Case of Conflict

Volume 1 Number 1 3e pacic SocitoOgcat Revulew

Official Journal of the Pacific Sociological Society

Spring 1958

RACE PREJUDICE AS A SENSE OF GROUP POSITION* HERBERT BLUMER

University of California, Berkeley

In this paper I am proposing an approach to the study of race prejudice different from that which dominates con- temporary scholarly thought on this topic. My thesis is that race prejudice exists basically in a sense of group position rather than in a set of feelings which members of one racial group have toward the members of another racial group. This different way of viewing race prejudice shifts study and analysis from a preoccupation with feelings as lodged in individuals to a concern with the relationship of racial groups. It also shifts scholarly treatment away from indi- vidual lines of experience and focuses interest on the collec- tive process by which a racial group comes to define and redefine another racial group. Such shifts, I believe, will yield a more realistic and penetrating understanding of race prejudice.

There can be little question that the rather vast literature on race prejudice is dominated by the idea that such preju- dice exists fundamentally as a feeling or set of feelings lodged in the individual. It is usually depicted as consisting of feelings such as antipathy, hostility, hatred, intolerance, and aggressiveness. Accordingly, the task of scientific in- quiry becomes two-fold. On one hand, there is a need to identify the feelings which make up race prejudice--to see how they fit together and how they are supported by other psychological elements, such as mythical beliefs. On the other hand, there is need of showing how the feeling com- plex has come into being. Thus, some scholars trace the complex feelings back chiefly to innate dispositions; some trace it to personality composition, such as authoritarian personality; and others regard the feelings of prejudice as being formed through social experience. However dif- ferent may be the contentions regarding the make-up of racial prejudice and the way in which it may come into existence, these contentions are alike in locating prejudice in the realm of individual feeling. This is clearly true of the work of psychologists, psychiatrists, and social psychol-

ogists, and tends to be predominantly the case in the work of sociologists.

Unfortunately, this customary way of viewing race prej- udice overlooks and obscures the fact that race prejudice is fundamentally a matter of relationship between racial groups. A little reflective thought should make this very clear. Race prejudice presupposes, necessarily, that racially prejudiced individuals think of themselves as belonging to a given racial group. It means, also, that they assign to other racial groups those against whom they are preju- diced. Thus, logically and actually, a scheme of racial iden- tification is necessary as a framework for racial prejudice. Moreover, such identification involves the formation of an image or a conception of one's own racial group and of an- other racial group, inevitably in terms of the relationship of such groups. To fail to see that racial prejudice is a matter (a) of the racial identification made of oneself and of others, and (b) of the way in which the identified groups are conceived in relation to each other, is to miss what is logically and actually basic. One should keep clearly in mind that people necessarily come to identify themselves as belonging to a racial group; such identification is not spontaneous or inevitable but a result of experience. Fur- ther, one must realize that the kind of picture which a ra- cial group forms of itself and the kind of picture which it may form of others are similarly products of experience. Hence, such pictures are variable, just as the lines of expe- rience which produce them are variable.

The body of feelings which scholars, today, are so in- clined to regard as constituting the substance of race preju- dice is actually a resultant of the way in which given racial groups conceive of themselves and of others. A basic un- derstanding of race prejudice must be sought in the proc- ess by which racial groups form images of themselves and of others. This process, as I hope to show, is fundamentally a collective process. It operates chiefly through the public media in which individuals who are accepted as the spokes- men of a racial group characterize publicly another racial

* Read at the dedication of the Robert E. Park Building, Fisk University, March, 1956.

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group. To characterize another racial group is, by opposi- tion, to define one's own group. This is equivalent to plac- ing the two groups in relation to each other, or defining their positions vis-d-vis each other. It is the sense of social position emerging from this collective process of charac- terization which provides the basis of race prejudice. The following discussion will consider important facets of this matter.

I would like to begin by discussing several of the impor- tant feelings that enter into race prejudice. This discussion will reveal how fundamentally racial feelings point to and depend on a positional arrangement of the racial groups. In this discussion I will confine myself to such feelings in the case of a dominant racial group.

There are four basic types of feeling that seem to be always present in race prejudice in the dominant group. They are (1) a feeling of superiority, (2) a feeling that the subordinate race is intrinsically different and alien, (3) a feeling of proprietary claim to certain areas of priv- ilege and advantage, and (4) a fear and suspicion that the subordinate race harbors designs on the prerogatives of the dominant race. A few words about each of these four feelings will suffice.

In race prejudice there is a self-assured feeling on the part of the dominant racial group of being naturally supe- rior or better. This is commonly shown in a disparagement of the qualities of the subordinate racial group. Condemna- tory or debasing traits, such as laziness, dishonesty, greedi- ness, unreliability, stupidity, deceit and immorality, are usually imputed to it. The second feeling, that the subordi- nate race is an alien and fundamentally different stock, is likewise always present. "They are not of our kind" is a common way in which this is likely to be expressed. It is this feeling that reflects, justifies, and promotes the social exclusion of the subordinate racial group. The combination of these two feelings of superiority and of distinctiveness can easily give rise to feelings of aversion and even antip- athy. But in themselves they do not form prejudice. We have to introduce the third and fourth types of feeling.

The third feeling, the sense of proprietary claim, is of crucial importance. It is the feeling on the part of the dominant group of being entitled to either exclusive or prior rights in many important areas of life. The range of such exclusive or prior claims may be wide, covering the ownership of property such as choice lands and sites; the right to certain jobs, occupations or professions; the claim to certain kinds of industry or lines of business; the claim to certain positions of control and decision-making as in government and law; the right to exclusive membership in given institutions such as schools, churches and recrea- tional institutions; the claim to certain positions of social prestige and to the display of the symbols and accoutre- ments of these positions; and the claim to certain areas of intimacy and privacy. The feeling of such proprietary

claims is exceedingly strong in race prejudice. Again, how- ever, this feeling even in combination with the feeling of superiority and the feeling of distinctiveness does not ex- plain race prejudice. These three feelings are present fre- quently in societies showing no prejudice, as in certain forms of feudalism, in caste relations, in societies of chiefs and commoners, and under many settled relations of con- querors and conquered. Where claims are solidified into a structure which is accepted or respected by all, there seems to be no group prejudice.

The remaining feeling essential to race prejudice is a fear or apprehension that the subordinate racial group is threatening, or will threaten, the position of the dominant group. Thus, acts or suspected acts that are interpreted as an attack on the natural superiority of the dominant group, or an intrusion into their sphere of group exclusiveness, or an encroachment on their area of proprietary claim are crucial in arousing and fashioning race prejudice. These acts mean "getting out of place."

It should be clear that these four basic feelings of race prejudice definitely refer to a positional arrangement of the racial groups. The feeling of superiority places the sub- ordinate people below; the feeling of alienation places them beyond; the feeling of proprietary claim excludes them from the prerogatives of position; and the fear of encroach- ment is an emotional recoil from the endangering of group position. As these features suggest, the positional rela- tion of the two racial groups is crucial in race preju- dice. The dominant group is not concerned with the sub- ordinate group as such but it is deeply concerned with its position vis-a-vis the subordinate group. This is epitomized in the key and universal expression that a given race is all right in "its place." The sense of group position is the very heart of the relation of the dominant to the subordinate group. It supplies the dominant group with its framework of perception, its standard of judgment, its patterns of sensitivity, and its emotional proclivities.

It is important to recognize that this sense of group posi- tion transcends the feelings of the individual members of the dominant group, giving such members a common ori- entation that is not otherwise to be found in separate feel- ings and views. There is likely to be considerable difference between the ways in which the individual members of the dominant group think and feel about the subordinate group. Some may feel bitter and hostile, with strong antip- athies, with an exalted sense of superiority and with a lot of spite; others may have charitable and protective feel- ings, marked by a sense of piety and tinctured by benevol- ence; others may be condescending and reflect mild con- tempt; and others may be disposed to politeness and con- siderateness with no feelings of truculence. These are only a few of many different patterns of feeling to be found among members of the dominant racial group. What gives a common dimension to them is a sense of the social posi-

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tion of their group. Whether the members be humane or callous, cultured or unlettered, liberal or reactionary, pow- erful or impotent, arrogant or humble, rich or poor, hon- orable or dishonorable-all are led, by virtue of sharing the sense of group position, to similar individual positions.

The sense of group position is a general kind of orienta- tion. It is a general feeling without being reducible to spe- cific feelings like hatred, hostility or antipathy. It is also a general understanding without being composed of any set of specific beliefs. On the social psychological side it can- not be equated to a sense of social status as ordinarily con- ceived, for it refers not merely to vertical positioning but to many other lines of position independent of the vertical dimension. Sociologically it is not a mere reflection of the objective relations between racial groups. Rather, it stands for "what ought to be" rather than for "what is." It is a sense of where the two racial groups belong.

In its own way, the sense of group position is a norm and imperative-indeed a very powerful one. It guides, incites, cows, and coerces. It should be borne in mind that this sense of group position stands for and involves a fun- damental kind of group affiliation for the members of the dominant racial group. To the extent they recognize or feel themselves as belonging to that group they will automati- cally come under the influence of the sense of position held by that group. Thus, even though given individual mem- bers may have personal views and feelings different from the sense of group position, they will have to conjure with the sense of group position held by their racial group. If the sense of position is strong, to act contrary to it is to risk a feeling of self-alienation and to face the possibility of ostracism. I am trying to suggest, accordingly, that the locus of race prejudice is not in the area of individual feel- ing but in the definition of the respective positions of the racial groups.

The source of race prejudice lies in a felt challenge to this sense of group position. The challenge, one must rec- ognize, may come in many different ways. It may be in the form of an affront to feelings of group superiority; it may be in the form of attempts at familiarity or transgressing the boundary line of group exclusiveness; it may be in the form of encroachment at countless points of proprietary claim; it may be a challenge to power and privilege; it may take the form of economic competition. Race prejudice is a defensive reaction to such challenging of the sense of group position. It consists of the disturbed feelings, usually of marked hostility, that are thereby aroused. As such, race prejudice is a protective device. It functions, however short- sightedly, to preserve the integrity and the position of the dominant group.

It is crucially important to recognize that the sense of group position is not a mere summation of the feelings of position such as might be developed independently by sep- arate individuals as they come to compare themselves with

given individuals of the subordinate race. The sense of group position refers to the position of group to group, not to that of individual to individual. Thus, vis-a-vis the sub- ordinate racial group the unlettered individual with low status in the dominant racial group has a sense of group position common to that of the elite of his group. By virtue of sharing this sense of position such an individual, despite his low status, feels that members of the subordinate group, however distinguished and accomplished, are somehow in- ferior, alien, and properly restricted in the area of claims. He forms his conception as a representative of the domin- ant group; he treats individual members of the subordinate group as representative of that group.

An analysis of how the sense of group position is formed should start with a clear recognition that it is an historical product. It is set originally by conditions of initial contact. Prestige, power, possession of skill, numbers, original self- conceptions, aims, designs and opportunities are a few of the factors that may fashion the original sense of group position. Subsequent experience in the relation of the two racial groups, especially in the area of claims, op- portunities and advantages, may mould the sense of group position in many diverse ways. Further, the sense of group position may be intensified or weakened, brought to sharp focus or dulled. It may be deeply entrenched and tenacious- ly resist change for long periods of time. Or it may never take root. It may undergo quick growth and vigorous ex- pansion, or it may dwindle away through slow-moving ero- sion. It may be firm or soft, acute or dull, continuous or intermittent. In short, viewed comparatively, the sense of group position is very variable.

However variable its particular career, the sense of group position is clearly formed by a running process in which the dominant racial group is led to define and redefine the subordinate racial group and the relations between them. There are two important aspects of this process of defini- tion that I wish to single out for consideration.

First, the process of definition occurs obviously through complex interaction and communication between the mem- bers of the dominant group. Leaders, prestige bearers, officials, group agents, dominant individuals and ordinary laymen present to one another characterizations of the subordinate group and express their feelings and ideas on the relations. Through talk, tales, stories, gossip, anec- dotes, messages, pronouncements, news accounts, orations, sermons, preachments and the like definitions are presented and feelings are expressed. In this usually vast and com- plex interaction separate views run against one another, influence one another, modify each other, incite one an- other and fuse together in new forms. Correspondingly, feelings which are expressed meet, stimulate each other, feed on each other, intensify each other and emerge in new patterns. Currents of view and currents of feeling come into being; sweeping along to positions of dominance and

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serving as polar points for the organization of thought and sentiment. If the interaction becomes increasingly circular and reinforcing, devoid of serious inner opposition, such currents grow, fuse and become strengthened. It is through such a process that a collective image of the subordinate group is formed and a sense of group position is set. The evidence of such a process is glaring when one reviews the history of any racial arrangement marked by prejudice.

Such a complex process of mutual interaction with its different lines and degrees of formation gives the lie to the many schemes which would lodge the cause of race preju- dice in the make-up of the individual-whether in the form of innate disposition, constitutional make-up, personality structure, or direct personal experience with members of the other race. The collective image and feelings in race prejudice are forged out of a complicated social process in which the individual is himself shaped and organized. The scheme, so popular today, which would trace race prej- udice to a so-called authoritarian personality shows a griev- ous misunderstanding of the simple essentials of the collec- tive process that leads to a sense of group position.

The second important aspect of the process of group def- inition is that it is necessarily concerned with an abstract image of the subordinate racial group. The subordinate racial group is defined as if it were an entity or whole. This entity or whole-like the Negro race, or the Japanese, or the Jews-is necessarily an abstraction, never coming with- in the perception of any of the senses. While actual encoun- ters are with individuals, the picture formed of the racial group is necessarily of a vast entity which spreads out far beyond such individuals and transcends experience with such individuals. The implications of the fact that the col- lective image is of an abstract group are of crucial signifi- cance. I would like to note four of these implications.

First, the building of the image of the abstract group takes place in the area of the remote and not of the near. It is not the experience with concrete individuals in daily association that gives rise to the definitions of the extended, abstract group. Such immediate experience is usually regu- lated and orderly. Even where such immediate experience is disrupted the new definitions which are formed are lim- ited to the individuals involved. The collective image of the abstract group grows up not by generalizing from expe- riences gained in close, first-hand contacts but through the transcending characterizations that are made of the group as an entity. Thus, one must seek the central stream of defi- nition in those areas where the dominant group as such is characterizing the subordinate group as such. This occurs in the "public arena" wherein the spokesmen appear as representatives and agents of the dominant group. The ex- tended public arena is constituted by such things as legisla- tives assemblies, public meetings, conventions, the press, and the printed word. What goes on in this public arena attracts the attention of large numbers of the dominant

group and is felt as the voice and action of the group as such.

Second, the definitions that are forged in the public arena center, obviously, about matters that are felt to be of major importance. Thus, we are led to recognize the crucial role of the "big event" in developing a conception of the subordinate racial group. The happening that seems momentous, that touches deep sentiments, that seems to raise fundamental questions about relations, and that awak- ens strong feelings of identification with one's racial group is the kind of event that is central in the formation of the racial image. Here, again, we note the relative unimpor- tance of the huge bulk of experiences coming from daily contact with individuals of the subordinate group. It is the events seemingly loaded with great collective significance that are the focal points of the public discussion. The defini- tion of these events is chiefly responsible for the develop- ment of a racial image and of the sense of group position. When this public discussion takes the form of a denuncia- tion of the subordinate racial group, signifying that it is unfit and a threat, the discussion becomes particularly po- tent in shaping the sense of social position.

Third, the major influence in public discussion is exer- cised by individuals and groups who have the public ear and who are felt to have standing, prestige, authority and power. Intellectual and social elites, public figures of prom- inence, and leaders of powerful organizations are likely to be the key figures in the formation of the sense of group position and in the characterization of the subordinate group. It is well to note this in view of the not infrequent tendency of students to regard race prejudice as growing out of the multiplicity of experiences and attitudes of the bulk of the people.

Fourth, we also need to perceive the appreciable oppor- tunity that is given to strong interest groups in directing the lines of discussion and setting the interpretations that arise in such discussion. Their self-interests may dictate the kind of position they wish the dominant racial group to enjoy. It may be a position which enables them to retain certain advantages, or even more to gain still greater ad- vantages. Hence, they may be vigorous in seeking to manu- facture events to attract public attention and to set lines of issue in such a way as to predetermine interpretations fa- vorable to their interests. The role of strongly organized groups seeking to further special interest is usually central in the formation of collective images of abstract groups. Historical records of major instances of race relations, as in our South, or in South Africa, or in Europe in the case of the Jew, or on the West Coast in the case of the Japanese show the formidable part played by interest groups in de- fining the subordinate racial group.

I conclude this highly condensed paper with two further observations that may throw additional light on the rela- tion of the sense of group position to race prejudice. Race

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prejudice becomes entrenched and tenacious to the extent the prevailing social order is rooted in the sense of social position. This has been true of the historic South in our country. In such a social order race prejudice tends to be- come chronic and impermeable to change. In other places the social order may be affected only to a limited extent by the sense of group position held by the dominant racial group. This I think has been true usually in the case of anti- Semitism in Europe and this country. Under these condi- tions the sense of group position tends to be weaker and more vulnerable. In turn, race prejudice has a much more variable and intermittent career, usually becoming pro- nounced only as a consequence of grave disorganizing events that allow for the formation of a scapegoat.

This leads me to my final observation which in a meas- ure is an indirect summary. The sense of group position dis- solves and race prejudice declines when the process of run-

ning definition does not keep abreast of major shifts in the social order. When events touching on relations are not treated as "big events" and hence do not set crucial issues in the arena of public discussion; or when the elite leaders or spokesmen do not define such big events vehemently or adversely; or where they define them in the direction of racial harmony; or when there is a paucity of strong inter- est groups seeking to build up a strong adverse image for special advantage-under such conditions the sense of group position recedes and race prejudice declines.

The clear implication of my discussion is that the proper and the fruitful area in which race prejudice should be studied is the collective process through which a sense of group position is formed. To seek, instead, to understand it or to handle it in the arena of individual feeling and of in- dividual experience seems to me to be clearly misdirected.

FILIPINO STEREOTYPES OF RACIAL AND NATIONAL MINORITIES* JOEL V. BERREMAN

University of Oregon

This paper will report the findings of a research project carried out in the Philippines during the school year 1955- 56. The study is a partial replication, in a different cultural setting, of the studies by Katz and Braly,' and by Gilbert2 of the racial stereotypes held by a group of Princeton stu- dents. The primary purpose of the study was to identify the factors associated with stereotype consistency.3

TIHE RESEARCH DESIGN

In order to insure replication of the essential features of the Princeton study, the procedures followed were basically the same as those of Katz and Braly. However, as will be noted, a refinement was introduced to overcome an un- anticipated difficulty.

The Original Design. One hundred thirty students at the University of the Philippines were asked to list the traits they thought typical of each of six groups, namely: Chi- nese, Indians, Japanese, Spaniards, American Whites and American Negroes. No traits were suggested to the re- spondents. From those most frequently listed, and some others drawn from popular writings or suggested by Fili- pino colleagues, a comprehensive checklist was compiled. Finally, a number of traits from the Katz and Braly stereo- types were added to this list.4 The resulting 96 descriptive terms or phrases were then arranged in alphabetical order. This procedure is believed to have the double advantage of producing a checklist drawn from sources within the society being observed and yet using the method and in- cluding the crucial terms from the American study required for a valid comparison of the two.

The master list of 96 traits was then submitted to 480 students randomly selected from all schools and depart- ments of the University of the Philippines with instructions to read through the entire list and designate, in turn, the five traits considered most typical of each of the six ethnic groups. The traits thus checked for each ethnic group were then tabulated. The procedure to this point was identical

* An expanded version of a paper read at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Society, August, 1957.

1 Daniel Katz and K. Braly, "Racial Stereotypes of 100 College Students," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 28 (Octo- ber, 1933), pp. 280-290; and Daniel Katz and K. Braly, "Racial Prej- udice and Racial Stereotypes," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psy- chology, 30 (July, 1935), pp. 175-193.

2 G. M. Gilbert, "Stereotype Persistence and Change Among Col- lege Students," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 46 (April, 1951), pp. 245-254. Also of interest is the study by James A. Bayton, "Racial Stereotypes of Negro College Students," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 36 (January, 1941), pp. 97-103.

3 The stereotypes reported in this, as those in the Princeton in- vestigation, consist of descriptive terms representing the ideas or beliefs of the subject population as to the characteristics of specified categories of persons. This is a departure from the popular defini- tion of stereotypes as erroneous ideas.

4 Katz and Braly traits were included for the four stereotypes included in both studies if they appeared more than twice in the original free descriptions by the 130 students. It was assumed that those traits in the Katz and Braly study not listed more than twice were not in the usual Filipino vocabulary or were not associated with the designated peoples.

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