.2%, compared with 65.6% for China-Central
Asia-West Asia, 61.5% for China-Indochina, and 51.7% for Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar –
see Annex), which is another indicator of its relatively strong trade facilitation performance.
However, as with the other corridors, there is still variation in performance. For example, the LPI
Customs and border management ranks in 2018 vary from 30 for the Czech Republic to 112 for
Belarus. Times to import and export are generally low, reflecting the membership of many
countries along this corridor in Customs Unions (either the EU, or EEU), but even then there are
considerable variations. The most notable of these is the time to export from Kazakhstan, which is
one of the highest for all BRI countries, at 10.9 days. The Doing Business data for Kazakhstan is
based on an export of iron or steel to China through the Alashankou border crossing (one of the
33 Russia, the obvious transit country between Kazakhstan and Belarus, is included in the China-Mongolia-Russia
corridor.
43
key borders on the China-Europe rail links). According to the Doing Business data, it takes 133
hours to comply with border clearance and inspection requirements, or other aspects of border
handling; and 128 hours to comply with documentary requirements. The challenges facing Kazakh
exporters (or those exporting through Kazakhstan) in complying with China’s border clearance
requirements underline the need to focus on issues facing landlocked countries reliant on transit
through other markets to make full use of the BRI corridors.
Belarus is the clear weak point in the corridor in terms of its logistics performance at the border,
reflected by its low ranking in the LPI. This is also reflected in the OECD Trade Facilitation
Indicators, which show Belarus as performing well below other countries in the corridor on several
aspects of trade facilitation, including automation, documentary simplification, advance rulings,
and the involvement of the trade community in policy-making and implementation. It is also not a
WTO Member, and therefore is not subject to the disciplines of the WTO-TFA. The relatively
short times for import and export for Belarus in the Doing Business index are not an adequate
reflection of its overall weak performance, as the Doing Business data reflects its status as a
Customs Union member with Russia, which absorbs half of Belarus’ exports. However, the weak
performance of the trade facilitation regime in Belarus is likely to have a significant impact on the
capacity of other countries to transit their goods through its territory. It will also negatively affect
the capacity of Belarusian firms to export successfully utilizing potential advantages provided by
the BRI.
Belarus is also critical because it is a major E.U. entry/exit point for BRI corridors while also being
a member of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). This in part, also explains why its logistics
performance is weak. In relation to transit cargo to or from the E.U., especially those cargoes
originating from or destined for China, the management of a cost-effective transit guarantee
process is critical to achieving improved Trade Facilitation. In this corridor three economies need
to be looked at as a single entity for customs transit purposes and the TIR system is not in
operation.34 This significantly impacts on processing times at E.U. / Belarus borders. This is
compounded by other sources of delays at Belarus’ border crossings, including the high proportion
of shipments physically inspected by non-Customs agencies, as well as the preference by many
officials to conduct physical inspection on a discretionary basis rather than using the relatively
sophisticated risk management system in place.35
Although its challenges are not as great, Kazakhstan also faces a clear need to improve its trade
facilitation performance relative to others on the corridor. This is especially important given
Kazakhstan’s geographic position as a gateway from China to Europe through new road and rail
links being constructed as part of the BRI. Kazakhstan’s particular challenges are discussed in the
context of other Central Asian countries in the next section, on the China-Central Asia-West Asia
Corridor.
34 The Russian Federation participation in the TIR convention is suspended. 35 Gabrielyan, Gagik; Kerswell, Clayton; Shemshenya, Irina; Abrashkevich, Aliaksandr. (2017) Belarus: Enhancing
Border-Crossing Time Release Studies to Support Trade Facilitation Reforms. World Bank, Washington, DC
44
Table 9: New Eurasian Corridor: Performance corridor performance indicators
Country
LPI
Customs
rank
2016 (of
160)
LPI
Customs
score
2016
(5=best)
LPI
Customs
Rank
2018
LPI
Customs
score
2018
DB 2018
Time to
import
(Days)
DB 2018
Time to
export
(Days)
WEF 2016 ETI
Border
Administration
rank (of 136)
WEF ETI
Border
Administration
Value (1-7,
7=best)
Belarus 136 2.06 112 2.35 0.2 0.4 N/A N/A
China 31 3.32 31 3.29 6.6 2.0 52 4.9
Czech Republic 19 3.58 30 3.29 0.0 0.0 18 5.8
Kazakhstan 86 2.52 65 2.66 0.3 10.9 88 4.2
Poland 33 3.27 33 3.25 0.0 0.0 24 5.7
Chart 6: New Eurasian Corridor, Trade Facilitation Indicators (OECD)
45
China-Central Asia-West Asia Corridor
The countries along this corridor have some of the weakest trade facilitation of BRI economies.
Reforms to improve trade facilitation on this corridor will be critical for maximizing the economic
impact of the BRI. The corridor faces exceptional challenges in developing a functioning and cost-
effective transit regime, while also reducing delays associated with multiple inspections, differing
standards, inefficient documentary requirements, as well as unnecessary additional costs
associated with informal payments reportedly required at border crossing points.
Central Asian countries face high trade costs due to their landlocked geography, and this situation
is compounded by weak trade facilitation regimes. Reducing the transaction costs generated by
weak trade facilitation processes will be essential if these countries are to reap potential benefit
associated with their participation in BRI corridors. In Central Asia, Afghanistan, Tajikistan,
Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan are all ranked in the bottom third of countries on the LPI Customs
ranking in 2018, and in Afghanistan and Turkey performance declined significantly 2016-2018.
Although there is an urgent need to implement international standards for trade facilitation, as
articulated in the WTO-TFA, Central Asian countries also have the lowest share of WTO
membership of the BRI corridors, suggesting that implementation of the WTO TFA is likely to be
a lower government priority and driver of reform than on other corridors.
In West Asia, performance is slightly stronger than in Central Asia but there are also significant
weak points, notably Afghanistan, which performs poorly on all trade facilitation indicators. The
inclusion of relatively high performers on aspects of trade facilitation, suggests a potential for
learning between different countries and the adoption of better practices. For example, Turkey,
Georgia and China have included more than 90% of WTO-TFA provisions in their list for
immediate implementation, without the need for additional time or external technical assistance.
In Central and West Asia, border clearance delays can take up to one third of total travel time, and
informal payments are a significant problem. A study of truck transit times between several Central
and West Asian countries36 published by the IRU in 2014 found that 30% of total trip time in the
region was taken up at borders, including queuing and complying with Customs and other border
agency procedures37. Usage of the TIR system reduced waiting times by around 10% - a
meaningful reduction if not decisive on its own in reducing transaction times at borders. The same
study found that between 7% and 28% of the total transport costs on these corridors was taken up
by informal payments at borders, underlining the need to reduce the number of steps in the
inspection process (thereby reducing the opportunities for informal payments being requested),
and increasing the use of automated processing and clearance procedures.
Kazakhstan has undertaken a comprehensive program of customs modernization in recent years.
A number of reforms have been introduced and there has been greater use of automation, supported
by a World Bank project. The integration of the Tax and Customs Committees to form a ‘Revenue
Agency’ was a key driver of many reforms and led to improvements in governance and integrity.
36 Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan 37 International Road Transport Union (2014), Final Report of NELTI project for regular monitoring of trucks in
Economic Cooperation organization countries, 75.
46
This also facilitated improved risk-based compliance strategies and provided a workforce with
broader skills, enabling more advanced auditing and control strategies to be adopted. Investment
in other ‘technology’ based solutions (Non-Intrusive Inspection, Closed-Circuit TV monitoring,
GPS tracking, etc) also resulted in some improvement to business practices. This is because the
investment in technology-based solutions for border management was done in conjunction with
other reforms to processes and procedures, and capacity-building for staff. This coordination
facilitated the adoption of greater technology for border clearance to actually translate to improved
trade facilitation, in contrast with the situation in many other Central Asian countries (see below).
However, Kazakhstan’s membership of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and particularly
the expansion of it in recent years, has not always delivered the benefits envisaged. While
Kazakhstan's membership of the EAEU should mean greater levels of facilitation, at least when
crossing borders between member states, this is not always the case. Equally, entry and exit from
the EAEU to non-members states can be more complex, with members required to impose
technical regulations (standards and conformity) of the Eurasian Economic Commission, which
can be more burdensome that international standards applied in other markets38. EAEU standards
have not been developed for all products meaning that national standards for individual members
continue to be applied for certain products – for example, electrical products39 – further
complicating efforts by traders to ensure compliance.
Of the other Central Asian economies, only Kyrgyz Republic could be seen to be progressing any
substantial trade facilitation agenda. This could be seen to be as a result of EAEU membership,
however its borders with China are still porous and lack appropriate controls, posing issues for
other EAEU members. As reflected in their rankings in global indicators, Central Asian economies
still have much to do in improve trade facilitation and border management more generally. While
it needs to be accepted these economies are land-locked (or double land-locked in the case of
Uzbekistan), they also lag behind as a result of little observed progress in the implementation of
contemporary border management practices, such as risk management, automated processing and
especially transparency of regulatory information. In addition to improving infrastructure and
equipment where improvements can be observed, the roles and operational practices of technical
inspection agencies in these economies also needs additional focus in national trade facilitation
strategies.
In many cases, each import, export or transit transaction requires some form of physical
intervention, resulting in considerable inefficiencies. This could be as a result of a requirement for
the provision of hard copy permits, approvals or invoices, or a ‘tail-gate’ inspection of every
vehicle. The two-part border/terminal clearance process employed in these economies often
results in controlled domestic transit processes, frequently mandating the use of convoys. Either
waiting to form a convoy or completing transit guarantee processes add time and cost to cross-
border cargo movements. Many Central Asian economies also see Non-Intrusive Inspection (x-
38 World Bank (2015), Turning the Tide in Turbulent Times: Leveraging Trade for Kazakhstan’s Development,
World Bank, Washington DC. 39 SGS, How EAC Conformity Certification Affects the Export of Electrical and Electronic Equipment to the
Eurasian Union, available at https://www.sgs.com/en/news/2017/01/how-eac-conformity-certification-impacts-ee-exports-to-the-eurasian-union (accessed
29 August 2018).
47
ray scanning) as a solution, but there is little evidence that this is an effective response to perceived
risks (e.g. concerns on under-invoicing leading to revenue loss), or results in improved clearance
times.
Implementation of a sound transit regime still poses significant challenges for EAEU members
and the Central Asia region more broadly. The implementation of the TIR system, as the most
common transit regime in use around the world, is an important requirement. China acceded to the
TIR Convention in 2016 and is preparing to implement the TIR system as selected border
crossings. However, effective implementation of the TIR system requires the determination of
nominated border crossing points for transit system (including accepting the TIR Carnet, which is
the main documentation required for use of the system). The current situation regarding acceptance
of the TIR system by the Russian Federation is complicating this process, however negotiations
with China are ongoing.40 In addition, when not all members of the EAEU are subjected to the
same international treatment, border controls on transit shipments become more complex.
Table 10. China-Central Asia-West Asia: corridor performance indicators
Country
LPI
Customs
rank
2016
LPI
Customs
score
2016
LPI
Customs
Rank
2018
LPI
Customs
score
2018
DB 2018
Time to
import
(Days)
DB 2018
Time to
export
(Days)
WEF 2016 ETI
Border
Administration
rank (of 136)
WEF ETI
Border
Administration
Value (1-7,
7=best)
Afghanistan 138 2.01 158 1.73 17.5 11.5 n/a n/a
Azerbaijan NA .. n/a n/a 2.8 2.6 65 4.7
China 31 3.32 31 3.29 6.6 2.0 52 5.9
Georgia 118 2.26 95 2.42 0.7 2.1 39 5.3
Iran, Islamic
Rep. 110 2.33 71 2.63 13.9 9.2 123 3.2
Kyrgyz
Republic 156 1.80 55 2.75 4.5 1.7 n/a n/a
Russian
Federation 141 2.01 97 2.42 3.4 4.1 104 3.9
Tajikistan 150 3.11 150 1.92 9.7 5.9 103 3.9
Turkey 36 2.00 58 2.71 2.2 0.9 45 5.1
Turkmenistan 143 2.30 140 2.35 n/a n/a n/a n/a
Uzbekistan 114 2.75 111 2.1 11.9 11.9 n/a n/a
40 Currently no land border crossings with China are proclaimed by Russia as TIR operative.
https://www.iru.org/resources/newsroom/russias-deputy-ministry-transport-trade-china-new-transport-corridors-
and
48
Chart 7: China-Central Asia-West Asia: Trade Facilitation Indicators (OECD)
China-Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor
The China-Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor connects a set of countries that already have
significant trade between them, with varying levels of trade facilitation performance. The
Southeast Asian countries that make up the non-China countries in the corridor are all
implementing various trade facilitation reform programs, but as international benchmarks
illustrate, they are at very different levels of performance. For example, in the 2018 Logistics
Performance Index Customs indicator, Singapore was ranked number 6 of 160 countries, while
Myanmar was ranked 131, with other ASEAN countries spread between these two extremes.
Times to import, based on Doing Business data, vary from 1.5 days for Singapore to 11.6 days for
Myanmar. One source of concern is that while many Southeast Asian countries have been
implementing reforms, they appear to be having relatively less impact compared to countries in
other regions. This is reflected in the change in LPI Customs rankings from 2016 to 2018, in which
four of the seven Southeast Asian countries in the corridor saw their ranking decline, suggesting
reform momentum needs to be deepened and accelerated.
An important issue for this corridor is that all countries, other than China, are members of ASEAN.
While countries along each of the six priority corridors are members of various regional groupings,
ASEAN arguably has the deepest level of integration, including an extensive set of agreements
and procedures in place relating to trade facilitation, even if to date their implementation is
incomplete. For example, under the ASEAN Economic Community members have agreed to a
range of trade facilitation initiatives, including the development of an ASEAN Single Window.
49
The substance of these ASEAN initiatives largely matches and incorporates the commitments
made under multilateral agreements or procedures agreed at the WTO and WCO.
However, implementation of these ASEAN initiatives has been mixed, as underlined by the
varying performance of ASEAN countries in trade facilitation benchmarks and the variation in
implementation of WTO TFA commitments. For example, the OECD Trade Facilitation Indicators
show that cooperation with external border agencies for countries on the corridor (including China)
is significantly lower than for other aspects of the TFIs. Although this is not unusual, the difference
is material for the corridor, and it highlights one of the key challenges faced in the implementation
of regional trade facilitation initiatives. Another key challenge for the region is the wide variation
in national capacities of individual ASEAN member states, which has held up the implementation
of a number of regional initiatives including the ASEAN Single Window.
To explore this further, this section includes more detailed analysis of the trade facilitation regimes
of Lao PDR and Vietnam, with Myanmar also discussed in more detail in the section on the
Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar corridor. These three countries face different circumstances
and different levels of modernization in their trade facilitation regimes, but they collectively have
the lowest level of existing implementation of WTO TFA commitments (i.e. they have the least
number of provisions in Category A, ranging from 5.5% for Myanmar to 22.7% for Vietnam).
As a landlocked, least-developed country, Lao PDR hopes to benefit from improved connectivity
to its neighbors. Its transit regime will be important in ensuring the efficient movement of goods
along upgraded transport infrastructure connecting it with the rest of the corridor. Box 5 sets out
the progress that Lao PDR has made in trade facilitation reform, reflected by a significant increase
in its LPI Customs score in 2018, although it will be important to ensure that this performance is
sustained in future years. Lao PDR has established a National Trade Facilitation Committee with
the Ministry of Industry and Commerce as Secretariat, overseeing implementation of a national
Trade Facilitation Action Plan. Despite this progress, implementation of reforms has been
inconsistent. For example, it has a customs processing system in place that allows for paperless
submission of Customs declarations and other documents, but officials frequently require
submission of paper versions of these documents, undermining the potential for increased
efficiency.
Vietnam has made good progress in improving its trade facilitation benchmarks. It also has
growing importance in international trade, especially as a regional hub for global and regional
value chain-related manufacturing, which requires timely and efficient cross-border trade in
intermediate inputs. Box 6 outlines some of Vietnam’s recent reforms, notably the increased use
of automation in the border clearance process, along with improvements to transparency,
especially through the establishment in July 2017 of the Vietnam Trade Information Portal. The
next phase of reform in Vietnam will require further automation of clearance processes to reduce
opportunities for discretion on the part of border officials and improve predictability. A critical
area for further work is in the role of agencies other than Customs in issuing licenses, permits and
other approvals for trade. Greater coordination among these agencies is needed, along with
streamlining of the requirements for traders, which continue to be burdensome.
50
Myanmar is the only country on the corridor (other than China) that is included in another corridor,
meaning its performance has additional relevance in the BRI context. The Government of
Myanmar also expects that improved connectivity will facilitate the continuing economic reform
process underway in the country. Myanmar’s trade facilitation environment is discussed in more
detail in the context of the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar corridor.
Box 5: Lao PDR
As a landlocked country on the China-Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor, Lao PDR enjoys
a strategic position as a transit country and wants to take advantage of BRI infrastructure
improvements to boost exports. However, Lao PDR is well behind its neighbors and other
countries in the CIPEC in trade facilitation performance. Despite reform efforts in recent years,
momentum needs to pick up if it is to keep pace with the trade facilitation reforms being undertaken
by other South East Asian countries41.
Improvements have been made through some customs clearance reforms and the introduction of
an automated customs declaration processing system (ASYCUDA World). Results from Time
Release Studies (TRS) show that the mean customs clearance time has reduced from 17.9 hours in
2010 to 11.2 hours in 2012 and to 6.5 hours in 2016. These results are consistent with World Bank
Enterprise Survey data which also shows manufacturing firms reporting that the average number
of days to import and export has fallen. However, despite this reduction in clearance time, Lao
PDR is not making full use of systems and processes required to make further substantial progress
in facilitating trade. This is reflected in declining relative performance in ASEAN in key
international benchmarks like the Logistics Performance Index. The regulatory framework for a
large number of commodities also remains cumbersome and poorly-administered non-tariff
measures drive up compliance costs and paperwork.
Lao PDR Customs could make better use of the ASYCUDA World system to allow for paperless
clearance. Customs clearance still requires physical submission of the paper customs declaration
form and its supporting documents in parallel with electronic submission of customs declaration
data in the system. Electronic signature in support of electronic submission of customs data for
clearance is not yet widely recognized in practice although it is provided for by the Lao PDR Law
on Electronic Transaction.
Optimal use of electronic customs clearance and streamlined procedures will help reduce
unnecessary delays and inconsistent application of customs rules and procedures. While the
development of the Lao PDR National Single Window (LNSW) is underway, its longstanding
delay has affected the Government’s appetite and momentum for sustaining meaningful reforms
to improve predictability and transparency of trade regulations. It is essential to ensure as
articulated in the 2013 LNSW Blueprint financed by the World Bank that the establishment of the
LNSW should facilitate the simplification and streamlining of business practices rather than
simply automating existing procedures without attention to properly re-engineering business
41 This paragraph and the subsequent paragraphs on Lao PDR draw on recent World Bank analysis compiled for a
forthcoming policy note on trade facilitation challenges in the context of e-commerce.
51
process and reforming those inconsistent regulations. To date, the NSW is still not operational
and recent indications are that it will not offer the kind of comprehensive functionality outlined in
the LNSW Blueprint. Even in the case of the Customs ASYCUDA system, which would
technically allow for paperless trade transactions, the authorities have been reluctant to eliminate
the requirement for manual submission of documents, including for traders that have demonstrated
a high level of compliance.
The use of risk management is still at an early stage, although it is central to the efficient
management of growing cross-border trade. In principle, Lao Customs is making some use of
ASYCUDA World to define shipments for screening based on risk. However, its capability to
frequently analyze and update the risk profiles remains limited, and Customs officers tend to
inspect shipments regardless of the risk category defined by the system. In March 2017, Customs
attempted to improve compliance of front line officers by limiting the number of officers able to
channel goods for inspection. However, the initiative met with significant internal resistance
within Customs and implementation of the initiative has been inconsistent. Such inappropriate use
of discretionary powers together with the unnecessary levels of face-to-face contact with traders
can create opportunities for customs officers to seek informal payments, and often leads to
unnecessary delays and increased transaction costs for traders.
Some improvements have also been made in the transparency of trade regulations through the
launch of the Lao Trade Portal (the country’s national trade repository). Lao PDR has implemented
a Trade Information Portal which presents all regulatory requirements for import, export and
transit for trade in goods, with a solid user base and ongoing effort to keep the content updated. It
has recently added to this with a portal for information on trade in services. Ensuring that this
content is updated regularly, thereby making information readily accessible to entrepreneurs and
SMEs, will be important in the ongoing facilitation of trade.
Building on the success of the Trade Portal in improving transparency, Lao PDR needs to step up
its efforts in streamlining and simplifying regulatory requirements. This is especially the case for
requirements administered by agencies other than Customs. Lao PDR maintains a complex regime
of non-tariff measures that affect many imports. NTMs such as import licenses that no longer serve
their original objectives generate complexity and additional transaction costs for traders.
Complying with NTMs generates unnecessary delays and financial burdens on importers and
exporters to obtain documentary compliance. This is reflected in private sector complaints about
the time required to comply with documentary procedures for trade: The World Bank Group’s
Doing Business Report 2018 shows that obtaining documentary compliance still takes about 216
hours or 9 working days for import as well as export42. The NTM Review Sub-Working Group,
for which the Ministry of Industry and Commerce is the Secretariat, should play a more proactive
role in reviewing the necessity and administration of existing NTMs, and identifying means of
reducing and streamlining NTMs.
42 World Bank, Doing Business 2018
52
Box 6: Vietnam
Vietnam is implementing a program of reform to improve trade facilitation, as a requirement for
further integration into global value chains. Vietnam is a significant importer of intermediate goods
for final assembly, for example in the manufacturing of ICT equipment. Ensuring efficient and
reliable trade with China and other BRI countries is an important part of this, although non-BRI
countries like Japan and Korea also play a critical role in the value chains in which Vietnam
participates.
A key factor in the improvement of trade facilitation performance in Vietnam has been the
development of the automated trading environment, partly driven by the “ASEAN Single
Window” initiative. This in conjunction with the implementation of the Vietnam Automated
Customs Clearance System (VACCS) has resulted in significant simplification of the declaration
and clearance processes, minimizing the need for physical interaction and submission of hard
documents while allowing for the automation of some permits and approvals by other regulatory
agencies. These improvements have however not been without issue, with VACCS requiring the
submission what could be described as excessive data elements for transaction processing, to meet
the regulatory requirements of Government agencies, with many approvals often required for
international trade.
The Vietnam Trade Information Portal (VTIP) was launched in July 2017, bringing about a
significant improvement in transparency and access to information for traders. At its launch, the
VTIP brought together in one place 760 laws/decrees/circulars, 301 measures, 365 procedures, and
337 forms relating to trade. By consolidating these regulatory requirements for trade and making
them publicly available, the VTIP can help increase predictability for traders, through a reduction
in opacity on what regulations apply, especially in terms of variation between different ports of
entry and border crossings.
The main outstanding issues to be addressed in achieving higher levels of trade facilitation is the
simplification and full automation of regulatory approvals and permit issuance by regulatory
agencies other than Customs. This not only requires more comprehensive coordination between
Government agencies (especially technical inspection agencies), but also reform of their
operational / business processes (including the adoption of Risk Management) and an assessment
of the appropriateness (or need) for some technical controls or NTMs. This would result in a further
reduction in interventions and processing time.
53
Table 11. Indochina Peninsula Corridor : Corridor Performance indicators
Country
LPI
Customs
rank
2016
LPI
Customs
score
2016
LPI
Customs
Rank
2018
LPI
Customs
score
2018
DB 2018
Time to
import
(Days)
DB 2018
Time to
export
(Days)
WEF 2016 ETI
Border
Administration
rank (of 136)
WEF ETI
Border
Administration
Value (1-7,
7=best)
Cambodia 77 2.62 109 2.37 5.8 7.5 116 3.6
China 31 3.32 31 3.29 6.6 2.0 52 4.9
Lao PDR 155 1.85 74 2.61 9.6 9.5 114 3.7
Malaysia 40 3.17 43 2.9 3.3 2.3 47 5
Myanmar 96 2.43 131 2.17 11.6 11.9 n/a n/a
Singapore 1 4.18 6 3.89 1.5 0.5 1 6.4
Thailand 46 3.11 36 3.14 2.3 2.6 44 5.1
Vietnam 64 2.75 41 2.95 5.5 4.4 86 4.2
Chart 8: Indochina Peninsula corridor: Trade Facilitation Indicators (OECD)
Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIMEC)
Bringing together two economic giants of China and India, together with Myanmar and
Bangladesh, this BRI corridor has been the subject of previous initiatives that aimed to improve
connectivity between the four countries, dating back at least to the “Kunming Initiative” of the
1990s. Despite this relatively long period of being conceived of as a potential economic corridor,
the facilitation of trade between the four countries has been challenging.
54
While there is significant potential for improved infrastructure connectivity and streamlined trade
facilitation to lower the costs of trade between India and China, greater direct infrastructure links
and trade facilitation measures between the two do not appear to be a short-term possibility.
Neither government has indicated that this is under active consideration. The border regions
between India and China that would potentially be linked through infrastructure investments are
highly sensitive politically. They are also very remote and sparsely populated (although admittedly
this is a characteristic of many of the links through other BRI corridors).
However, there is still great interest in harnessing the potential for the corridor to link East and
South Asia through Myanmar and Bangladesh. This is also a focus in other economic corridor
studies and proposals, such as the Asian Highway Network advanced by the United Nations
Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (UNESCAP), and other ambitions of
developing a “land bridge” between East and South Asia passing through Myanmar, Bangladesh,
and India43.
Although regional integration in South Asia, and between South Asia and Myanmar, is much lower
than in East Asia, a series of initiatives is paving the way for greater regional trade facilitation.
These are being pursued in different configurations, including bilaterally and between groups of
countries. It will be essential for any cooperation for this corridor to build on the progress made in
these other contexts, learn from their failures, and draw on existing instruments and agreements
relating to trade facilitation wherever possible. This is especially important because there has not
yet been agreement among the four corridor participants on a formal mechanism for cooperation
on facilitating trade along the corridor44.
One example of a positive regional trade facilitation initiative including two of the corridor
participants is the Bangladesh-Bhutan-India-Nepal (BBIN) grouping, which has seen concrete
progress in facilitating cross-border road transit through a Motor Vehicle Framework Agreement
signed in June 2015. An implementing protocol on passenger movement agreed in January 2018,
and work is ongoing on a protocol on cargo movement. Although these discussions generally focus
on vehicle rights and not on wider trade facilitation issues (e.g. the transit regime that would allow
for streamlined Customs clearance of goods in transit), they comprise an important stepping stone.
The use of the TIR system (see Section 4) could be one mechanism for facilitating road transit
trade taking advantage of vehicle rights through the BBIN agreement; and improved infrastructure
through the BRI. However, while India and China are signatories to the TIR Convention, Myanmar
and Bangladesh are not.45
Despite these positive steps, the overall “soft infrastructure” for trade facilitations remains
relatively weak for the economies on the corridor, and traders face inefficiency and
43 Asian Development Bank Institute, (2015), Connecting South Asia and Southeast Asia, ADBI, Tokyo. 44 Iyer, Roshan (2017), ‘Reviving the Comatose Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Corridor,
https://thediplomat.com/2017/05/reviving-the-comatose-bangladesh-china-india-myanmar-corridor/ (accessed 3 July
2018). 45Livemint (2018), ‘BBIN Pact: India, Bangladesh, Nepal okay vehicle movement procedure’,
https://www.livemint.com/Politics/kVaw1u3uvAq3SVugqTGkCI/BBIN-pact-India-Bangladesh-Nepal-okay-
vehicle-movement-pr.html (accessed 3 July 2018)
55
unpredictability in complying with regulatory requirements. As was outlined above, the corridor
data shows higher inefficiencies and delays in trade facilitation compared to other corridors. The
average time to complete documentary requirements and clear the border for import is the highest
of all corridors, at 11.3 days – as is the average time for export, at 7.5 days. If the corridor were
considered as a country, this high time to export and import would make it the 144th performer of
189 countries in the Doing Business Trading Across Borders index in 2018. In terms of indicators
of Customs and border agency performance, although the average Customs score of corridor
participants was the lowest among the six corridors in 2014, at 2.50 (well below the global average
of 2.69), this improved to 2.68 in 2018, above the global average of 2.66. This was largely due to
the stable performance of China and India. As noted in Section 3, “one-off” results for Bangladesh
created a bounce in the performance of this corridor in 2016 that has not been sustained in the
latest LPI data.
India is implementing a Trade Facilitation Plan (2017-2020) aiming at full and effective
implementation of the WTO-TFA, as well as “TFA Plus” measures, in order to improve reliability
and reduce trade transaction costs.46 Implementation of the plan, which is driven by the National
Trade Facilitation Committee established in October 2016, is intended to contribute to the
Government of India’s objective to improve its Doing Business rankings to place in the top fifty
within 3-5 years. The high times and costs associated with import and export indicate the
challenges India faces in achieving this goal. Although Customs and border management
performance is perceived as being at approximately the global average, Doing Business data shows
times to comply with import requirements at approximately the same level as Bangladesh, at 13.6
days. Addressing this through implementation of the various elements of the Action Plan will also
be important in harnessing the potential of the corridor, especially given the already-high costs
associated with trade to Bangladesh and Myanmar. High trade transaction costs in India exacerbate
this and would further reduce the potential for traders to make use of improved connectivity
through the corridor.
Of the four countries, Myanmar faces the greatest challenging in facilitating trade to unlock the
benefits of the corridor. This assessment is based on various indicators, including WTO
notifications, and LPI, and Doing Business performance. Myanmar has notified only 5.5% of the
total provisions of the WTO TFA in Category A, indicating that they require phase-in periods
and/or technical assistance to implement most of the provisions of the Agreement. Myanmar’s
ranking in the LPI Customs indicator declined significantly between 2016 and 2018, despite some
progress implementing the WTO-TFA including the introduction of an electronic Customs
processing system, it is still the weakest performer on the corridor.
Myanmar is strategically located between East and South Asia and has been going through a steady
process of opening up its economy and reforming the business climate in recent years, although
much remains to be done. Reducing trade facilitation-related costs is an important part of this
effort. The country’s major trade-related analysis (the 2016 Diagnostic Trade Integration Study),
identified a number of trade facilitation constraints, including a lack of formal procedures defining
46 India Central Board of Indirect Taxes & Customs (2017), National Trade Facilitation Action Plan 2017-2020,
http://www.cbec.gov.in/resources//htdocs-cbec/implmntin-trade-facilitation/national-trade-
facilitation.pdf;jsessionid=EAA9E26C5BC0984587895000935A0639 (accessed 3 July 2018)
56
the responsibilities of respective border agencies, with limited coordination between them; and
minimal use of risk-based screening of shipments, resulting in unnecessarily high inspection rates
and high administrative costs for Customs and other border agencies47.
Myanmar is increasing the use of ICT to streamline regulatory approvals for trade facilitation, but
this effort needs to extend beyond Customs, and take place in a fully coordinated manner. The
introduction of the Myanmar Automated Cargo Clearance System (MACCS) in 2017 has helped
to replace key paper-based processes with an electronic system. The system was initially
implemented in Yangon, but the government plans to progressively roll out the system at land
border crossings that could potentially have a role in the corridor, notably the Muse crossing with
China, through which 86% of Myanmar’s land-based trade moves, with around 1000 trucks
crossing per day in both directions48.
More significant streamlining of trade clearance processes will require a more ambitious approach.
Myanmar has committed to developing a National Single Window for trade, in line with its
participation in the ASEAN Single Window initiative. Although the formal scope of the Myanmar
system is yet to be finalized, it is likely that the objective will be to connect the key governments
agencies responsible for trade facilitation to the Customs system, so that traders can provide
required data only once to government, and receive a single response once cargo has been screened
and cleared, rather than interacting with multiple government agencies, many of which use paper-
based systems.
Making the Single Window a reality will require close cooperation among government agencies
through the Trade Facilitation Committee. As in most countries, Customs has made more progress
in implementing a reform and modernization agenda than other agencies involved in trade. The
MACCS system for Customs is more comprehensive and advanced than the level of ICT use in
other agencies, many of which have developed systems without full inter-agency interoperability
in mind. Myanmar faces a challenge shared with many other BRI countries in increasing the use
of ICT; it needs to go beyond the transition from paper-based to electronic systems, toward
streamlining the processes for clearance. A frequent complaint of the trade community is that too
many, often duplicative, procedures are needed in order to clear shipments.
Myanmar will need to develop its regime for transit trade if it is to become a “land bridge” for East
Asia-South Asia trade, including through the corridor. Myanmar has not implemented the
provisions of the ASEAN Transit Agreement49, and it has not acceded to the TIR Convention. As
discussed in more detail in Section 4 of this paper, a well-functioning transit system is essential
for economic corridors such as the corridor.50
Bangladesh, like Myanmar, is strategically positioned, notably for transit trade between key
commercial centers in India and India’s Northeast; between India and Nepal and Bhutan; and
47 World Bank (2016) “Opening for Business”, Chapter 7, Myanmar Diagnostic Trade Integration Study. 48 Ibid. 49 See http://www.myanmartradeportal.gov.mm/index.php?r=site/display&id=919 50 IRU (2017), ‘Myanmar TIR Decision in Sight’, https://www.iru.org/resources/newsroom/myanmar-decision-tir-
sight (accessed 3 July 2018)
57
between South Asia and East Asia. These links involve all modes of surface transport (road, rail,
inland waterway). However, numerous bottlenecks generate costs for traders wanting to make use
of any improved connectivity through the corridor, or other connectivity initiatives51.
Although there are signs that Bangladesh has improved aspects of its trade facilitation regime in
recent years, lengthy clearance delays and lack of predictability continue, exacerbating the
generally-poor quality of infrastructure. Bangladesh’s LPI Customs ranking decreased
significantly between 2016 and 2018, declining from a ranking of 82 to 121 with a worsening score
from 2.57 to 2.3 (scores worsen as they move away from 5). The trade facilitation regime continues
to be highly inefficient, compared both with global and BRI standards. For example, the time to
import of 13.6 days and time to export of 10.3 days is among the highest of BRI participants.
One of the main sources of significant delays in border clearance is a lack of coordination between
government agencies on trade facilitation. For example, at various land borders different
Bangladeshi agencies have developed their own distinct border clearance infrastructure with
inadequate consultation and coordination between them. For example, at Benapole‐Petrapole and
Burimari‐Changrabandha crossings, duplicative infrastructure has led to inefficient border
clearance procedures, although the government intends to address these issues. With around 800
trucks already crossing the Benapole-Petrapole border daily, and long delays common, any
potential increase associated with BRI trade will place further pressure on inefficient clearance
procedures. Another manifestation of this lack of coordination is the multiple requirements to
submit paper copies of documents for trade clearances, which Bangladesh plans to address through
the introduction of a National Single Window.
Although Nepal is not included in the corridor, trade facilitation initiatives involving Nepal, and
the lessons learned through the BBIN, means its trade facilitation regime is relevant. One
possibility is that, although Nepal is not included in the corridor, it could become a more important
link for trade between India and China. China and Nepal are reportedly exploring the feasibility of
a rail link between the two countries52. Such a link could facilitate transit trade through Nepal.
India and Nepal have also recently announced an initiative to improve rail connectivity, as well as
waterway transport53. This in part appears the build on initial successes in BBIN initiatives, as
discussed above.
51 Drawn from Project Appraisal Document and supporting analysis for World Bank Bangladesh Regional
Connectivity Project (2017) 52 Reuters (2018a), ‘China says Nepal a natural area of cooperation with India’, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-
china-nepal/china-says-nepal-a-natural-area-for-cooperation-with-india-idUSKBN1HP0NY (accessed 3 July 2018) 53 Reuters (2018b), ‘India agrees to open waterways, rail link to Nepal capital’, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-
nepal-india/india-agrees-to-open-waterways-rail-link-to-nepal-capital-idUSKBN1HE0GK (accessed 3 July 2018)
58
Table 12: Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar corridor performance indicators
Country
LPI
Customs
rank
2016
LPI
Customs
score
2016
LPI
Customs
Rank
2018
LPI
Customs
score
2018
DB 2018
Time to
import
(Days)
DB 2018
Time to
export
(Days)
WEF 2016 ETI
Border
Administration
rank (of 136)
WEF ETI
Border
Administration
Value (1-7,
7=best)
Bangladesh 82 2.57 121 2.3 13.6 10.3 130 3
China 31 3.32 31 3.29 6.6 2.0 52 4.9
India 38 3.17 40 2.96 13.6 6.0 75 4.4
Myanmar 96 2.43 131 2.17 11.6 11.9 n/a n/a
Chart 9: BCIM Trade Facilitation Indicators (OECD)
China: reforming the trade facilitation regime to unlock its potential as a key BRI hub
Given its status as a key hub economy of the BRI, and its presence in all six of the key economic
corridors, China’s trade facilitation regime will have an impact on the economic impact of the BRI.
Various international indicators show that it underperforms in trade facilitation relative to its
central place in global trade. In the 2018 Doing Business Trading Across Borders indicator, China
was ranked 98 of 189 economies; on the 2018 Logistics Performance Index’s Customs and Border
Management indicator, China ranked 31 of 160 economies; and on the 2016 World Economic
Forum Enabling Trade Index’s Border Administration indicators, China was ranked 52 of 136
economies.
59
The government recognizes the need to improve performance and is implementing an ambitious
reform agenda on trade facilitation. Full and consistent implementation of the reforms decided at
the central government level at all border gateways, in ways that benefit all traders, will have an
impact on China’s trade facilitation performance. This section provides observations based on a
recent review by World Bank specialists on how these reforms could be refined or deepened to
maximize their impact. Further analysis, including at a wide range of gateways for import/export,
and covering different industries/products, would be needed to provide a robust basis for further
work. This would necessarily include detailed recommendations on how China could draw on
international best practices in implementing trade facilitation reform. Such a detailed analysis
would also facilitate the identification of lessons from China’s own reform efforts that could be
shared more widely. China faces four broad challenges in the ongoing effort to streamline trade
facilitation54.
First, momentum needs to be sustained in prioritizing reforms to practices and procedures
administered by government agencies that affect trade, beyond improvements to infrastructure and
resources. To date much of the effort to lower trade costs has been focused on improving trade-
related infrastructure. While it is acknowledged that these form key components of a
comprehensive trade facilitation strategy, other aspects also need greater attention. More focus
needs to be placed on the ‘soft’ infrastructure or regulatory environment that affects cross-border
trade, particularly the simplification and modernization of business processes and procedures of
all main border management agencies.
Second, China needs to build on the current institutional framework on trade facilitation to
strengthen inter-agency coordination, and engagement with the private sector. China has
recognized the importance of trade facilitation reform at the highest level, with a committee of the
State Council established in March 2016, bringing 16 government agencies together. It will be
important that the State Council Trade Facilitation Committee takes on reforms beyond ensuring
legal compliance with the WTO-Trade Facilitation Agreement. The institutional arrangements
recognize the reality that facilitating trade is not just about actions by the General Administration
of Customs (GAC), or any one agency, but requires coordinated efforts to reduce bottlenecks.
Coordination between the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and
Quarantine (AQSIQ) and GAC will be especially important. There is currently no formal
mechanism for consultation with enterprises. This should be changed, and the private sector seen
as a key partner in the implementation of reforms.
A third priority is to strengthen coordination between central and local levels of government in
implementing trade facilitation reform. Numerous initiatives aim to reduce or remove the role of
local border agency departments/offices in border clearance. The goal is to provide more
standardized regulations for traders, while also reducing the opportunities for local discretion in
how they are implemented. This will address a widespread perception that there are gaps between
the standards set at the central level and their implementation at the local level. This will require
stronger consultation and coordination between the central State Council Committee on Trade
54 The four issues were identified during a World Bank mission to China in January and February 2018.
60
Facilitation, and relevant coordination bodies at the local level. In addition, increased use of ICT
and centralization of core functions will gradually reduce autonomy at local levels. With 60,000
staff across China, in 47 subsidiary offices, and 742 local Customs houses and offices55 - not
including staff from other agencies like AQSIQ that play a key role in border clearance – the
implementation of any trade facilitation reform involves a major exercise in institutional change
management. The issuing of directives from the central level will need to be accompanied with
capacity building, awareness-raising, incentives for reform, and other aspects of change
management at the local level. It will also be important for the central level to be responsive when
concerns are expressed that implementation at the local level is not functioning as planned.
Fourth, China needs to build on the impressive ICT reforms undertaken to ensure their impact is
maximized through streamlined and simplified automated processes. Implementation of various
ICT initiatives is underway, the most ambitious of which is the national roll-out of a Single
Window for trade clearance. Achieving the ultimate goal of a single submission by traders to meet
all regulatory requirements, with a single response, will take time. The most difficult challenges
associated with implementing a fully-functioning national Single Window process are still ahead
for China. The installation of hardware and development of software for such systems is relatively
easy, compared with the work needed to streamline and harmonize regulatory requirements,
automate processes, and foster genuine institutional collaboration. This is particularly the case for
agencies beyond GAC (especially AQSIQ). The norm should be that most imports are approved
without officials being directly involved, as long as all required data is submitted correctly, the
traders involved show a high level of voluntary compliance, and there is no requirement for further
inspection. A critical requirement for this will be a more sophisticated approach to risk
management including a centralized automated selectivity mechanism within the Single Window
system, so that risk-related information is shared nationally, and risk assessment will need to be
based on a wider range of criteria beyond the identity and trading history of the trader.
Additional analytical work is required to benchmark performance in more detail, which would
generate more specific advice in each of these areas. It would be especially important to gain a
greater understanding of the local variation in practice between ports of entry. Further analysis
would also provide more information on areas where reforms are being implemented by China that
are most relevant for facilitating trade along the BRI corridors (e.g. transit).
Section 3: Reform Priorities
The preceding section identified a range of challenges for streamlining trade facilitation along the
six BRI land corridors. These challenges are summarized below in Table 13.
While there are unique challenges for each corridor, and for individual countries along each
corridor, there are also several common themes. What tends to vary is the effectiveness with which
these challenges are being tackled along each corridor, and by individual countries along each
55 China Customs (undated), http://english.customs.gov.cn/about/mission
61
corridor. This underlines the importance of identifying common reform priorities that can be
tackled in order to maximize the economic benefits of the BRI.
In that context, this section identifies several priority trade facilitation reforms, likely to have high
importance in maximizing the impact of the BRI infrastructure investments. The six reform themes
are as follows:
• Coordination and collaboration between government agencies with a role in trade facilitation, and with the private sector, through national Trade Facilitation Committees
• Improved transparency on regulations related to trade • Information-sharing: on trade facilitation practices; for operational purposes including
risk management; and on procedures related to standards compliance.
• Risk-based approaches to border management; • Developing effective transit regimes; and • Deploying ICT to support trade facilitation.
Experience indicates that the “how” of reform is just as important as the “what”. In other words,
both the substance of the reforms and the manner in which they are implemented have an impact.
For this reason, the section concludes by outlining several principles necessary for effectively
implementation of the six priority themes discussed above. This includes the importance of
monitoring the implementation of reforms, as experience suggests that only what is measured is
reformed effectively.
Coordination and cooperation within governments, and with the private sector, on trade
facilitation reform
The implementation of trade facilitation reforms to maximize the benefits of the BRI will require
close coordination between government agencies, and with the private sector. This stems from the
nature of the transaction costs that trade facilitation reforms aim to address: they are generated in
many cases by duplicative, cumbersome regulations, and a lack of coordination and cooperation
between the different agencies responsible for border clearances.
62
Table 13: Priority trade facilitation issues for the six BRI land corridors
China-
Pakistan • Use 2017-2030 Long-Term Plan for the corridor for developing a robust corridor
institution, and detailed planning and consultation, including private sector
• Develop concrete procedures to implement bilateral data exchange commitment
• Improve risk-based screening in Pakistan, to minimize the impact of enhanced border security measures as much as possible
• Full implementation of TIR, building on 2015 and 2016 accessions for Pakistan and China
• Streamline procedure in Pakistan to benefit from ICT improvements, especially Customs system
China,
Mongolia,
Russia
• Address inconsistent application of procedures between agencies and border offices in Mongolia
• Allocate resources to border offices in Mongolia to better match demand for their services
• Streamline documentary requirements in Russia
• Address weak private sector perceptions of border agencies, especially Customs and Health/SPS agencies, in Russia
• Simplify transit process for Mongolian goods through China
• Address barriers to use of electronic processing in Mongolia, including poor Internet connectivity
New
Eurasian
Land
Bridge
• Address delays for China-Europe trade causes by application of customs transit guarantee system at Belarus’ borders, as well as Belarus’ wider trade facilitation
weaknesses
• Improve coordination among agencies at Belarus’ border crossings, to improve risk profiling and reduce discretionary inspections by non-Customs agencies
China-
Central
Asia-West
Asia
• For Central Asian countries, address limited progress in countries other than Kazakhstan, and to a lesser degree Kyrgyz Republic, in implementing a modern trade
facilitation regime
• Address integrity issues at borders in Central Asia and West Asia to reduce high levels of informal payments
• Implement a sound transit regime linking countries along the corridor, and address practical implementation challenges for transit for EAEU transit
• Lower costs of moving between EAEU members and non-members by reducing the impact of technical standards and regulations
• Despite relatively low levels of WTO membership, promote the WTO-TFA as the set of trade facilitation standards for the region
China-
Indochina
Peninsula
• Ensure that any new BRI trade facilitation efforts are consistent with and contribute to progress in achieving ASEAN trade facilitation initiatives
• Re-energize trade facilitation reform in SE Asia to address declining relative performance, including by sharing lessons from stronger performers
• In Lao PDR and Myanmar, develop transit regimes, streamline documentary requirements, implement ICT initiatives to shift from paper-based processes, and
reduce high levels of physical inspections of shipments
• In Vietnam, simplify and automate processes for issuing and administering licenses, permits and other regulations maintained by non-Customs agencies
Bangladesh-
China- • Build on existing regional initiatives on trade facilitation and transit like the BBIN
cross-border road transit system
63
India-
Myanmar • In Bangladesh, address large delays for import and export by improved coordination
among agencies at borders, and implementation of National Single Window
• In India, sustain momentum for implementing Trade Facilitation Plan, especially to reduce large delays for imports
The establishment and implementation of a National Trade Facilitation Committee (NTFC56) is a
requirement of the WTO Trade Facilitation Agreement, meaning that the majority of BRI
economies should already have a body responsible for trade facilitation reform. As an indication
of the importance, WTO Members negotiating the TFA left this as the only Article where
implementation cannot be deferred – all Members are required to implement it without delay. This
is also because a well-functioning NTFC is a pre-requisite for the implementation of the standards
set by the Agreement. For example, the implementation of measure to improve the transparency
of information on trade procedures and publish this online must be underpinned by cooperation
among government agencies to share that information with a central authority, and keep it updated.
Many of the strategies for trade facilitation reform, and successful reforms to date, in BRI countries
have been driven by an NTFC. For example, India’s Trade Facilitation Action Plan 2017-2021;
China’s implementation of the WTO TFA is guided by the State Council on Trade Facilitation; or
Vietnam’s implementation of cross-agency reforms like the Trade Information Portal, for which a
well-functioning NTFC has been essential.
In many developing countries, including in the BRI, Customs agencies are often relatively well-
advanced in their modernization efforts compared with other agencies involved in border
management, including those responsible for Quarantine, Standards, Health, or Transport, among
others. A number of examples from Section 3 underlined that this is also the case in BRI countries.
Growing recognition of this at the global level has been an important driver of the trend towards
establishing multi-agency bodies for trade facilitation. These bodies have an important role in
supporting a coherent reform process and the “catching up” of other agencies, through measures
like the development of a shared vision for trade facilitation reform, and the implementation of
multi-agency initiatives like National Single Windows. Similarly, in the BRI context it will be
essential to ensure that all relevant government agencies are part of the trade facilitation reform
process, and that this occurs both at the national level but also in corridor-level or BRI-wide efforts
to improve collaboration. For example, agencies responsible for standards compliance in different
BRI countries will need to coordinate more closely in future to make progress towards the
exchange of information, and eventual mutual recognition, of standards.
Although the formal establishment of an NTFC with high-level backing within government is a
requirement for implementing trade facilitation reform, what matters in the long run is that the
committee remains active and relevant, and does not become a body that exists only on paper.
Research by UNCTAD covering 53 countries’ NTFCs identified maintaining lasting funding, and
the maintaining the engagement of participants as the two top challenges for the successful
functioning of NTFCs57. One important factor in ensuring the lasting relevance of the NTFC is
56 The obligation in the TFA is not to name the committee “National Trade Facilitation Committee”, and variations
are acceptable. The World Bank recommends that if an existing body that fulfils the functions of an NTFC can take
on the role, this should be normally be implemented. 57 UNCTAD (2017), National Trade Facilitation Committees: Beyond Compliance with the WTO Trade Facilitation
Agreement?, Transport and Trade Facilitation Series No.8, UNCTAD, Geneva.
64
that there should not be duplication of its functions across different government-established bodies.
Government officials and private sector representatives alike can rapidly lose confidence in a
committee’s role if it is seen as one among many implementing the same agenda. This means that
if there is an existing committee that can be used to fulfil the function of a national coordinating
body on trade facilitation, it is likely to be preferable to use this body, rather than setting up a new
one. The objective should be to have a single body that is responsible across government agencies,
and including the private sector, for trade facilitation reform. In the case of the BRI, the NTFCs
charged with the role of implementation of the WTO-TFA should normally take on the role of
driving any BRI-related trade facilitation reforms.
The private sector has a central role in trade facilitation reform, and this needs to be
institutionalized in the BRI context. Research by the WTO Secretariat indicates that 98% of
NTFCs include some form of private sector involvement58. However, practical experience varies
greatly. While consultations with the private sector are useful in providing an independent “user”
perspective on trade facilitation practices, the private sector is most effective when seen as a
partner in the trade facilitation reform agenda. The trade community can be used to: help identify
priority reforms; support implementation and compliance; and monitor progress in their
implementation59. Institutionalizing this role of the private sector through a body like an NTFC
can help in managing competing priorities of different segments of the private sector, whose
interests may not always be aligned. BRI participants should also consider the formal
establishment of mechanisms for involving the private sector in discussions on trade facilitation
reform at the level of individual corridors, and potentially also for the BRI as a whole. The early
implementation of this would ensure that private sector voices are considered before significant
reforms are initiated to facilitate trade on any corridors.
However, in many countries, including those participating in the BRI, the relationship between the
private sector and border agencies is characterized by mistrust more than collaboration. Many
aspects of the trade facilitation reform agenda for which the WTO-TFA, WCO instruments, and
other international standards are a benchmark are aimed at addressing this. For example, improved
transparency on what procedures apply and how they are enforced builds trust and accountability
between border agencies and the trade community. Similarly, the proper implementation of risk-
based border management facilitates compliance by traders by building trust that border officials
are not unnecessarily inspecting or detaining shipments. A relationship between traders and border
agencies that facilitates compliance recognizes that most trade is handled by a small proportion of
traders, and that these traders can be held accountable for ensuring the regulatory compliance of
shipments for which they are responsible. As the implementation of trade facilitation reforms to
lower transaction costs along the BRI corridors builds momentum, it will be essential for the
private sector to have a strong role in designing and monitoring reform impact, and for this to be
institutionalized through bodies like NTFCs.
58 WTO (2017), National Committees on Trade Facilitation: Current Practices and Challenges,
http://www.tfafacility.org/sites/default/files/news/tfa_national_committees_trade_facilitation_web_e.pdf (accessed 3
July 2018) 59 For more specific examples of the role of the private sector in trade facilitation reform, see Grainger, Andrew
(2011), Chapter 10 in McLinden et al (2011), Border Management Modernization, World Bank, Washington DC.
65
To achieve improved levels of collaboration, a permanent, independent and well-resourced
Secretariat for the NTFC is necessary. World Bank experience in supporting governments in
establishing an NTFC, has shown that one of the key factors to success, especially regarding public
/ private sector collaboration, is ensuring it has an operational and governance structure that
supports this. Public sector officials rarely have time to manage an NTFC Secretariat as well as
their regular responsibilities. Engaging a small, but well qualified Secretariat not only helps
achieve independence and sustainability, but also supports the work of the NTFC between physical
meetings, coordinating inputs from technical working groups. Ensuring strong and effective
representation by the private sector has also been shown to be an important and effective strategy
to help achieve this.60
Transparency
One of the most important barriers to trade is a lack of transparency on what regulations apply and
how they are applied, including the predictability of their application. This is one of the most
frequently-cited concerns of the private sector, and this has been reflected in the prominence of
transparency-related provisions in the WTO-TFA and other trade agreements, as well as regional
cooperation initiatives like APEC.
Research suggests that the impact of improved transparency on trade can be considerable. A 2007
study estimated that improved transparency among APEC economies could raise intra-regional
trade by approximately $148 billion, or a 7.5 per cent increase above the baseline.61 Research
analyzing transparency commitments in Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) identified that a
“typical” comprehensive PTA containing around fifteen transparency-related requirements could
be expected to increase trade between PTA partners by around 15%, or 1% per transparency
measure62.
At the global level, WTO TFA notifications indicate the scale of the challenge that countries face
in maintaining a transparent regime for trade facilitation. As of August 2018, forty-seven WTO
Members notified the WTO of the information required under all four different transparency
requirements of the TFA.63 Strikingly, only a small number of BRI participants have notified all
four of these requirements: China; Czech Republic; European Union; Georgia; Kazakhstan;
Kyrgyz Republic; Poland; and Singapore.
A little over half of developing WTO Members (53%) have notified that they were able to comply
with the TFA Article 1.1. requirements on the publication of trade-related information, making it
60 UNCTAD 2017, National Trade Facilitation Committees: Beyond compliance with the WTO Trade Facilitation
Agreement: http://unctad.org/en/PublicationsLibrary/dtltlb2017d3_en.pdf
61 Helble, Matthias; Shepherd, Ben; Wilson, John S.. 2007. ‘Transparency, Trade Costs, and Regional Integration in
the Asia Pacific’. Policy Research Working Paper; No. 4401. World Bank, Washington, DC. 62 Lejarraga and Shepherd, ‘Quantitative Evidence on Transparency in Regional Trade Agreements’, OECD Trade
Policy Paper No. 153, OECD, Paris, 2013 63 Article 1.4 on import, export and transit procedures; Article 10.4.3 on the operation of a single window; Article
10.6.2 on the use of customs brokers; and Article 12.2.2 on contact points for the exchange of information.
66
one of the most challenging articles for compliance. The share of developing WTO Members
notifying that this information is published on the Internet (Article 1.2), which is a basic
transparency measure, is slightly lower, at 49%.64
A number of BRI countries perform weakly on transparency, according to the OECD TFIs. The
most specific indicator on transparency in the indicators reviewed in Section 3 is the OECD TFI
category on “information availability”65. With a highest possible score of 2 on this indicator,
Belarus, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Cambodia, and Myanmar have the weakest
performance on the BRI corridors, each scoring below 1. However, progress is being made, for
example with Kazakhstan becoming one of the first WTO Members to comply with the WTO TFA
notification requirements notified above, although much remains to be done to improve
transparency.
There is no standard definition of what transparency encompasses in the context of trade
facilitation. At its most basic level, it involves the publication of information in a readily-accessible
manner (normally, on the Internet) so that it can be accessed free-of-charge, with the least possible
amount of time involved. The details of trade regulations can be complicated and there is a limit
to how much they can be simplified for the purposes of transparency. The WTO-TFA (Article 1.1)
sets out a useful list of what procedures and regulations should be published., although the list
should be seen as a minimum standard, and BRI participants should explore the publication of all
trade-related procedures, including beyond those identified above. The list in Article 1.1 of the
TFA is as follows:
• procedures for importation, exportation, and transit (including port, airport, and other entry-point procedures), and required forms and documents;
• applied rates of duties and taxes of any kind imposed on or in connection with importation or exportation;
• fees and charges imposed by or for governmental agencies on or in connection with importation, exportation or transit;
• rules for the classification or valuation of products for customs purposes;
• laws, regulations, and administrative rulings of general application relating to rules of origin;
• import, export or transit restrictions or prohibitions;
• penalty provisions for breaches of import, export, or transit formalities;
• procedures for appeal or review;
• agreements or parts thereof with any country or countries relating to importation, exportation, or transit; and
• procedures relating to the administration of tariff quotas.
64 WTO TFA Database 65 This is made up of 21 sub-indicators on various aspects of transparency.
67
An important principle in the publication of information is its consolidation in one location, or as
few locations as possible. The publication of information in multiple locations complicates efforts
to find the information needed for traders, and it also complicates efforts by the government to
keep the information updated. For example, a March 2018 notification to the WTO of its various
contact points for different aspects of TFA information by China identifies more than sixteen
locations where information can be found. In situations like this, while the country has provided
an abundance of information, experience shows that it would lower the costs of accessing
information for traders if there is one integrated portal bringing this information together. 66
Likewise, it would also reduce support and maintenance costs associated with hosting multiple
websites.
While transparency in its narrow sense refers only to the publication of information, it should be
seen in a wider sense. This should include not just the publication of information on trade-related
regulations and procedures, but also their consistent application; as well as the opportunity for
feedback, consultation and dialogue with the trading community. This fits within a wider context
where transparency delivers not only direct benefits in terms of reduced costs in obtaining
information, but also in improving accountability of government agencies responsible for trade
facilitation. In addition, by ensuring traders are aware of their respective roles and responsibilities,
transparency can improve integrity and provide traders with information that allows them to
challenge requirements and decisions that are not in keeping with published rules.
Transparency requires collaboration among government agencies and with the private sector, both
to publish information online and to keep it updated. A key lesson in the implementation of
transparency mechanisms like Trade Information Portals (see Box 7) is that while one government
agency must be given the lead role in publishing trade-related information, gathering the
information and keeping it updated requires a formal mechanism for coordination between
government agencies, and political will for updating this information. In this sense, making
information ‘accessible’ is the key element of transparency.
In the context of the BRI, several “best practices” could be adopted by all participants.
• Publishing information online and ensuring it is kept updated;
• Consolidating information on trade-related procedures into one source of information, like a Trade Information Portal;
• Formalizing procedures by nominating a focal point within government agencies responsible for the transparency of trade-related information;
• Providing the opportunity for feedback and consultation on measure that are in place or under consideration; and
66 See 19 March 2018 notification G/TFA/N/CHN/2/Rev.1 from China to the WTO, available at
https://www.tfadatabase.org/uploads/notification/NCHN2R1_3.pdf (accessed 3 July 2018)
68
• Monitoring the impact of transparency, including through regular consultation and surveys of the private sector
Although the implementation of transparency measures is largely a responsibility of individual
governments, the nature of regional initiatives like the BRI is that there is the potential for “peer
pressure” in ensuring standards are maintained. A key mechanism for achieving this can be through
regular mechanisms for private sector feedback at both the individual country and BRI corridor or
BRI-wide level on whether transparency objectives have been met. The results of this feedback
should be published and be an important consideration in assessing whether the BRI is achieving
its objectives in facilitating trade.
As the institutions for more structured cooperation on trade facilitation in the BRI develops,
transparency should be a key area for sharing experiences and good practices, and providing
support to those governments that perform poorly on transparency. The fact that some of the less-
developed countries in the BRI have successfully implemented complex transparency initiatives –
notably, the implementation of Trade Information Portals in countries like Lao PDR, Cambodia,
Bangladesh, and Vietnam - demonstrates that with a structured approach and political will,
significant improvements are possible.
Finally, the implementation of reforms to improve transparency should be a priority in the BRI
because it is a pre-requisite for other, more ambitious, reforms to facilitate trade. For example, the
implementation of a National Single Window builds on the consolidation and publication of
information for transparency purposes. It requires an even deeper level of cooperation between
government agencies and with the private sector, and it requires a clear understanding of the full
set of existing rules and procedures that need to be integrated into the National Single Window.
Transparency is also an important stepping-stone for other initiatives to simplify procedures and
remove duplication. Often, the process of implementing a single point of information on trade
procedures like a Trade Information Portal identifies numerous duplicative and unnecessary
procedures. This then provides the opportunity for the removal or streamlining of these procedures,
resulting in improved trade facilitation performance.
69
Box 7: Trade Information Portals – a tool for improving transparency
One of the cross-cutting challenges in facilitating trade through the BRI is a lack of transparency
in many countries on the laws, regulations and procedures applying to cross-border trade. Trade
Information Portals could be a useful vehicle for increasing transparency, and thereby facilitating
trade, along the BRI corridors. They can be helpful both for governments and traders in providing
one entry point for identifying regulatory and procedural information related to trade. While
governments may seek to be helpful in publishing multiple sources of information for different
requirements, a frequent complaint from traders is that this increases costs and makes it hard to
stay updated with changes in regulation or procedure. The consolidation of information onto one
site like a Portal addresses this.
Beginning with Lao PDR in 2012, the World Bank has now supported trade information portals in
more than a dozen countries using a custom-built software platform, as well as contributing to
global knowledge on the topic. Other development partners are also supporting the implementation
of portals.
The basic function of the portals is publishing all laws, regulations and procedures affecting trade.
Increasingly, they also serve other functions including as enquiry points on trade; or repositories
of information on trade in services or non-tariff measures.
A workshop in 2017 involving 15 countries implementing Trade Information Portals highlighted
a number of challenges in successfully increasing transparency through Portals, including:
-Ensuring high-level political support on an ongoing basis (many commented that there was a risk
of a portal being seen as a project “owned” by one agency, when in fact it should be seen as a
major national initiative overseen by Cabinet or the equivalent);
-Responding in a timely manner to requests for information received through the portals (some
countries have specific agreements between agencies to promote timeliness, including setting
deadlines for responses to queries);
-Engaging the private sector to build awareness of the portals (for example, Lao PDR implemented
an extensive awareness-raising campaign after establishing the portal, which helped build a
substantial community of users);
-Encouraging private sector users to provide regular feedback on the accuracy of the information
uploaded, including whether implementation of policies matches what is set in law or regulation;
-Using existing data gathered through use of the portal, as well as additional data like user surveys,
to assess the impact of the portals in improving transparency and reducing trade costs.
Just as important as the transparency they provide, the process of establishing and maintaining
portals brings together government agencies responsible for trade. Getting this coordination
running effectively is essential in reforming trade facilitation and undertaking larger projects like
the establishment of a National Single Window. Reflecting this, most countries are already using
the National Trade Facilitation Committees required through the WTO TFA to oversee the portal.
In this way, the portals are helping strengthen the overall mechanisms for trade facilitation at the
national level.
70
Information-sharing: three aspects where coordination between BRI countries would
facilitate trade
The gaps in capacity and reform implementation between BRI countries suggests significant
potential for the sharing of good practices and reform experiences. Although as the preceding
analysis highlighted, there are no “one size fits all” approaches to trade facilitation reform, and
what works for one country will not necessarily work for another, the exchange of information
among practitioners can be helpful as part of a reform initiative. This can be done on a corridor
basis or BRI-wide basis, as well as through existing bodies for the exchange of practices on trade
facilitation reform, as highlighted below.
The sharing of information and best practices would be enriched by bringing in experiences from
a global perspective, which multilateral organizations like the World Bank are well-placed to
facilitate. In terms of both successes and failures, there is much to learn from trade facilitation
initiatives outside the BRI context. BRI countries should also continue to make use of the potential
for this kind of practical exchange of information through existing multilateral and regional bodies,
like the WTO, WCO, CAREC, or APEC. As the development of the BRI corridors will not be the
first trade facilitation initiative for any BRI participant, each country has a body of experience to
build upon and share with others.
Sharing high-quality information on trade transactions, and information that assists in
undertaking risk assessments
Another priority for information-sharing between border agencies in the BRI is on information
relating to trade transactions and traders, especially for the purpose of risk management. The timely
receipt of high-quality information on trade transactions, in order to allow for proper risk
assessment, is one of the most important elements of an effective risk-based compliance
management strategy. Beyond regular transactional data gathered by Customs and other agencies
through the usual clearance process, access to intelligence, or information that allows analysis to
produce intelligence, is another important consideration for improved risk management. Such
cooperation is also an essential element of the WTO TFA (Article 8) with regard to coordinating
activities at border crossings. This is a priority in other regional cooperation initiatives, for
example through the Schengen Information System in the EU, which facilitates the sharing of
information related to border security and law enforcement among a large number of EU Member
states.67
With regard to the BRI corridors, there is a clear opportunity to assess risk and the necessary
regulatory responses to these risks, in a ‘whole-of-corridor’ context. Minimizing the re-keying of
transactional information – which is the information that makes up import and export declaration
data elements – by the electronic transmission of this information is one way to improve the
process. Not only does this improve its accuracy, but it also speeds up its transmission and receipt
by all actors (government and private sector) along the supply chain. These data elements represent
the basic inputs to any risk analysis process. The ASEAN Single Window project is one nascent 67 Widdowson and Holloway, 2011, Chapter 6 in McLinden et al, Border Management Modernization, World Bank,
2011.
71
example of how this information can be made available to relevant government agencies and other
participants in the supply chain in a regional context, resulting in a significant contribution to
regional trade facilitation.68 Moreover, sharing of information between BRI governments on the
compliance level of companies can result in enhanced targeting, as traders that attempt to
circumvent rules in one jurisdiction are likely to do so elsewhere as well.
As previously stated, each country’s context is unique and the sharing of risk-related information,
which can include the results of investigations and intelligence information related to trade, is
always going to be a sensitive issue. However, there are already numerous mutual cooperation
agreements that allow the sharing of such information between BRI participants.69 Expanding and
making better use of these agreements would further improve targeting of high risk transactions.
Priority could be given to implementing arrangements for information-sharing on a corridor-by-
corridor basis, as this is where the opportunity for improved information-sharing will be greatest.
This would be in line with multilateral standards set in the WTO TFA, which encourages such
arrangements under Article 12.
Another potential solution to the sharing of information for risk management purposes comes from
the World Customs Organization (WCO), in the form of the Customs Enforcement Network
(CEN).70 The CEN is a mechanism which facilitates and encourages intelligence led risk profiling
by providing references, alerts and seizure information to WCO members. Although their level of
engagement may vary, all BRI participants appear to be members of the CEN. Beyond contributing
to and accessing the WCO CEN database, BRI participants could look at a similar mechanism to
facilitate information sharing along corridors, or throughout the entire BRI supply chain.
Information on standards to streamline compliance, and work towards eventual mutual
recognition.
The third priority is greater information-sharing by agencies other than Customs on standards they
enforce as part of the trade transaction process. As has been well-documented internationally, the
application of SPS, product safety, conformance assessment and other standards by agencies
during the border clearance process is a significant source of delays and unnecessary costs. While
these standards are intended to meet legitimate health, safety, and other public policy objectives,
there is often little integration of these agencies’ processes in the wider border management
regime, and there is often little willingness to permit Customs to administer these standards for
shipments on their behalf. In part, this reflects the more limited development of international best
practices on the integration of these agencies’ work within trade facilitation reform programs71.
68 ASEAN Secretariat, ASEAN Single Window information page, http://asw.asean.org/about-asw (accessed 3 July
2018) 69 For further discussion of this practice, see Doyle, Tom (2011), Chapter 2 in McLinden et al (2011), Border
Management Modernization, World Bank, Washington DC. 70 World Customs Organization, Customs Enforcement Network website,
http://www.wcoomd.org/en/topics/enforcement-and-compliance/instruments-and-tools/cen-suite.aspx (accessed 3
July 2018) 71 Van der Meer and Ignacio (2011), Chapter 16 in McLinden et al, Border Management Modernization, World
Bank, 2011.
72
However, the WTO TFA, which applies to all agencies and not just Customs, is helping to address
this, along with other initiatives like those relating to “collaborative border management”.
Improvements in transparency on trade-related regulations needs to encompass the full range of
standards applied as part of the trade approval process. As outlined above, Trade Information
Portals, and the inter-agency coordination process that underpins their effective operation, can be
a useful way of promoting regulatory transparency. Often, the opacity or inconsistent application
of procedures relating to standards is an important source of costs and delays for traders72.
Beyond transparency, BRI countries should also explore stronger cooperation between standards-
related agencies. The exchange of information on what regulations apply, what their intention is,
and how they relate to regional and international standards, can be a useful first step. This is a
priority for WTO Members through the SPS and TBT Committees, and more can be done at the
level of trade transactions (rather than general transparency) in the context of an initiative like the
BRI. Exchange of information on trade facilitation issues related to standards could be done on a
corridor-by-corridor basis, starting with those standards that are most frequently applied, and are
most frequently the source of delays. Feedback from the private sector should help inform this
process.
The streamlining and harmonization of documentary requirements for standards should be
undertaken, and consideration given to the use of electronic systems for exchanging these
documents. A common complaint by traders is that documentary requirements relating to standards
are excessive, and often duplicative with those required for Customs clearance. Greater dialogue
within and between governments to streamline and, wherever possible, harmonize data
requirements associated with regulatory approvals for trade along the BRI corridors could have
significant impact. This impact will only be maximized if the process includes standards-related
approvals administered by agencies other than Customs. In terms of electronic exchange of
documents, one example is the electronic certification and exchange system for phytosanitary
certificates being piloted by the International Plant Protection Commission and other partners.
Among the objectives of the electronic system for harmonization and exchange of certifications is
reduced transaction costs and times for plant-related trade, both for traders and for government
regulators. Rather than relying on the transmission of paper approval certificates, with their
verification at different steps along the supply chain, the “ePhyto” system intends to transit
phytosanitary certificates directly from the exporting regulatory agency to that in the importing
country73.
The exchange of information can pave the way for more challenging, but higher-impact, measures
like the harmonization of documentary requirements relating to standards, and mutual recognition
of conformity assessment and other procedural aspects of standards. Mutual recognition of
conformity assessment is an increasingly common feature of trade agreements and other trade-
related cooperation initiatives, like the BRI. For example, since 1998 APEC economies have
72 Standards and Trade Development Facility (2015), Implementing SPS Measures to Facilitate Safe Trade, STDF
Briefing Note No. 10, http://www.standardsfacility.org/sites/default/files/STDF_Briefing_No10_EN_web.pdf 73 For more information see International Plant Protection Convention, Information Page on Electronic
Phytosanitary Certification, https://www.ippc.int/en/ephyto/ (accessed 3 July 2018)
73
implemented an arrangement for mutual recognition of conformity assessment for
telecommunications equipment74. This means that other APEC economies recognize the results of
technical tests on whether such equipment meets the relevant technical, quality, safety and other
standards. In the BRI, the review of corridor and country challenges in Section 3 provided a
number of examples of trade transaction costs generated by procedures relating to standards. An
example is the application of inspections and testing related to standards within the Eurasian
Economic Union, effectively creating border inspections for trade between EEU members, despite
its status as a customs union.
The eventual goal should be to facilitate trade by going beyond mutual recognition of the
procedures for verifying compliance, to mutual recognition of the standards themselves75. This has
the potential to significantly lower costs for traders, while also reducing the costs of assessing
regulatory compliance for governments. For example, through APEC’s Second Trade Facilitation
Action Plan, APEC economies aimed to increase the compatibility of standards relating to
electronic equipment by aligning individual economy’s standards with those of recognized
international bodies. This contributed to an increase in the share of television imports covered by
the relevant international standard from 14.9% in 2006 to 94.5% in 2009. While such a measure
facilitates trade within APEC, the adoption of international standards in this manner also facilitates
trade with other partners. Even where the mutual recognition of standards through initiatives like
the BRI is seen as a long-term goal, the strengthening of cooperation between governments on the
application of these standards, and the procedures for certifying compliance, is a core trade
facilitation issue. It should be one of the priorities for collaboration on trade facilitation among
BRI countries.76
The adoption of risk-based compliance management
Risk-based approaches to managing the border will be essential in facilitating trade while
maintaining the role of Customs and other border agencies in collecting revenue, ensuring safety
and product standards are maintained, and addressing security risks. Effective risk management
leads to greater efficiency in the use of government resources while also facilitating the majority
of trade that is legitimate. This is especially important given that resources for Customs and other
agencies have remained static in most countries, while trade volumes have grown, and there has
been steady diversification of the range of goods traded and in their destinations.77
The review of BRI corridors in Section 3 highlighted that corridor participants are employing
varying levels of risk management, and that in general it is a weak aspect of the trade facilitation
regime in the BRI corridors. Some examples noted in Section 3 include the following: Myanmar
has minimal risk-based screening of shipments, resulting in high levels of inspection, often by
multiple government agencies; Pakistan faces challenges in managing a relatively high-risk
74 APEC (2015), Guide for Conformity Assessment Bodies to the APEC TEL MRA, 3rd Edition. 75 Given the wide range of regulatory practices and regimes in the BRI, mutual recognition rather than
harmonization of standards is recommended as a more pragmatic approach. 76 APEC Policy Support Unit (2012), Final Assessment of the Second Trade Facilitation Action Plan. 77 Widdowson and Holloway (2011)
74
national security environment while facilitating legitimate trade; and China needs to adopt an
integrated risk management engine within the National Single Window, drawing on a wider range
of criteria for assessing risk.
BRI countries and the private sector share the view that risk management as an area requiring
significant reform. Article 7.4 of the WTO-TFA, which requires WTO Members to put a risk
management regime in place, is among the most frequently-identified articles for phase-in periods
and capacity-building for implementation. In the WTO Asia-Pacific region, which includes most
of the WTO Members participating in the BRI, risk management is identified as one of the most
challenging articles for implementation, beyond the global average for developing countries.
Around one third of countries in the Asia-Pacific have indicated that they will require up to
December 2021, as well as capacity-building, to develop a risk management regime in line with
the WTO TFA principles.78
Traders perceive that many BRI countries implement risk assessment practices that are not fully
in line with international best practice. Table 14 highlights this, summarizing the views of express
carriers that are members of the Global Express Association (GEA). It is interesting to note that in
many cases, traders like GEA members are concerned not only with high levels of physical
inspection of goods, but also by perceived discretion of border officials to make such inspections.
Both are indications of weak risk management systems.
Table 14: Express carrier perceptions of risk management in selected BRI countries
Bangladesh Inspector discretion
Cambodia Inspector discretion
India All/virtually all goods inspected
Kyrgyz Republic All/virtually all goods inspected
Malaysia Inspector discretion
Thailand Inspector discretion
Belarus All/virtually all goods inspected
Kazakhstan All/virtually all goods inspected
Turkey All/virtually all goods inspected
Source: Global Express Association Customs Capability Database
Although each country’s context is unique, there are several common challenges faced in
adopting more effective risk-based approaches, and there are also areas in which cooperation
among BRI economies would strengthen risk management. The concepts and practices of risk
management at the country level are well-defined and the subject of other analysis, so this paper
focuses on areas where BRI cooperation is important.
78 WTO TFA Database
75
The foundation of a risk-based approach to border management is a robust, formally-defined risk
management framework. There is a need to implement this on a country basis, but also potential
for greater corridor- and BRI-wide engagement to share assessments of and the treatment of risks.
At the country level, a systemically-defined framework is needed in each BRI participant to
establish the context for risks; identify, analyze and prioritize risks as a basis for proper risk
assessment; and then treat those risks appropriately79. These risk management frameworks need to
be developed, reviewed, and implemented in each country. However, a priority for cooperation
among BRI economies should be corridor- and BRI-wide discussions on risk management. Risk
management will be central to many aspects of trade facilitation along the corridors. Risk
management principles will be central to the successful implementation of transit regimes on the
BRI corridors: for example, properly-sealed containers moving in transit through various countries
should be treated as preventing less risks in areas such as revenue leakage.
International standards like the World Customs Organization Framework of Standards to Secure
and Facilitate Trade (SAFE Framework) and the WTO TFA outline the concepts that countries
should follow, but the experience of many countries is that the challenge lies in their
implementation. This involves defining how these standards should be implemented at the
operational level within Customs and other border agencies through Standard Operating
Procedures; building the capacity of staff to implement them; and supporting the change in mindset
by staff required to implement risk-based approaches. The latter is often the most challenging, as
it involves a shift from officials having high discretion to detain and inspect shipments, based on
their own judgement of risk, to a more rigorous approach that relies on systematic risk assessments.
The incentive for changing this behavior can be low for officials that use 100% inspection
mandates as a basis for extracting informal payments. This is an area where the BRI could be used
to facilitate the sharing of knowledge from countries with more advanced approaches to risk
management to other countries; as well as bringing in international best practice.80
The provision of information to Customs and other agencies in advance of shipments arriving, in
order to facilitate risk assessment and streamlined border clearance or further inspection, will be a
major challenge for BRI economies – but one that will deliver significant gains. As in other aspects
of risk management, the use of pre-arrival processing using advance information is reflected in the
WTO-TFA. Pre-arrival processing is especially important for time-sensitive goods like perishable
agricultural products, or inputs for just-in-time manufacturing processes. The advance sharing of
information is one of the trade facilitation priorities identified in various BRI communiques, but
there is little evidence of it having been implemented along specific corridors to date. This likely
reflects the complexity of the issue, which not only requires agreements between agencies to share
data, and compliance with their domestic privacy regimes, but also ensuring that the information
is compatible and provides the information required by the importing country’s various
government agencies. These issues will be discussed in more detail in the final section on priority
areas for regional cooperation.
A final priority for BRI cooperation on risk management is in the establishment of systems that
allow for the expedited clearance of frequent, highly-compliant traders. Known as “authorised
79 See Widdowson and Holloway (2011) for further discussion of this. 80 UN Economic Commission for Europe, Trade Facilitation Implementation Guide,
http://tfig.unece.org/contents/customs-risk-management.htm (accessed 3 July 2018)
76
economic operator” or “trusted trader” regimes (among other names) these are an important way
of facilitating trade and freeing up Customs and other border agency resources to focus on higher-
risk shipments. The World Customs Organization has supported the development of a particular
type of regime known as “Authorized Economic Operator” which focuses on qualifying traders
and certifying that they adhere to certain prescribed requirements.
The effective implementation of “authorized operator” systems at the country level can pave the
way for mutually recognizing the systems of other countries. This can deliver significant benefits
for traders that are only required to certify under one country’s scheme, lowering their regulatory
compliance costs. Some BRI economies are already pursuing such mutual recognition
arrangements, with lessons that could be shared with other countries in the BRI. One important
development for BRI trade between China and Europe is the mutual recognition of the China and
EU Authorized Economic Operator schemes in 2015. Similarly, China and Singapore have
mutually recognized their Authorised Economic Operator schemes81. Eventually, countries along
specific BRI corridors could aim to implement mutual recognition of their authorized operator
schemes along each corridor. This could draw on the experience in other regions of implementing
regionally-recognized schemes. For example, the East African Community implements a regional
AEO system82. While the development of such schemes and their mutual recognition among BRI
economies holds significant potential for facilitating trade in a risk-based manner, there are
numerous practical challenges in their implementation83. To begin with, the mutual recognition of
an authorized operator scheme requires a high level of trust between the relevant Customs
agencies, including at the operational level through mechanisms like joint audits and monitoring
of compliance84. This is lacking among many BRI administrations and underlines the need to
institutionalize trade facilitation cooperation along the BRI corridors, and among BRI economies
more widely.
Trade facilitation procedures for goods in transit
Transit is one of the key trade facilitation issues for the effective functioning of transport corridors
like those making up the BRI. In the context of trade facilitation, transit refers to the regulations
and procedures that allow for the movement of goods through the countries along the corridors
that are not the final destination. Transit is especially important for landlocked countries, because
they rely on transit through coastal countries to access global markets. For “double-landlocked”
countries, they have to transit through other landlocked countries en route to the coastal country
through which they can access seaports.
In the case of the BRI corridors, many landlocked countries are themselves are transit countries
linking other countries on the relevant corridor. This means that the challenge for landlocked
81 Singapore Customs (2016), “Singapore Reaffirms Trade Ties with China”, in SYNC, Singapore Customs
Newsletter, January-March 2016, https://www.customs.gov.sg/~/media/cus/files/insync/issue39/article2.html
(accessed 3 July 2018). 82 East African Community, “Authorized Economic Operator Programme”, https://www.eac.int/customs/eacaeo
(accessed 3 July 2018) 83 Centre for Customs and Excise Studies (2014), Review of Accredited Operator Schemes, Charles Sturt
University. 84 Aigner, Susanne (2010), “Mutual Recognition of Authorised Economic Operator and security measures”, in
World Customs Journal, 4:1, March 2010.
77
countries is two-fold: to implement a transit regime that facilitates trade along the corridor; but
also to receive the benefits of a smooth transit regime in other countries on the corridor to lower
the high costs the landlocked country’s firms face in accessing markets.
This challenge is even greater for a subset of landlocked countries - Landlocked Developing
Countries (LLDCs). LLDCs face trade costs that are more than 1.5 times higher than those faced
by the coastal developing countries through which they transit. They tend to have lower logistics
performance than coastal developing countries, as well as a less diversified export basket, resulting
in greater vulnerability to fluctuations in prices, especially for commodity-exporting LLDCs.85
The importance of transit issues for the BRI is underlined by the high proportion of landlocked
countries, and LLDCs as a subset of these, along the corridors (see Table 15). Although the New
Eurasian corridor has the largest share of landlocked countries on the corridor (60% of the total),
all but one of these (Kazakhstan) is a developed country. The China-Central Asia-West Asia
corridor has the highest proportion by far of LLDCs: all of the landlocked countries are LLDCs,
making up 55% of the countries on the corridor. As the transit country between China and Russia,
Mongolia faces challenges in accessing markets, as outlined in Section 2; as does Lao PDR on the
Indochina corridor.
Table 16: Landlocked countries and the BRI corridors
Number of landlocked
countries (and LLDCs)
Share of landlocked
countries on corridor (and
LLDCs)
China-Pakistan 0 (0) 0 (0)
China-Mongolia-Russia 1 (1) 33% (33%)
New Eurasian 3 (1) 60% (20%)
China-Central Asia-West Asia 6 (6) 55% (55%)
China-Indochina 1 (1) 12% (12%)
Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar 0 (0) 0 (0)
The efficient operation of transit requires a well-functioning transit system. Arvis (2011) identifies
six components that make up a transit system:
• The political commitment to allow transit trade, formalized in bilateral, regional, or multilateral treaties, as applicable.
• The physical infrastructure for transit, including border checkpoint facilities.
• Public and private institutions and people with certain capacities and competences related to the movement of goods along a trade corridor. These institutions and people comprise:
85 World Bank, Improving Trade and Transport for Landlocked Developing Countries, World Bank, 2013
78
o Public sector: Government agencies in the transit country supervising the flow— mainly customs and other agencies involved in controlling international trade and
transportation.
o Private Sector: Transportation services, including the trucking industry, customs brokers, and freight forwarders.
• Trust-building mechanisms, partnerships, and cooperative initiatives that bring together the many participants in the transit and corridor operations.
• An enabling environment for movements of vehicles and people—including vehicle regulations, the provision of trade in freight services across countries, allocation of visas
for drivers, mutual insurance recognition, a financial sector integrated across countries, and
law enforcement.
• The provisions and procedures applicable to shipments in transit and to the carriers or traders of the goods.
A well-functioning transit system requires each of these six components to be aligned. Reforms or
investments that address only a sub-set of these components (for example, border infrastructure;
or ICT investments to track goods in transit) without tackling the other components will be unlikely
to succeed in facilitating transit trade.
Through the BRI initiative there have been varying levels of effort to address the six components
above. While there has been considerable focus on the development of physical infrastructure at
border crossings (point 1); several challenges remain, including the fact that well-defined
institutions for cooperation do not yet exist or function poorly (point 4) and currently lack a well-
functioning enabling environment for movements of goods and people (point 5). Similarly, the full
set of provisions and procedures for transit are not in place, and effectively implemented, on all
the BRI corridors (point 6).
The final of the six components is the one that has the most relevance for this paper, because it is
the one that relates most directly to the role of Customs and other border agencies in facilitating
or hindering the movement of goods in transit along the BRI corridors. The main elements of this
final component that need to be addressed include: developing a cost-effective regime for transit
covering bonds (to guarantee the full set of duties, taxes and charges that would be due for the
goods in transit); manifests (documenting the goods in transit); and the procedures for allowing
transit operations through the territory of each country along a specific corridor.
Implementing transit systems to allow for the smooth movement of goods along the BRI corridors
will be challenging. As outlined in Section 3, the varying performance of Customs and other border
agencies along the BRI means that some countries will have to put in considerable effort in
ensuring they have the capacity to effectively implement a sound transit regime. The large
proportion of LLDCs on some corridors, especially the Central Asia-West Asia corridor, is another
indication of the challenge faced in facilitating transit trade – as well as the economic stakes for
the countries involved, given the economic vulnerabilities that LLDCs face. The challenge that
LLDCs face in implementing transit provisions is underlined by the relatively low share of LLDCs
that have notified the WTO-TFA Article 11 on transit in Category A of the TFA, meaning that
they were fully compliant with the Article on entry-into-force of the TFA. Only 39.7% of LLDCs
79
that have provided notifications included Article 11 under Category A; compared with 68.4% for
the larger group of developing Members, of which LLDCs are a subset86.
The good news for implementation of transit on the BRI corridors is that there a significant body
of international experience has been acquired in the implementation of the policies and procedures
for transit, underpinned by principles developed through multilateral and regional agreements. The
key international agreements that underpin transit include the World Trade Organization Trade
Facilitation Agreement (TFA) and General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT); the World
Customs Organization Revised Kyoto Convention; and the International Convention on the
Harmonization of Frontier Control of Goods (sometimes called the Geneva Convention; UNECE
Inland Transport Committee 1982). The principles reflected in these international agreements, and
developed through implementation of transit systems globally, are summarized in Box 8.
Based on global experience in implementing international transit systems involving multiple
countries, the effective implementation of transit along the BRI corridors will require several
ingredients. These include harmonized documentation requirements between countries; common
standards for transport operators involved in the transit of goods; common standards for the
enforcement of regulatory requirements; and mechanisms for the interoperability of bonds and the
transmission of manifest information across countries87.
Box 8: Principles for implementing policies and procedures for transit
Arvis (2011) sets out the following as the widely-accepted policies and procedures required for
effective transit:
-Freedom of transit should be the default; with restrictions only where strictly necessary and
permitted
through regulation/procedure;
-No controls for technical standards or SPS standards for goods in transit if there is no
contamination
risk;
-Simplified border clearance procedures and Customs requirements, including no application of
Customs duties; no duties on accidentally lost merchandise; and no physical inspection unless
strictly
necessary and permitted through regulation/procedure
-Streamlined and simplified guarantee mechanisms tailored for goods in transit
86 WTO TFA Database, https://www.tfadatabase.org/notifications/groupings-by-measure (accessed May 2018) 87 Arvis, Jean Francois (2011), Chapter 17 in McLinden et al (2011), Border Management Modernization, World
Bank, Washington DC.
80
The only large-scale regimes that effectively bring together the ingredients above are the European
common transit system, and the TIR carnet88 system maintained by the World Road Transport
Association (IRU). In an important lesson for the BRI, attempts to develop region-specific carnet
systems have not generally been successful. Box 9 highlights this using an example from the
Greater Mekong Subregion. In this respect, accession to and steps to implement the TIR
Convention for road transit in a growing number of BRI countries in recent years is a positive
development.
88 A carnet system facilitates transit of goods through several territories. The carnet is a document that is carried
with the shipment and is used by border agencies to verify that the shipments complies with the various procedures
required for transit.
81
Box 9: Transit lessons from the Greater Mekong Subregion
Regional connectivity initiatives like the Greater Mekong Subregion program hold lessons for the
BRI. Attempts to implement a transit scheme in the GMS show the challenges in facilitating transit
trade, and in approaching this through regional transit instruments.
The GMS Customs Transit System (CTS) aims to facilitate the movement of goods in transit from
one GMS country to another while transiting through a third country. A 2012 review by the ADB
showed that the transit system saw almost no use by private sector operators, despite being
formally agreed for pilot on the East-West Corridor between Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia and
Vietnam. The ADB study found that the GMS-CTS was delivering little savings in cost and time,
with operators continuing to transship goods between countries rather than using the system that
legally provides for direct road transport along the Corridor.
The ADB study reviewed two transit regimes within the European Union to draw lessons for the
implementation of the GMS-CTS. It found that several factors affect the low utilization of the
GMS-CTS, including overly complex procedures compared to more current, streamlined transit
procedures; restrictions on routes and border crossings, challenges in obtaining documents for
transit, and limited transit tariff rights undermined utilization of the GMS-CTS; and the lack of
two-way demand for traffic on return trips, compounded by challenges in obtaining transit
documents for return trips89.
The experience of the GMS-CTS suggests the risks in developing corridor- or region-specific
approaches to transit, which can quickly become out-of-date or be perceived as excessively
burdensome compared to more widely-accepted transit procedures. More fundamentally, it
suggests that the economics of transit are a major factor affecting the utilization of a transit regime:
for example, if it is not commercially viable to operate return trips along a route, then transport
operators see little benefit in using the transit regime.
There is often a strong focus on technology solutions in implementing a transit regime, like “smart
seals” for containers or the use of global positioning system tracking to monitor the movement
containers in transit. While these solutions can have a place within a wider transit system, they are
not a substitute for the six components of an effective transit system outlined above. In some cases,
the implementation of technology systems can be a distraction from the effective implementation
of the basic requirements of the transit system.
There are several lessons that can be drawn from global experience for the implementation of a
well-functioning transit system along the BRI:
• A well-functioning transit system will need to be implemented for each corridor, drawing on the six components outlined above;
89 The preceding two paragraphs are based on Grimble and Linington, Chapter 4 in Srivastava and Kumar, eds
(2012), Trade and Trade Facilitation in the Greater Mekong Subregion, Asian Development Bank.
82
• Internationally-accepted principles exist, developed through various multilateral and regional instruments, and these should be applied in the BRI context as much as possible
rather than developing new transit procedures;
• Efficient transit procedures will be especially important for the LLDCs in the BRI, of which there is a high concentration on the Central Asia-West Asia corridor; and
• There should not be an excessive focus on technology solutions for transit as a substitute for other elements of the transit system.
Implementing these lessons will require a concerted effort to facilitate cooperation between BRI
countries, and to learn from experiences in different regions. As discussed below, this learning of
experiences from other regions, as well as from the previous experience of countries in the BRI,
needs to be a priority in implementing trade facilitation reform along the BRI corridors.
Use of ICT and progress toward automation
Along many of the BRI corridors, border agencies continue to rely on paper-based clearance
processes. As outlined in Doyle (2011), the introduction of ICT is not a “magic solution” for the
modernization challenges faced by border agencies. Since the 1980s there has been a rapid
decrease in cost, and increase in the adoption, of ICT solutions for border management, including
both hardware and software.90
Given the wide variation in the effective adoption of ICT for trade facilitation among BRI
economies, this is a priority area for further reform and cooperation. International experience
implementing ICT reforms in trade facilitation has led to the identification of a number of critical
success factors, although only a subset of these relate directly to the specific capacities required to
select and roll out new hardware and software91. Just as important are a variety of enabling factors,
including laws, regulations, institutional capacity, and change management in affected government
agencies, as well as in private sector users of the new systems put in place.
ICT reform needs to be implemented based on an understanding that not all efforts to introduce
ICT to the border clearance process will have the same impact. For example, shifting from the
submission of paper forms to allowing traders to submit scanned copies of the forms (e.g. as PDF
files) can provide some reduction in the time involved in complying with requirements. However,
this will not have the same impact as shifting to the use of online forms with harmonized data
elements, with a single submission of data by traders (as is the goal in Single Window systems).
On the surface, both might seem to be instances of introducing “paperless trade” processes, but
their impact will vary significantly.
A priority in many countries is the introduction of a National Single Window system. This has
been flagged in the BRI Action Plan as a priority. The prioritization of Single Window recognizes
the fact that while Customs in many countries has made significant progress in adopting ICT for
clearance processes (although exceptions exist, of course), many other government agencies
involves in trade continue to rely to varying degrees on paper-based systems. National Single
Window systems promise to address this by connecting all agencies involved in issuing approvals,
90 Doyle 2011, Chapter 7 in Border Management Modernization 91 For example, Doyle (2011) identifies 12 success factors, many of which relate to institutional and capacity issues.
83
and linking them so that traders can have a single submission point for providing all information
required for trade clearance, and a single point of information for receiving approval, rejection, or
requests for further information.
However, it needs to be acknowledged that the introduction of an effective Single Window system
is a very challenging initiative. The scale of the challenge is evident from WTO Members’
notifications under the TFA. The most common provision notified under Category C of the TFA
– the provisions that require both additional time and technical assistance to implement – is Single
Window, with 45 Members indicating that they will require additional time and technical
assistance to put a Single Window system in place. Essentially, Single Window has been identified
as the most challenging element of the TFA to implement.
The implementation of a Single Window needs to be grounded in a robust assessment of the issues
required for its implementation. This includes the governance model and selection of operator; the
scope (e.g. in terms of number of agencies to be connected); technical specifications; required legal
and regulatory reforms; capacity building needs; and communications priorities, among others.
Even with a thorough assessment of these issues, along with strong political will and cooperation
between all relevant government agencies, the implementation of a Single Window is complex,
multi-year endeavor – and far from the “plug and play” system that it is sometimes conceived of
by governments and traders alike. In the context of the BRI, there are a number of positive
examples of Single Window implementation that can be drawn upon. For example, Singapore has
a well-regarded system, the precursor versions of which date to the 1980s; Malaysia has also
developed a Single Window system; and China has been implementing a pilot initiative at a
national basis following earlier trials in Shanghai and other cities92.
One of the main objectives of the introduction of ICT is automation, to speed up processing time,
and reduce the instances of human intervention in the clearance process. Risk management is
essential in this, as it allows low-risk, compliant shipments (which make up most trade) to rapidly
pass through border clearance procedures, while flagging higher-risk shipments for further
examination and inspection. There is a need to recognize that automation of procedures should be
preceded by thorough analysis of opportunities for streamlining. The examples of Kazakhstan and
other Central Asian countries highlighted in Section 2 underline this. Unlike other countries in the
region, Kazakhstan is gradually improving trade facilitation not just by adopting new technologies,
but also by streamlining business practices and building capacity of its staff through training.
The streamlining of procedures requires a solid framework of collaboration between government
agencies. A common complaint of traders is that multiple agencies request the same or very similar
data elements from traders, which unnecessarily increases the time involved in complying with
documentary requirements. With effective frameworks for collaboration and political will to
address this, significant results can be achieved. For example, China has reportedly been able to
reduce the number of individual data fields required of traders for import approval from 1781 to
731, covering the cargo manifest, Customs declaration, Quarantine and Standards (AQSIQ)
requirements, and transport information. Efforts are ongoing to further consolidate the information
92 For further discussion of examples of Single Window implementation, see Siva (2011), Chapter 8 in McLinden
(2011), Border Management Modernization.
84
required of traders for the border clearance process.93 The private sector can be a partner in this
process, helping border agencies identify where opportunities for streamlining exist.
The “how” of reform: planning and sequencing of trade facilitation initiatives in the BRI
context
Reforms to facilitate trade along the BRI corridors will require careful planning, and a focus not
just on identifying problems, but devising pragmatic means for implementing reforms to address
them. As with any other area of policy reform, the analysis and sequencing of reform initiatives
on trade facilitation affects the prospects for success.
Concrete reform action plans need to be developed, identifying the nature and timing of measures
to be implemented at the country and corridor levels. These can draw on the implementation
planning undertaken for implementation of the WTO-TFA (or other agreements/initiatives), given
the high level of overlap between the content of the WTO-TFA and the reforms needed in the BRI
context. Where it is necessary to develop more specific, additional plans this can be undertaken.
For example, each corridor is likely to require a specific action plan for the development and
implementation of a regime for the transit of goods. Legal and regulatory reforms like accession
to the TIR Convention will be an important first step. However, this needs to be followed by a
logical sequence of other measures, including detailed implementing regulations and procedures,
capacity building and awareness raising, and institutional mechanisms to coordination the
implementation of the transit regime between countries. Table 16 gives an example of how the
six themes identified in the preceding situation could be prioritized according for each corridor,
although it needs to be emphasized that this is included for discussion purposes only. In addition,
the relative priority of these six themes varies within corridors. For example, implementing a
transit regime is a priority for Lao PDR and Myanmar, more than for other corridor participants.
The reform action plans need to be underpinned by detailed analysis of the unique situation of each
country and corridor, avoiding “one-size-fits-all” approaches. Although the general issues that are
important for each country are corridor are largely known, as highlighted in the preceding section,
greater detail is needed on the challenges faced in implementing them need to be identified. In
many cases, quantitative performance data on trade facilitation is an important driver of reform.
For example, in Bangladesh a 2014 Time Release Study helped to identify numerous bottlenecks
to the clearance process at Chittagong, providing a basis for the simplification of procedures that
reduced clearance times by 23 percent94.
93 Authors’ interview with GAC Single Window team, Beijing, February 2018. 94 Bangladesh National Board of Revenue (2014) Time Release Study, available at
http://nbr.gov.bd/uploads/publications/Time%20Release%20Study%20Report%20-Chittagong.pdf (accessed 3 July
2018) and Gonzalez, Anabel (2017), ‘Now That the Trade Facilitation Agreement has Entered Into Force’, available
at http://blogs.worldbank.org/trade/now-trade-facilitation-agreement-has-entered-force (accessed 3 July 2018)
85
Table 17: Indication of potential prioritization for each corridor of the six reform priorities
Consultation
and
coordination
Transparency Information
exchange
Risk
management Transit ICT
China-
Pakistan 2 3 1 1 2 2
China,
Mongolia,
Russia
2 3 2 2 1 2
New
Eurasian
Land-
Bridge
2 2 1 2 2 3
China-
Central
Asia-West
Asia
2 1 2 3 1 3
China-
Indochina
Peninsula
2 3 2 1 2 1
Bangladesh
-China-
India-
Myanmar
1 3 2 3 2 1
Source: Authors. Note: 1=higher priority, 3=lower priority. As highlighted in Sections 2 and 3, each of
these six themes are important for action in all corridors. This table is an indication of how further, more
detailed diagnostic work would prioritize the urgency of implementing reforms in each area, based on
progress to date, the gaps that exist, and the nature of the corridor.
Various toolkits and diagnostic methods are available to help identify priorities for trade
facilitation reform along each corridor. These tools can be applied at different stages of the process
of developing and monitoring reform action plans. For example, the World Bank Trade and
Transport Corridor Management Toolkit can be used at a high level to situate trade facilitation in
the context of other issues required to streamline trade along corridors. More specific diagnostic
tools like the World Customs Organization Time Release Study (TRS) can be used to identify
bottlenecks in the border clearance process. Increasingly, the TRS is being used along corridors
and the latest version of the TRS is designed to allow this. This can then form a basis for even
more detailed diagnostic studies like business process analysis on specific aspects of the clearance
process, or on specific topics like risk management.
Larger and more complex reforms are more likely to succeed if they are preceded by more modest
initiatives that demonstrate what can be achieved, and foster the kind of collaboration and
coordination required for larger initiatives. For example, as discussed above, the implementation
of ICT systems for trade facilitation such as National Single Windows is often seen as a flagship
trade facilitation reform. Various BRI related statements and plans have emphasized the value of
86
National Single Windows in the BRI context. However, it is common not just in developing
countries but also advanced economies to underestimate the complexity of such initiatives. Before
embarking on a major initiative like an NSW, it may make sense for BRI countries to ensure they
have a well-functioning, ICT-based system for the transparency of trade-related information, such
as a Trade Information Portal. The inter-agency effort and dialogue with the private sector involved
in developing a Trade Information Portal can pave the way for the more complex effort of
establishing a National Single Window. In Sri Lanka, for example, the Government of Sri Lanka
is developing a Trade Information Portal over a six-month period – over the same timeframe, a
detailed Blueprint for a National Single Window is being developed, in order to prepare for the
more complex effort of implementing a Single Window over a longer period.
The planning of trade facilitation reforms for the BRI corridors needs to recognize that while the
objective of reform may be to facilitate regional trade, most of the implementation challenge rests
with individual governments. The bulk of the effort to implement reforms to trade facilitation must
be taken by Customs and other border agencies, guided by NTFCs or their equivalent, and with
the involvement of the private sector. The involvement of development partners to assist with the
transfer of knowledge, capacity-building, and financing also largely takes place at the country
level. Ultimately, it is national governments that are responsible for their own economic
management including the trade regime, as well as community protection, safety and other
objectives of a sound trade facilitation regime.
The right balance needs to be struck in efforts to implement regional or corridor trade facilitation
initiatives, and these domestic reforms. There are certain areas of reform where collective action
is essential and should be an early priority, like the development of an effective transit regime
along a specific corridor. However, in other areas, efforts are more likely to be effective if they are
driven at the country level first – for example, the implementation of Single Window systems. The
experience with attempts to implement regional Single Window initiatives, like the ASEAN Single
Window, is that progress tends to be extremely slow if functioning National Single Windows are
not in place first. The more countries that are involved in any reform, the more complicated it
becomes, so the challenge for initiatives like the BRI is to remain strategic regarding what is taken
on at the regional level, and what is left for individual governments to address.
In terms of the benchmarks and practices of trade facilitation, as Section 2 illustrated, a significant
body of international agreements/standards and practices has been developed. The WTO-TFA,
WCO instruments, UN regional commissions’ guidelines, and procedures developed by other
regional bodies like APEC or ASEAN, form a body of standards and practices that have direct
relevance for the BRI. Unless a specific need can be identified there is little reason to develop a
body of BRI-specific trade facilitation standards, and this could increase, rather than reduce, trade
transaction costs. Experience in other regional initiatives highlights that there is often little pay-
off from the cost and effort involved in developing region-specific procedures, and the private
sector often sees these as redundant. For example, as the section above on transit highlighted, the
region-specific transit regimes have tended to have little uptake, and efforts could have been better
directed towards the adoption and implementation of existing international procedures like the TIR
Convention. For the BRI, implementation efforts should draw upon the trade facilitation standards
and practices defined internationally, translating and adopting them where necessary to the BRI
context.
87
While often overlooked as part of the implementation of trade facilitation reform, it is essential
that BRI economies develop systems for monitoring the implementation of trade facilitation
reforms, and that this is done from the outset. The diagnostic work recommended above, and the
subsequent trade facilitation reform action plans for BRI corridors, should include a work program
to assess the availability of data for monitoring trade facilitation performance; gathering data to
fill gaps; and ensuring there is a system for updating and publishing this data.
Monitoring frameworks for trade facilitation along the BRI corridors should be developed, linked
to the reform action plans for each corridor. The trade facilitation indicators used in Section 3 (for
example, Doing Business and the Logistics Performance Index) can be part of the monitoring
systems developed for the BRI context. In addition, more specific data should also be gathered and
published. This could include clearance times for goods (not just for physical clearance across a
border, but reflecting total time involved in all steps for the clearance process, e.g. documentary
compliance). The data gathered should show the time and/or cost involved in each step of
regulatory approval, not the steps for which Customs is responsible. Survey of the private sector
as well as direct feedback, e.g. via mobile phone messaging, should also be considered. These
types of data, and others, should be used to develop a monitoring framework for trade facilitation
along the BRI corridors.
Finally, the implementation of trade facilitation reforms associated with the BRI will require the
development of institutions for collaboration among BRI countries. Notwithstanding the reality
that the implementation of most reforms is ultimately undertaken by individual governments, as
discussed above, this paper has highlighted many issues where collaboration and coordination
between governments will be essential. The development of corridor transit regimes; the sharing
of information for risk management; and the exchange of information on standards-related
approval procedures; are examples of areas where collaboration between BRI countries will be
essential.
While individual, ad hoc initiatives for collaboration are being pursued, there is not yet a structured
approach for collaboration along BRI corridors. Although international standards provide the
standards that BRI countries should aim for, mechanisms will be needed to foster collaboration
among countries on the areas identified above. Given the large number of countries participating
in the BRI, and the wide range of issues faced, the most effective level of cooperation is likely to
be along specific corridors. In doing so, BRI countries can draw on a growing set of experiences
of corridor-based trade facilitation efforts95, as well as global experience in trade facilitation
reform. International institutions like the World Bank are well placed to support this.
95 This is addressed in a separate paper being prepared as part of the World Bank BRI program.
88
Conclusion
While each BRI country and corridor faces unique challenges, it is possible to identify several
priority themes where trade facilitation reform is likely to have the most impact in boosting trade
through the BRI. This paper has identified six priority themes for reform, which will be especially
important in reducing procedural costs associated with trade. First, the implementation of national
mechanisms to coordinate trade facilitation reform (i.e. the National Trade Facilitation Committees
required under the WTO-TFA), with active involvement of the private sector. Second,
improvements to transparency on procedures and regulations affecting trade. Third, stronger
information-sharing between BRI economies, encompassing information on best practices and
lessons learned in trade facilitation reform; more operational information-sharing, especially to
support risk management; and information-sharing and mutual recognition on standards-related
procedures. Fourth, the implementation of more effective risk-based management processes for
trade. Fifth, the development of transit management regimes for each corridor. Sixth, the effective
use of ICT as part of trade facilitation streamlining, which acknowledging that ICT reform is most
effective when accompanied by other trade facilitation reforms.
The scale of the trade facilitation reform challenge facing BRI economies seems considerable, as
suggested by the relatively weak performance of BRI countries on key trade facilitation indicators.
This underlines the importance of careful analysis and planning of trade facilitation reform in
support of the BRI connectivity objectives. A key recommendation of this paper is that on a
corridor-by-corridor basis, detailed diagnostic work be undertaken to analyze the key trade
facilitation barriers and bottlenecks, with a focus on the six themes identifies above, as well as
other issues relevant for each corridor. These diagnostic studies can then form the basis for detailed
reform action plans for each corridor, underpinned by a robust monitoring framework to build
accountability and promote dialogue on implementation progress. These action plans would
identify what priorities are the responsibility of individual members of each corridor, and which
issues need to be tackled collectively. They would also form the centerpiece of institutions for
collaboration developed for each corridor, which are nascent or only exist on an ad hoc basis at
present.
89
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Annex : WTO Membership and Status of Trade Facilitation Agreement
Ratification and Categorization, by BRI Corridor
WTO Member WTO
member/observer
Ratified
TFA Category A
Category
B
Category
C
China-Pakistan
China Y Yes 94.50% 5.50% 0.0%
Pakistan Y Yes 34.00% 34.50% 31.5%
China, Mongolia, Russia
China Y Yes 94.50% 5.50% 0.0%
Mongolia Y Yes 23.50% 36.10% 40.3%
Russian Federation Y Yes 100.00% 0.00% 0.0%
New Eurasian Land-Based
Belarus N NA n/a n/a n/a
China Y Yes 94.50% 5.50% 0.0%
Czech Republic Y Yes 100.00% 0.00% 0.0%
Kazakhstan Y Yes 42.40% U U
Poland Y Yes 100.00% 0.00% 0.0%
China-Central Asia-West Asia
Afghanistan Y Yes 11.30% 31.10% 57.6%
Azerbaijan N NA n/a n/a n/a
China Y Yes 94.50% 5.50% 0.0%
Georgia Y Yes 92.40% 0.00% 7.6%
Iran, Islamic Rep. N NA n/a n/a n/a
Kyrgyz Republic Y Yes 7.60% U U
Russian Federation Y Yes 100.00% 0.00% 0.0%
Tajikistan Y Yes 53.80% U U
Turkey Y Yes 100.00% 0.00% 0.0%
95
Turkmenistan N NA n/a n/a n/a
Uzbekistan N NA n/a n/a n/a
China-Indochina Peninsula
Cambodia Y Yes 60.90% 19.30% 19.7%
China Y Yes 94.50% 5.50% 0.0%
Lao PDR Y Yes 21.00% 11.80% 67.2%
Malaysia Y Yes 94.10% 5.90% 0.0%
Myanmar Y Yes 5.50% 9.20% 85.3%
Singapore Y Yes 100.00% 0.00% 0.0%
Thailand Y Yes 93.70% 6.30% 0.0%
Vietnam Y Yes 22.70% U U
Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar
Bangladesh Y Yes 34.50% 38.20% 27.3%
China Y Yes 94.50% 5.50% 0.0%
India Y Yes 72.30% 27.70% 0.0%
Myanmar Y Yes 5.50% 9.20% 85.3%
Source: WTO, as of 30 July 2018. Percentages for categorization show the percentage of articles of the
TFA that have been notified under each category, for each WTO Members. U = uncategorized, meaning
no notification has been received by the WTO for that Member for Categories B and C
__MACOSX/BRI assignment /._ BRI -Discussion-Paper-4.pdf
BRI assignment /Assignment instuction .pptx
Individual Assignment
The length of the assignment must be between 2,500 to 3,000 words. It will be graded according to the student’s personal insight, opinion and perspective, complemented with findings and empirical evidence in required readings.
Requirements:
Topic of assignment as long as its within the topics covered in the module.
Substantiate arguments with case studies
Format: 1) Introduction, 2) Background of problem/ issue, 3) Current situation/ solution: what has been done, why not working?, 4) Recommendations
Analysis of situation and recommendation constitute the higher percentage of mark allocation
Submission via Turn-it-in
Plagiarism is a very serious offence, must not exceed 12% of similarity check
Countering social & environmental factors: Role of Charities & NGOs
Chinese NGO and charities sector to forge emotional ties with people in countries associated with the BRI, which the central leadership has stressed as crucial to the initiative's success.
The Silk Road NGO Cooperation Network, which was established in 2017 especially to connect with BRI participants, has attracted 310 groups worldwide so far:
seeks to be an information hub for its members, as well as a platform for coordination, according to its website. It also aims to improve the living standard of vulnerable groups and promote peace and development in participating BRI areas
E.g: China Foundation for Peace and Development, which teamed up with a domestic NGO in Myanmar to build schools; medical organizations led by the China Charity Alliance, which funded cataract surgeries across Southeast Asia; China Family Planning Association project that promotes sex education and popularizes AIDS prevention measures among youth in a number of countries; and Chinese rescue force Ramunion to enhance capabilities for handling emergencies
Kuala Lumpur-Singapore High Speed Rail: The Role of Domestic Politics
Roadmap
Main Argument
Project Overview
Causes of Project Delay (Immediate and Systemic)
Policy Implications
Points to Consider
Main Argument
Local politics matter!
Awarding of large, capital-intensive projects and their eventual implementation are almost always contingent upon place-specific political economic factors
Small states (in this case, Malaysia) have their own political and economic calculus that may not be in-line with those of the bigger states
Existence of a wide range of interest groups in the domestic arena can make outcomes less open to generalization
Project Overview
Source: Land Transport Authority (2018).
Project Overview
Southeast Asia’s largest infrastructure project – potentially costing anywhere from SGD 13 billion to slightly above SGD 20 billion
350-km in length
To facilitate seamless travel, enhance business linkages, and bring the peoples of both countries closer together
With terminus stations in Singapore's Jurong East and Kuala Lumpur's Bandar Malaysia, the HSR is expected to cut travel time between the two cities to 90 minutes, compared to about four hours of motor vehicle commuting
To link China’s Yunnan Province to Singapore via Laos, Thailand, and Malaysia (idea first mooted in 1995)
Project Overview
Signing of a memorandum of understanding on 19 July 2016, witnessed by Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and his then Malaysian counterpart, Najib Razak (Barisan Nasional; BN)
Legally binding contract signed in late 2016
Originally expected to be completed in 2026, but was scrapped by PM Mahathir (Pakatan Harapan;PH) on 28 May 2018
On 5 September 2018, both governments agreed to suspend the construction of the HSR until May 2020, with Malaysia reimbursing Singapore SGD 15mil for the suspension
New expected date of completion is 2031
Project Overview
Target by both Japanese and Chinese railway builders
Why China?
Efforts to export railway projects is one of the most prominent vehicles undergirding the Belt and Road Initiative
Crucial to promote Chinese trade and investment linkages with other foreign markets
Vital for China’s infrastructure and engineering firms, many of which are suffering from overcapacity and a stuttering domestic business environment
Why Japan?
A pillar of Japan’s Asian regional diplomatic strategy
Leverage its technological expertise and branding of its Shinkansen bullet train system
Shaken by loss of the Jakarta-Bandung HSR project to China Railway Group Limited in 2015
Exorbitant cost
Need to trim ballooning national debt
Insufficient benefit to Malaysians
(Immediate) Causes of Project Delay
A strong (but fragile) Barisan Nasional (BN)
One of Asia’s longest-ruling administration
1957-2018 (61 years)
Fairly good economic performance
Fairly good infrastructure provision
Fairly stable society (only 1x incident of inter-ethnic rioting)
Southeast Asia’s second-best performing economy for decades
But, BN was still (superficially?) strong, at least until May 2018
(Systemic) Causes of Project Delay
Structural feature of Malaysia's political system
Classical case of ethnically and religiously divided society
First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) electoral system (winner-takes-all!)
Stayed in power using incrementally risky (albeit technically legal!) measures
Constituency delimitation, particularly since the 1970s
Malapportionment
Gerrymandering
Pre-delimitation boundary changes
Centralization of power at 2 levels as popularity declined over time
State to Putrajaya
Cabinet to Prime Minister’s Office
Lack of checks and balances on the executive
Police force used to contain opposition and dissidence
Uncompetitive media space
(Systemic) Causes of Project Delay
Najib (2009-2018) ‘doubled down’ on these features, amplifying both BN’s strength (as well as its fragility)
His gamble failed as the Mahathir-led opposition bloc won the general election on 9 May 2018
But, it remains a ‘winner-takes-all’ political system
Seen in how Mahathir unilaterally scrapped the project within weeks of returning as PM
Some measures taken to dilute power of PMO, but they are piecemeal moves
(Systemic) Causes of Project Delay
2 strategies
Work with PH at the federal level
To prepare for the HSR’s revival, in the original format or otherwise
Push for more transparency and openness to alleviate public/opposition grievances
Work with both PH and BN at the subnational level, especially Johor
To prepare for a potential devolution of power and responsibility from Putrajaya back to the subnational governments
Most immediate project is the Johor Bahru-Singapore RTS Link
Success of the RTS will likely be the bellwether for future infrastructure projects between both countries
Policy Implications (for Singapore)
Discussion
What would you do if you were the new Malaysian government?
What would you do if you were the Singaporean government?
What would you do if you were the CEO of a railway company planning to bid for the project?
How would making the public consultation process open to the public help in alleviating potential political contestation?