African American Studies Discussion

Black Family Imagery and Interactions on Television

Author(s): Bishetta Merritt and Carolyn A. Stroman

Source: Journal of Black Studies , Jun., 1993, Vol. 23, No. 4 (Jun., 1993), pp. 492-499

Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.

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BLACK FAMILY IMAGERY AND

INTERACTIONS ON TELEVISION

BISHETTA MERRITT

CAROLYN A. STROMAN Howard University

Most people would probably agree with the assertion that "the family is at once the most sensitive, important, and enduring element in the culture of any people" (Billingsley, 1968). For it is within the family-the principal socializer-that an individual's per- sonality and identity are formed and norms and values of particular cultures and subcultures are transmitted. Perhaps because of this

central role that the family plays in the socialization of individuals,

the family has been of great interest to scholars and laymen alike. Television families have also been of great interest. As Glennon

and Butsch (1982) pointed out, many of the more than 200 fictional families that have appeared in "family series" since 1946 are known

and loved by millions of Americans. The Nelsons (The Adventures

of Ozzie and Harriet), the Cleavers (Leave it to Beaver), the Bunkers (All in the Family), the Waltons, the Jeffersons, and so

forth, have all become a part of our collective history and culture. Black families have been represented in television programming

scheduling since the 1950s. This article examines the portrayal of

Black family life on commercial television during the 1985-1986

season. Its purpose is twofold: (a) to provide data that, when

analyzed in the context of previous studies, will allow for the establishment of a trend of how the Black family has been portrayed on television; and (b) to examine Black family portrayals as a possible model for social learning by children.

AUTHORS' NOTE: An earlier version of this article was presented at the 1986 International Conference on Culture and Communication, Philadelphia, October 10, 1986.

JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES, Vol. 23 No. 4, June 1993 492-499

C 1993 Sage Publications, Inc.

492

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Merritt, Stroman / BLACK FAMILY IMAGERY 493

RESEARCH ON BLACK FAMILY PORTRAYAL

Past research concerning the imagery of Black television fami- lies is scarce and generally concentrates on the Black family in situation comedies. One qualitative researcher, Gordon Berry (1980),

identified frequent representations of Black, minority, and lower- class life-styles appearing on television and concluded that family presentations are disrupted by parent and sibling aggressive behav- ior; families show a continuous picture of female-dominated house- holds whether or not a male is present; family life portrays frequent friction between males and females; and family portrayals show children with little supervision and love.

Research by Greenberg and Atkin (1978) supports some of the above notions. They observed several situation comedies with Black families (What's Happening, Sanford and Son, Good limes, etc.) and concluded that Black families are isolated from Whites, are more likely to be without a father, and Black mothers are more

dominant when critical family decisions are made. Greenberg and Neuendorf (1980) observed the interactions of

Black and White families. Their findings indicate that within Black families on television the Black males were more active in family interactions than White males; the Black sons played a more active role than Black daughters or White children; and conflict as the content of family interactions was more prevalent in Black family units when compared to White family units. Are these still the messages emanating from television about Black families? The research described below addresses this question.

METHOD

The sample of programs examined for this analysis was limited to half-hour, prime-time, situation comedies that featured recurring,

intact Black nuclear families. During the 1985-1986 seasons, three shows met these requirements: (a) the Cosby Show, which featured a mother, a father, four daughters, and a son; (2) 227, which was composed of a mother, father, and one daughter; and (3) Charlie &

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494 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / JUNE 1993

Company, which featured a mother, father, two sons, and a

daughter.

One third of each of the shows aired during the season were randomly selected, coded, and analyzed. Coding was done by two

persons; coder reliability tests, which were done periodically on all

content variables, were always above 90.1 Modifications of the definitions used by Seggar (1975), Hinton,

Seggar, Northcott, and Fontes (1974), and DeFleur (1964) to deter- mine imagery were adopted for use in the present study. These

definitions were as follows: (a) role significance-the classification

of family member portrayals as major, supporting, minor, and bit

parts; (b) dress-the classification of clothing apparel as showy, well dressed, ordinary, or poor; (c) occupational status-the clas-

sification of clearly observable tasks being performed that can be classified using the broad occupational categories used by the U.S. Bureau of the Census; (d) competence-the classification of intel-

ligence displayed, the ideas proposed, or the actual successful and

affective completion or carrying out of a task as very competent,

generally competent, sometimes incompetent, and very incompe- tent; and (c) wealth-determined by context, possessions, and

special access to facilities and things, classified as wealthy, com- fortable, ordinary, and poor.

Interactive behavior was coded according to direction-that is,

whether the interaction was conflictual or affiliative in nature-and

mode-the giving, seeking, or receiving of advice, information, or orders (Greenberg & Neuendorf, 1980). An interaction began when

something was said between one or more of the characters and ended when one of the characters left the scene or a new character

entered (Greenberg & Atkin, 1978).

RESULTS

The first question to be addressed is what image of Black family life emerges from the three shows included in this study. In contrast to previous shows, where the majority of Black families were lower-class and rather poorly dressed, the families in 227 and

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Mernitt, Stroman / BLACK FAMILY IMAGERY 495

Charlie & Company are working/middle-class, and the family in the Cosby Show is definitely upper-middle-class, with dress ranging

from ordinary to well dressed on all three shows. As to overall wealth, the Huxtables (Cosby Show) are home owners, relatively wealthy, and live in a New York brownstone that is nicely furnished; the Jenkins (227) and the Richmonds (Charlie & Company) rent their apartments and enjoy rather ordinary-to- comfortable life-styles.

Occupation-wise, the mother and father on the Cosby Show are an attorney and obstetrician, respectively. The mother on Charlie &

Company is a schoolteacher and the father works for the Depart- ment of Transportation. The mother on 227 does not work; initially, the father was a blue-collar worker, but later he was promoted to a professional/managerial position.

Regarding role significance, all of the family members assumed major or supporting roles, and all were portrayed as being compe- tent or very competent. Clearly, these shows offer a different, more positive view of Black family life.

We now examine and compare family role interactions among characters on the three shows. In terms of mode of interaction-that

is giving, seeking, or receiving advice, information, or orders-the data reveal that most of the interactions appearing on all three shows were equal give and take. Specifically, 81% of the interactions on 227,83% of those on the Cosby Show, and 84% of those on Charlie &

Company were coded as equal giving and receiving of advice, information, or orders.

Who is doing the interacting? On 227, 58% of the interactions were between the husband and wife and 27% between mother and daughter. What is noteworthy is the low, compared to the other two

statistics, amount of interaction between the father and daughter (see Table 1). On the Cosby Show, the father's interactions with all

four of his daughters are approximately the same as with his son, 15% and 16%, respectively. Again, wife-husband interactions ac-

count for the largest amount, 31%. Surprisingly, the mother's interaction with her daughter makes up only 7% and with her son, 3%. Sibling interactions account for a substantial portion of the interactions; sister-sister interactions constitute 14% of the total

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496 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / JUNE 1993

interactions, and brother-sister interactions, 15%. On Charlie &

Company, as in the other two shows, wife-husband interactions

constituted the largest category (37%), followed by father-son

(18%) interactions (see Table 1). The data were then examined in terms of male-female role

interactions. Clearly, on the Cosby Show, the females are the

initiators, initiating over 60% of the interactions. Mrs. Huxtable, as

wife and mother, initiates over 30% of the interactions. Interest-

ingly, the father is the one more likely to be the receiver of an

interaction, leading the list with 23%. Similarly, over 60% of the

interactions on 227 were also female-initiated. Contrast this with

Charlie & Company where the majority of the interactions are male initiated, with the father and sons each initiating approximately

20% of the interactions. On this same program, males are also most

likely to be the receiver of an interaction; the father, husband, and the sons each received more than 15% of the total interactions (see Table 2).

How do these findings compare with those of previous research,

particularly those of Greenberg and Neuendorf (1980)? The present research found, as did Greenberg and Neuendorf, that the most

active pair in Black television families is the wife-husband pair. Although there was a tendency for fathers to interact more with

their sons that with daughters, this was only slightly so and not markedly so as in the pre-1980 shows analyzed by Greenberg and

Neuendorf.

Perhaps the most important findings pertain to the low amount

of conflict evident in the interactions. In Charlie & Company, 9%

of the interactions were characterized by conflict (i.e., one character opposed or attacked the other) as were 10% of those occurring on the Cosby Show. 227 had the lowest amount, 4%. This is in contrast to Greenberg and Neuendorf's research, which found Black family interactions characterized by conflictual behavior in 17% of the

interactions. Interestingly, the majority of the conflicts involved

daughters and sister. (It should be noted, however, that there was little evidence of siblings being active in conflictual family role interactions as was found and reported in Greenberg & Neuendorf

[1980].)

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Merritt, Stroman / BLACK FAMILY IMAGERY 497

TABLE 1

Family Interactions, by Show (in percentages)

Show

Role Pair Cosby Show 227 Charlie & Co.

Mother-daughter 7 27 12

Mother-con 3 7

Wife-husband 31 58 37

Brother-brother 4

Sister-sister 14

Sister-brother 15 9

Daughter-father 15 15 13 Father-son 16 18

Total interactions N= 119 N=75 N= 107

TABLE 2

Family Role Act Initiation and

Reception by Role and Show (in percentages)

Initiation Reception

Role Cosby Show 227 Charlie & Co. Cosby Show 227 Charlie & Co.

Mother 15 7 15 8 22 7

Father 14 7 20 23 11 20

Husband 8 31 8 12 23 19

Wife 16 21 16 12 28 11

Daughter 12 35 12 14 15 15

Son 12 21 3 17

Brother 4 6 9 1

Sister 19 2 18 1

Total interactions N= 119 N= 75 N= 107

DISCUSSION

When compared with previous research, this analysis suggests

that a more positive portrayal of Black families is emerging. That is, in this sample of television programs, Black families have both

husband and wife present; these spouses interact frequently, equally,

and lovingly with each other; and children are treated with respect

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498 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / JUNE 1993

and taught achievement-oriented values. All of this takes place in

an atmosphere that harbors little conflictual behavior.

These findings are important for several reasons. A great deal

of the concern expressed about the portrayals of Blacks and their

families is related to the perceived impact that television has on

children, particularly Black children. Seemingly, positive por-

trayals will have positive outcomes. Consequently, by portraying

Black families in a positive light, these television programs may

be providing role models that promote positive attitudes and behavior.

Additionally, it should be noted that some individuals believe that the media, particularly television, shape our ideas and attitudes

about what kinds of family structures and interaction are acceptable

and appropriate, and what kinds are serious or funny. The media

also define for us how spouses and parents and children are "sup- posed" to relate to each other (Glennon & Butsch, 1982; Greenberg, Edison, Korzenny, Fernandez-Collado, & Atkin, 1980). The impli-

cation here is that because children learn other attitudes and behav- iors from the media, it is expected that they would also learn family roles, attitudes, and behaviors from the models presented on tele-

vision (Atkin, 1986; Greenberg et al., 1980; Stroman, 1983).

As a result, the above-documented step in the direction of improved images of Black family life is to be applauded. There is

a need, however, for more shows like the exemplary Cosby Show if a balance is to be reached in televised portrayals of Black families.

NOTE

1. The formula used in computing the coefficient of reliability was

CR = 2M

N1 + N2

where M is the number of coding decisions on which the coders agreed, and N + N refers to

the number of coding decisions made by the two coders (Holsti, 1969).

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Merritt, Stroman / BLACK FAMILY IMAGERY 499

REFERENCES

Atkin, G. L. (1986). An analysis of family interaction styles as portrayed on television.

Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Georgia, Athens.

Berry, G. L. (1980). Children, television, and social class roles: The mediumas an unplanned

educational curriculum. In E. L. Palmer & A. Doff (Eds.), Children and the faces of television (pp. 71-81). New York: Academic.

Billingsley, A. (1968). Blackfamilies in WhiteAmerica. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

DeFleur, M. (1964). Occupational roles as portrayed on television. Public Opinion Quar-

terly, 28, 57-74.

Glennon, L. N., & Butsch, R. (1982). The family as portrayed on television 1946-1948. In

D. Pearl, L. Bouthilet, & J. Lazar (Eds.), Television and behavior: Ten years of scientific

progress and implications for the eighties. Rockville, MD: National Institute of Mental Health.

Greenberg, B. S., & Atkin, C. K. (1978, March). Learning about minorities from television:

The research agenda Paper presented at the conference on Television and the Socializa-

tion of the Minority Child, University of California, Los Angeles.

Greenberg, B. S., Edison, N., Korzenny, F., Femandez-Collado, C., & Atkin, C K. (1980). Antisocial and prosocial behaviors on TV. In B. S. Greenberg (Ed.), Life on television:

Content analysis of U.S. 7Vdrama (pp. 173-181). Norwood, NJ: Ablex. Greenberg, B. S., & Neuendorf, K. (1980). Black family interactions on TV. In B. S.

Greenberg (Ed.), Life on television: Content analysis of U.S. TV drama (pp. 173-181). Norwood, NJ: Ablex.

Hinton, J., Seggar, J., Northcott, H. C., & Fontes, B. (1974). Tokenism and improving imagery of Blacks in tv drama and comedy: 1973. Journal of Broadcasting, 18,423-432.

Holsti, 0. (1969). Content analysis for the social sciences and humanities. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.

Seggar, J. (1975). Imagery of women in television drama: 1974. Journal of Broadcasting, 19, 273-282.

Stroman, C. A. (1983, February). Media coverage of Black families: A case of media

dependency. Paper presented at the Annual Communications Conference, Howard University, Washington, DC.

Bishetta Merritt is Associate Professor in the Radio, Television and Film Department

at Howard University. She has written and presented papers on children and

television, the images of minorities in the media, and the citizens group movement.

Carolyn A. Stroman is Associate Professor and Director of the Center for Commu-

nications Research, School of Communications, Howard University. Her research

interests are in the areas of mass media content, children and television, Blacks and

the mass media, the social and psychological effects of exposure to the mass media,

and health communications. She has published articles on these topics.

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