BishuandHeadley2020EEOandWomeninBureaucracy.pdf

Women Bureaucrats in Male-Dominated Professions 1063

†Sebawit G. Bishu University of Colorado Denver

Equal Employment Opportunity: Women Bureaucrats in Male-Dominated Professions

Abstract: The public sector prides itself on being a place where women and other marginalized groups can find shelter from workplace discrimination. Still, gender inequities are evident in the public sector workforce. In this article, interview data from city managers and police officers highlight the gendered internal organizational processes, arrangements, and interactions that impact women’s experiences in male-dominated roles. Despite seemingly equal opportunities to access and engagement in these bureaucratic roles, the findings suggest that women constantly face gendered barriers and boundaries that directly impact their experiences on the job and their work-related outcomes. Legislative and administrative remedies are not sufficient to eliminate gendered experiences of women in male- dominated roles. Rather, a cultural change from within the workplace is vital to realize the efforts of civil rights laws established more than 50 years ago.

Evidence for Practice • Women in male-dominated roles in the public sector face covert barriers that have implications for their

daily work experiences and subsequent job-related outcomes. • Gender inequities can be rooted and reproduced in organizational structures, processes, and the design of

work. Thus, organizational commitment to conduct an internal inventory of places where inequities are reproduced is essential.

• Gender analysis skills are an integral part of preparing the current and future public administration workforce to identify differential experiences and outcomes for women in public service.

Andrea M. Headley Ohio State University

Andrea M. Headley is assistant

professor at the Ohio State University.

Formerly, she was a postdoctoral fellow

in the Goldman School of Public Policy at

the University of California, Berkeley. She

is a public management, social equity, and

criminal justice policy scholar. At the heart

of her research lies the question of how we

can create a more effective and equitable

government.

Email: [email protected]

Sebawit G. Bishu is assistant professor

in the School of Public Affairs at the

University of Colorado Denver. She is also

a research fellow in the Women and Public

Policy Program at the Harvard Kennedy

School of Government. Her research lies

at the intersection of public management,

personnel management, and social

equity. Broadly, her research is aimed at

examining factors that drive organizational

inequity with the goal of improving public

organizations’ equity performance.

Email: [email protected]

Public Administration Review,

Vol. 80, Iss. 6, pp. 1063–1074. © 2020 by

The American Society for Public Administration.

DOI: 10.1111/puar.13178.

†Additional Affiliation: Research Fellow, Women and Public Policy Program, Harvard Kennedy School of Government

Research Symposium: Pursuit of Civil Rights and Public Sector Values in the 21st Century: Examining Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s Vision in the Trump Era

Since the passage of civil rights legislation in the 1960s, equal employment opportunity has aimed to protect women and people of color from discriminatory practices in the workforce. More than 50 years later, despite strides made in civil rights, male dominance persists in the workplace. Today, women make only 82 cents on the dollar compared with men, representing a 20 cent improvement from 1979 (BLS 2018a, 2018b). The sex pay gap is even worse for women of color: African American and Hispanic women earn 68 cents and 63 cents, respectively (BLS 2018a). In the federal government, women earn 90 cents for every dollar their male counterparts earn (Hatch Institute 2018). At the local level, the pay gap is present for women in city management roles even after accounting for human capital and organizational factors (Alkadry, Bishu, and Ali 2019). Similarly, Luo, Schleifer, and Hill (2019) report that women in policing earn 84 percent of the salary earned by their male counterparts. We know much about the gender pay gap, yet we know less

about the lived workplace experiences of women in male-dominated professions.

Over the last 50 years, progress in gender equity has been achieved through a series of legislative civil rights efforts. The twentieth-century antidiscrimination regulatory framework in the United States was founded on the Civil Rights Act of 1866 and the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. This era encompassed legislation responsive to gender-based work and workplace discrimination, including preventing sex-based wage discrimination (Equal Pay Act of 1963), broadcasting work-life barriers for women (Civil Rights Act of 1964; see Guy and Fenley 2014), considering “sex” as a class protected from employment-related discrimination (Title VII of the Civil Right Act), enforcing the right to prosecute discrimination (Equal Opportunity Act of 1972), allowing women administrative leave options (Family Medical Leave Act of 1993; see U.S. Department of Labor n.d.), and promoting equal pay for equal work (Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act of 2009; see Sorock 2010). Despite the pivotal role of civil rights legislation in leveling the playing field for

1064 Public Administration Review • November | December 2020

women regarding employment opportunities—namely, access and pay—not all women have benefited equally. For example, Wide (1998) and Massie (2016) note that compared with women of color, white women have benefited more from affirmative action policies in education and employment. Thus, it is important to acknowledge that solely focusing on gender, while excluding race, can be a blind spot for legislation that is meant to level the field for all women.

Nevertheless, legislative actions are intended to ensure that women engage in work equitably by safeguarding them from discrimination (Gregory and Milner 2009). Where legislative efforts have fallen short, administrative flexibility and innovation have allowed for reconciling work-life conflict—recognizing the interfering nature of work and life domains that are mutually incompatible. Organizations use work-life accommodations as formal and informal administrative remedies to reduce the difficulties of navigating work and life responsibilities (Greenhaus, Collins, and Shaw 2003). Administrative policies aimed at work-life balance and integration emphasize three general priorities: flexibility with working time arrangements (e.g., alternative schedules and telecommuting), accommodation for parental and other care responsibilities (e.g., extended parental paid leave), and direct or indirect provision of parental care services (e.g., direct provision or subsidies for child care services as well as lactation policies) (McDonald, Brown, and Bradley 2005).

While legislative remedies have removed barriers to accessing equal employment for women, research shows that administrative remedies are associated with increased employee job commitment and satisfaction (Gregory and Milner 2009), better employee health and well-being (McDonald, Brown, and Bradley 2005), reduced employee absenteeism and turnover (Burke 2004), and enhanced organizational engagement (Gregory and Milner 2009). Yet women are still underrepresented in male-dominated professions and roles, and even when women gain access, their experiences are gendered. Thus, the purpose of this article is to examine the gendered organizational arrangements, processes, and interactions that characterize the lived professional experiences of women in the twenty-first-century workforce.

In the following sections, we present a definition of equity, discuss the literature examining gender inequities in work, and lay out the theory of gendered organizations. We use qualitative interview data to compare the ways in which gender is made relevant in the lived professional experiences of nine women city managers and 12 policewomen.1 Our findings indicate that women experience gendered interactions within and outside of their organizations. Further, in city management, work-life balance issues directly impact women’s career choices and/or family planning, whereas policewomen constantly deal with gendered tasks and assignments. Overall, our findings exhibit evidence of multiple ways that gender substructures operate within these two male-dominated professions: (1) gendered interactions on the job, (2) the gender-neutral status of the city manager’s job, and (3) the gendered logic of organizational arrangements.

Our findings highlight that, similar to institutional racism, gendered processes in public sector workforces are subtle, indirect, and often unrecognized, yet they operate to reinforce benefits

for and advantages of men (Rivera and Ward 2010). These gendered experiences that women encounter on a daily basis are often undetectable by legislative measures and uncorrectable by administrative remedies. Instead, we find that women’s gendered experiences are linked to professional norms and organizational cultures that undermine the roles women play across the two professions. We conclude that in order to level the playing field for women in traditionally male-dominated roles, cultural shifts that recognize the ways in which gender defines formal and informal interactions, structures, and processes are needed.

Unpacking Gender Inequities in the Workplace Referencing the National Academy of Public Administration (NAPA) Standing Panel on Social Equity in Governance definition Svara and Brune (2005) define social equity as “the fair, just and equitable management of all institutions serving the public directly or by contract, and the fair, just and equitable distribution of public services, and implementation of public policy, and the commitment to promote fairness, justice, and equity in the formation of public policy” (p.256). There is a unique tie to social equity and personnel management as it relates to the historical issues around affirmative action, discrimination, and equal employment opportunity. While the formal aspects of human resources and gender equity have been clearly identified in laws and policies, it is the informal “behind closed doors” practices, conversations, and norms that “occur throughout each component of personnel management” that need to be delineated (Gooden and Wooldridge 2007, 64).

To date, the research examining gender inequities in the workforce can be grouped into two broad categories. The first body of literature focuses on identifying signs of inequities and emphasizes the role that legislative remedies play to correct discrimination and inequities in the workplace. Scholars in this group have examined the presence of the gender pay gap (see Alkadry, Bishu, and Ali 2019), experiences of sexual harassment (see Jackson and Newman 2004), the glass ceiling phenomenon (see Bowling et al. 2006), circumstances in which women fall out of the system climbing up organizational ladders (Sabharwal 2015), and gender biases as drivers of inequity (Foley 2018).

The second body of research examines the under- and overrepresentation of women in male-dominated positions (e.g., positions of authority and decision-making; Dolan 2004) and professions (e.g., regulatory versus redistributive organizations; Guy and Newman 2004; Newman 1994; Stivers 2000). Scholars have argued that scant levels of representation result from gendered hiring and promotion practices (Bowling et al. 2006), the demographic composition of organizational leadership (Bagues and Esteve-Volart 2010), as well as a lack of support for innovative gender equality strategies (Longoria, Budd, and Manganaro 2017). Research assessing the barriers that women face in leadership show that even after position attainment, women may still supervise fewer subordinates and have less financial responsibility compared with their male counterparts (Alkadry, Bishu, and Ali 2019).

As a whole, these two bodies of knowledge reveal the formal manifestations and correlates of women’s inadequate representation and unfair treatment in the workforce. Nevertheless, these studies

Women Bureaucrats in Male-Dominated Professions 1065

say very little about the informal processes and interactions that produce, maintain, and reproduce inequitable experiences in public sector organizations. Both streams of research often make a business case for gender equity by framing equity as important for economic reasons—to eliminate barriers to employment and promotion and to close the pay gap. The business case for equity also encompasses the case for gender equity as a means to yield better organizational performance and outcomes (Risse 2019). In this article, we reflect on gender equity through the lens of “ethical principles of equity,” which, in and of itself, is a foundational principle of public administration (Johnson and Svara 2015; Risse 2019; Svara and Brunet 2005). We use the theory of gendered organizations to assess the nuances where gender is performed in organizations that undermine equitable experiences of women in male-dominated roles in government.

The Theory of Gendered Organizations The conceptual framework of “gendered organizations” explores the multiple ways that gender shapes the lived experiences of women at work (see Acker 1990, 2006; Britton 2000; Connell 2006; Mastracci and Arreola 2016). Acker (1992, 250) defines gender in organizations as “patterned, socially produced, distinctions between female and male, feminine and masculine…it is a daily accomplishment that occurs in the course of participation in work organizations as well as in many other locations and relations.” This theory acknowledges organizations as places where gender is deeply rooted in the “organizational structure and work life,” creating an unequal experience and opportunity landscape for men and women in the workforce (Britton 2000, 419). To identify the creation and maintenance of gender in organizations, Acker (1990) argues that it is necessary to look closely at both formal and informal organizational processes and practices. One way of doing this is to conduct a gender analysis of organizations. This approach assesses an organization’s gendered structural arrangements that reproduce masculine advantages in jobs, tasks, and opportunities.

Organizations are considered gendered when they perform masculine advantages and allow career, economic, and social opportunities to be solely within the reach of men (Acker 2006). Organizations “perform gender” when task allocation, interpersonal relationships, and on-the-job interactions are distinctly visible along the gender lines (Hearn and Morgan 1990), as well as when only men control organizational resources and make decisions (Acker 2006). The four most common ways gender substructures are embedded in organizations are through gendered organizational structuring; the creation of symbols, ideas, and values; interactions between men and women; and modeling of the ideal worker (Acker 1990).

Gender structuring is a display of gender patterning of jobs in organizations (Mills and Tancred 1992). In her groundbreaking work Gender Images in Public Administration, Stivers (1993) argues that leadership, public values, and power structures in public organizations are demonstrations of masculine gender performance. Gender performance is apparent when units and departments in which women are overrepresented lead to career dead-ends and are considered less vital to the work of the organization. This produces persistent distinctions between male and female jobs, hierarchical ordering that yields overestimation of male tasks and performances

and impacts gender power differentials (Mills and Tancred 1992). Furthermore, organizational gender structuring yields better career, economic, and social opportunities to male-dominated roles compared with roles performed predominantly by women (Acker 2006). Therefore, gendered arrangements, by design, set job requirements and task assignments that define who is fit to perform the duties of the abstract worker.

Gender is impressed in organizations when the symbols and ideal personas of key roles in organizations are associated with masculine traits. For example, the “think manager, think male” phenomenon elucidates that leadership traits perceived as necessary for the job are associated with masculine traits such as assertiveness, decisiveness, aggressiveness, efficiency, and competitiveness (Schein 2001). The creation of images that justify necessary masculine personas for key organizational roles reproduce perceptions and experiences of role incongruence for women who perform in male-dominated roles.

Gendered work interactions are displayed among colleagues, between supervisors and subordinates, and in civilian interactions during formal work operations as well informal non-work-related interactions (Acker 1990, 2006; Britton 2000). Job interactions establish and reinforce the power structure and superiority among workers. These interactions create social and structural subordination and stratification of women, making the performance of counterstereotypical roles by women unwelcome and difficult.

Lastly, gender is rooted in organizations when the employee persona of the “abstract” or “ideal” worker determines the opportunities made available to men and women (Acker 1990, 2006; Kanter 1977). The ideal worker is totally committed to the job and not distracted by competing demands of personal responsibilities. This flexibility in all job expectations is particularly challenging for women attempting to balance work and household or child care responsibilities. Gender inequities are compounded when professional roles transcend work and life boundaries and when social role expectations allocate disproportional burden on women.

Research in organizational behavior highlights five distinct ways in which economic inequality is reproduced in organizations—through hiring, role allocation, promotion, compensation, and structuring— while acknowledging the need for more research in each of these areas (Amis, Mair, and Munir 2019). In the public sector, the literature has examined hiring, compensation, and promotion much more than role allocation and structuring (inclusive of norms and routines). Additionally, there is a lack of micro-level examination of how gender shapes the individual-level work experiences of women in male-dominated roles. To this account, the theory of gendered organizations has been used to understand the ways gender interacts with organizational subsystems within the private sector, acknowledging gender as an integral part of work and work processes (Acker 2006). Within the public sector, Stivers (1993) reveals masculine advantages in public organizations, and Mastracci and Arreola (2016) present a theoretical argument for how human resource management practices produce and reproduce gender norms that yield male advantages. However, only one study has empirically analyzed gendered organizational norms and processes in the public sector, and it was conducted outside the United States. In this study, Connell (2006) identifies the processes that sustain

1066 Public Administration Review • November | December 2020

gendered divisions of labor, including gendered authority patterns and organizational polarization.

In this article, we identify how and where gender plays a role in shaping the daily experiences of women in administrative and street- level positions in the U.S. public administration context. We uncover the norms, routines, practices, and interactions that allow organizational and professional systems to disadvantage women. We qualitatively assess and highlight the “loosely interrelated practices, processes, actions and meanings” that make male-dominated roles inaccessible to women in the public sector (Acker 2006, 443). Further, akin to Ward and Rivera’s (2014) definition of institutional racism, we acknowledge the inequitable gendered practices—often hidden and difficult to define or operationalize—that are embedded within the organization and disadvantage or exclude women irrespective of intentions or actors.

City Management and Policing We assess women’s perceptions of the relevance and risks of gender in city management and policing. In local governments, city managers are the face of their organization, responsible for managing the day-to-day operations of local government and informing and implementing policies that directly impact the public (Nelson and Svara 2015; Svara 1999; Wheeland 2000). Police officers, representing the “public face of local government,” are responsible for maintaining public order and safety, responding to calls for service and emergency situations, and preventing and detecting crime (EEOC 2016, 7).

Both are male-dominated professions in which women make up approximately 13 percent of city management and 12 percent of sworn police positions across the United States. Even when women are represented in these professions, gendered processes frequently result in women being assigned to feminine roles, tasks, and/ or responsibilities. For instance, women city managers are often geographically placed in cities with significantly smaller populations and revenue-overseeing responsibilities (Alkadry, Bishu, and Ali 2019). Policewomen are often assigned to units that deal with juveniles, domestic violence, sex crimes, and/or community relations (Harrington 2000; Marshall 2013). Thus, both city management and policing offer gendered contexts that allow for a comparative assessment, irrespective of professional differences, to understand the subtle and pervasive ways gender is ingrained in organizational processes and performances.

Data and Methods We are particularly interested in understanding the lived experiences, perspectives, and interpretations of women in male- dominated roles. The voices and perspectives of men are either the default or the overwhelming majority in these professions, and thus it is important to empirically examine a sample of women. We use qualitative research methods to provide a rich and detailed understanding of this complex phenomena and shed light on the experiences, patterns, processes, and context of these gendered roles (Creswell and Creswell 2017; Marshall and Rossman 2014; Patton 2002). Qualitative methods can also help close the academic-practitioner gap, because practitioners’ experiences can be accounted for and valued during the process (Ospina, Esteve, and Lee 2018).

Table 1 Characteristics of Qualitative Sample

City Managers (n = 9)

Percent Police Officers

(n = 12) Percent

Race/ethnicity Black 0 0 1 8.3 White 5 55.5 3 25 Latino 3 33.3 7 58.3 Asian 0 0 1 8.3 Persian 1 11.1 0 0

Age 18–25 0 0 2 16.7 26–30 0 0 0 0 31–35 0 0 1 8.3 36–40 2 22.2 2 16.7 41–45 0 0 3 25 46–50 3 33.3 4 33.3 51–55 4 44.4 0 0

Education High school graduate 1 11.1 1 8.3 Some college credit 0 0 5 41.7 Bachelor’s degree 0 0 2 16.7 Graduate degree 8 88.9 4 33.3

Tenure in agency1

1–3 years 0 0 3 25 3–6 years 4 44.4 0 0 6–9 years 2 22.2 1 8.3 9–12 years 1 11.1 2 16.7 12–15 years 0 0 2 16.7 15–18 years 0 0 3 25 18–20 years 2 22.2 1 8.3

Notes: Tenure in agency is measured for city managers by years in the city man- ager position and for police officers by years in the police department.

Data from in-depth semistructured interviews with women city managers and policewomen from the Southeast and Northeast, respectively, are used in this study. We conducted a total of 21 in-depth interviews with women in city management (n = 9) and policing (n = 12). Table 1 presents a full breakdown of the demographic characteristics of the sample. We use a small-n study to complement theoretical understandings of gendered inequities that can be applied to and tested in future work (Watkins-Hayes 2011). Furthermore, we ensured that saturation was achieved throughout our interview process (Saunders et al. 2018).

Purposive sampling was used, and all interviewees were recruited on a voluntary and confidential basis, in response to emails, word of mouth, and/or references. Both groups of interviews followed a semistructured protocol, with open-ended questions and probes that covered a range of topics. For the purposes of this article, we focus specifically on interviewee responses that hinge on gender dynamics in their work. This includes, but is not limited to, responses about unique experiences on the job attributable to gender, the impact of having more women in the workforce, differences in experiences between men and women on the job, internal challenges faced by women, gendered reasons for career choices or trajectory, and/or how the experiences of women could be improved in their profession.

Interview data were gathered through voice recordings (n = 16) and by note taking when interviewees declined the recording (n = 5), both of which resulted in written transcriptions. Interviews were primarily conducted face-to-face during the summers of 2016 and 2017. Interviews lasted approximately 60 minutes on average, ranging from 45 to 130 minutes.

Women Bureaucrats in Male-Dominated Professions 1067

To analyze the qualitative data, we used an iterative and multistep process operating in both deductive and inductive approaches. In light of the goal of this study—to understand the interpretive experiences of women in male-dominated roles—we took the sentiments, perceptions, and stories shared at face value. After reading transcripts in their entirety, we coded them line by line by applying open coding that emerged from the text as well as a priori codes developed from the research questions and the literature. Then, we segmented the codes into similar groupings to form preliminary categorizations and identify relationships and connections (Corbin and Strauss 1990). Lastly, we employed thematic analysis to identify and assess larger patterns across the data, which were recognized as themes that provide detailed descriptions of the data (Braun and Clarke 2006).

Findings Participants expressed a range of views regarding the relevance of gender as it pertained to their work, perceptions, and advancement in local government. In both contexts, several women explicitly acknowledged their respective professions as “male-dominated” or the “good old boys’ club.” Using Acker’s (2001) theory of gendered organizations, we organized our findings around the three key themes: gendered interactions, gendered work-life imbalances, and gendered tasks and promotion.

Both city managers and policewomen emphasized the gendered interactions that occur on the job. However, women city managers, more often than police, underscored work-family demands and the need for balancing—highlighting the limitations of the abstract or ideal worker—whereas policewomen touched on gendered tasks and assignments relatively more often. Thus, while gendered processes, practices, and patterns were exhibited in both groups, the expression of such processes was different. We argue that these divergences are due to distinctions across the hierarchy and job responsibilities (e.g., city managers as leadership and police officers as primarily street-level positions).

In the next sections, we delve into the diverse and nuanced ways in which (and the locations where) gender becomes relevant, starting with the commonalities across professions (i.e., the gendered interactions), then addressing differences (i.e., city managers and work-life balance, then police and gendered tasks and assignments).

Gendered Interactions and the Invisible, Psychological Burden of Women’s Work Interviewees highlighted the ways in which on-the-job interactions become gendered in the course of daily work responsibilities (see additional quotes in table 2). Gendered interactions can be either internal (with superiors, coworkers, or subordinates) or external

Table 2 Representative Quotations: Gendered Interactions and the Invisible Burden of Women in City Management and Policing

Theme Quotes

Feeling incapable and unseen by colleagues (n = 12)

“I think women still need to prove themselves. I do no not think they are taken as serious as their male counterparts would [be]. And that is just based on general and maybe working with business members and it might be working with other governments, it might be working with residents…I still think there is still perceptions of women in authority, it is not always accepted.” —City manager

“[Inside the police department it’s] we cannot do the job as good or we are not capable or, you know, just stuff like that.” —Police

“A ton of challenges. It is a male-dominated field to this day. There are officers […] that still do not talk to me, say hi or good morning. It is because I am a female. For women they are already finding flaws with them in the academy, from day one. They are quick to see faults in a woman before she even starts officially whether it is because they think she cannot take care of herself or because she gets pregnant or gets a different assignment then people start talking and saying what did she do to get that assignment?” —Police

Proving oneself on the job (n = 12) “I think women have to prove themselves more than the men do and [then…] they tend to get categorized more commonly as being forceful which would be a common phrase […] It happens that when I meet somebody new in a high position I have to fight to prove my point but eventually that trust comes after several meetings of several discussions they get it, that I was 100% right.” —City manager

“Sometimes with even with your coworkers you—it’s a sense of you kinda have to prove yourself. […] you get the comments of [which woman] is worth giving a shot, who’s a mess, who’s not. And then, it takes a few things or a lot of either calls or interactions for them [men] to, ‘Oh, you know what? She’s not that bad.’ Like, they have to see something first before they are comfortable around you. So, I think I see that as a challenge for any of the new girls coming up. So, sort of approval kind of thing.” —Police

Gendered interactions with city managers and elected officials (n = 4)

“And I know the difference of how elected officials react to those two gentlemen who were much older. I call them fondly and nicely the “good old boys club” versus how they react to me.” —City manager

“I do believe that we do continue to have composition in our elected capacities that I think defaults to men. Not necessarily white men, but I think tends still default to men because of the age demographics and the way they in which they will hire people who look like them. So I do not think it is comfortable for many of our elected bodies to choose women” —City manager

Gendered interactions with police and citizens (n = 11)

“No, there’s always differences. Whether it be a female or with a male, like I’ve said before, somebody would rather just to talk to a female officer rather than the male officer. I’ve responded to calls with other officers, and they just wanted to just speak to me. Or, they did not want to speak to me, ’cause I was a female, or might have been smaller and could not handle the situation, they talk to the male, so it’s definitely out there.” —Police

 “We’re just more sensitive to situations, so, I do not know, the guys always want to talk to the girl officers for whatever reason” —Police

“Even when I pat somebody down before I arrest them, I put the handcuffs on, ‘hey, I want to do a pat down just to make sure that you have nothing that can harm me and to harm you.’ I’m very back and forth. I’m going to let you know exactly where I’m going to put my hands, so that you are not surprised, you do not get offended in anyway. That’s respect. Women do that. It goes far […] but women have a tendency of saying, “hey, this is what we got here. These are your options. This is what’s going to happen. Are you okay with that?” —Police

“I think sometimes um people do feel more comfortable talking to women um I think we give off that motherly feeling whether we mean to or not. So, I think sometimes people are more comfortable with us.” —Police

1068 Public Administration Review • November | December 2020

(with civilians)—the latter occurs much less often for city managers than for police. In both cases, 57 percent of the sample (five women city managers and seven policewomen) shared that they felt as if they are not seen (by their colleagues) as qualified or as “capable” as their male counterparts; rather, it is assumed that they “can’t do the job as good.” This results in women having “to fight to prove” themselves, “build trust,” “earn the respect,” and, ultimately, work harder to gain the same things their male counterparts are given. As one city manager noted, “With women you have to prove what you say, you have to show the back of the cost-benefit analysis, the research, the information, for them to take what you are saying at face value, whereas with men, I do not know if it is a trust issue.”

More than half of the policewomen discussed attribution biases, whereby colleagues attributed their success, promotion, or advancement to merely being a woman rather than focusing on their experience or work ethic, which reinforced women’s feelings of having to work harder. For instance, a policewoman expounded, “I don’t ever want to be given something because I’m a woman. […] I can get it and I’ll fight for it all the way to the top. I’ll compete with whoever I need to, to get it. And then I will solidify and confirm why I got it when I get [there].”

These additional challenges are less related to their job performance than to others’ perceptions of their gender performance. Such experiences negatively impact women, as they may experience a competency or adequacy struggle as they push back against gendered perceptions (of being unfit for the job) yet maintain control in gendered interactions. Unfortunately, in both contexts, proving oneself may earn women the reputation of “being forceful” or “real nasty.” As “proving oneself” becomes an additional task added to women’s job responsibilities, it has psychological, mental, and affective implications. For some, once respect and/or trust is earned, it may feel “fulfilling” or like an accomplishment, but for others, this may arouse feelings of “frustration.”

Male-dominated environments evoke different responses among women operating within these spaces. Twenty-five percent of the policewomen, in particular, shared how police culture may pit women against each other, such that “some women will see other women as threats” because they want to maintain the position they fought to get. Alternatively, 33 percent of women city managers expressed feeling a responsibility to create an environment that is responsive to women’ needs or is “pro-family” to foster work- life balance. Although individual responses may vary, in both professional contexts, women are challenged to respond to and engage with gendered organizational processes.

Despite commonalities across professional contexts regarding gendered interactions, there were also differences. For instance, interviews with women city managers revealed ways they are perceived by elected officials, whereas policewomen frequently discussed the relevance of gender in civilian interactions. In city management, 44 percent of the women interviewed felt undervalued by elected officials and felt that they had received differential treatment on the job since the environment “defaults to men.” One city manager noted that “because you are female you have to avoid the perception that now you are not capable of keeping up with your job, because you have a child. […] I had some

of my bosses [elected officials] asking, ‘when are you coming back to work, or how long are you going to be out?’ […] so, I purposely did not stay and take a long maternity leave.”

In policing, 25 percent of the women interviewed shared that gender is not relevant in community interactions. One officer explained that “if somebody calls 911 […] People don’t look if you’re female or male. They just look at the fact that you have that uniform on and that you came to help. […] Men and women [police are] pretty much equal when they’re responding.” Alternatively, 58 percent of policewomen recognized that there are certain interactions in which their gender is helpful. For instance, the gendered preferences of civilians are occasionally disclosed in gender-sensitive situations: “if a female was raped […] they want to have a female officer investigate that sexual assault because they were violated by that male. And having another male officer there may re-victimize them in their minds.” Further, 67 percent of all policewomen interviewed emphasized their ability to communicate in street-level interactions, stating that women are “more talkative” and more “sensitive to situations,” which leads to “handl[ing] things a little bit differently than guys.” Half of the policewomen interviewed also noted that this is particularly applicable in situations with kids or with men. For instance, a policewoman explicated, “sometimes people do feel more comfortable talking to women. I think we give off that motherly feeling whether we mean to or not.”

However, policewomen’s interactions on the streets are not always positive. Forty-two percent of the policewomen shared situations in which people did not want to talk to them, had physically challenged them, or perceived them as weaker and incapable of “handl[ing] the situation,” thus preferring policemen. One policewoman stated that “sometimes we have to be tougher with people because [they think] ‘well I could just talk to her and I’ll sweet talk her’, or ‘I’m going to treat her how I would treat my girlfriend.’” In such cases, being “tougher” may mean “establish[ing] those lines” verbally or in demeanor to show that “the gentleman next to me wearing the same uniform as me, we’re the same. […] I’m no different than the male officer.” Still, policewomen acknowledged that these situations with gender preferences in favor of men or gender challenges against women are relatively infrequent.

City Managers’ Gendered Balancing: At the Top, There Is no Separation between Work and Life All of the women respondents from the city manager sample indicated that in their position, at the top of local government, there is no separation between the social (i.e., personal or familial) and economic (i.e., professional or work) realms. Often, one comes at the expense of the other, unless the realms are deliberately designed to reinforce one another rather than to compete. There is a constant struggle to balance the two realms, and daily arrangements have to be made to organize private lives in order to engage in professional lives as city managers. Table 3 provides more examples of relevant quotes beyond those elaborated here.

All of the city managers in our study acknowledged the role that having family responsibilities played in impacting their career choices, and vice versa. Discussions of family responsibilities included interviewees’ children, partners, and parents. For instance, one manager, emphasizing the point at which she decided to have

Women Bureaucrats in Male-Dominated Professions 1069

children, said, “I finally was in a position that I was able to you know have children […] they had offered me the [city manager] job before I had children. They were in a transition and I turned it down. I said no, I want to have babies and I do not want the responsibility of being a manager when my children are young.” However, rather than family obligations being the determining factor for career trajectories, a minority view—expressed by only two women city managers—was how the desire for professional advancement and growth can delay childbearing and/or forming a family. For instance, one manager shared, “I purposely, throughout my career, made a conscious decision to not have a family because my focus was more [on] work.” Despite acknowledging the necessity of having delayed childbearing for professional gain, this city manager spoke of the challenges (both social and economic challenges) of having to raise a family in her late 40s.

Family responsibilities frequently intersected with work decisions with respect to three key factors: geographic considerations, monetary issues, and time. First, regarding location, one city manager stated, “My daughter was a ninth grader at the time, if she was a three year old, maybe my decision [to accept a city manager position] would have been different and even going to [that city], because that was a 24 mile commute.” This quote shows how geographic considerations may make it easier or more challenging to accept a city management role. Second, with respect to finances, an interviewee mentioned, “I had help raising my child but from a financial point of view it was just me. So, my decisions needed to be solid decisions.” Thus, city management, not being the most

lucrative career, impacted women’s decisions particularly when they had other financial responsibilities outside of caring for themselves. Lastly, emphasizing the importance of time, one woman (reflecting on how the role of city manager requires demands on time outside of traditional 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. work hours) shared how “family responsibility has a huge influence on making the decision to get into the field […] I have an 8-year-old and 6-year-old kids. So that requires a lot of my time.”

Eighty-nine percent of the women city managers had children. For these women, an important buffer for success was the role of work flexibility and external support. Some women discussed the importance of organizational support in that their city was “friendly to children” and allowed “breastfeeding,” “pumping in the office,” and “bringing [children] to the office.” Similarly, other women discussed having “negotiated how to work” while maintaining family responsibilities at the very start of their careers as “conditions for employment.” One woman expounded, “My city council was very supportive of my personal agenda. They knew I wanted to get married and I wanted to have children, they knew that after I have the children, they did not want that to be a reason for me not to take the job. So, a couple of things that they did gave me some reassurance, one is they let me pick my own deputy so [we] would have a strong second person […] I brought a crib in my office, they were really completely supportive.”

External support included having family and social support outside of their jobs to help with child or household activities (often, but

Table 3 Representative Quotations: City Managers and Gender Balancing

Theme Quotes

Family driving career choices (n = 8)

“I commuted here and then got pregnant and then after my maternity leave we decided to move here so I am a new resident in [this city]. If I catch the light I am here in two minutes, if I do not catch the light I am here in a minute and half. I have the baby in a school five minutes right across town here. I do that so I can stay close to the baby and be able to work.”

“I just recently interviewed for a job […] located in my hometown. So my parents are aging it would have been an opportunity for me to go back and be able to help take care of them. The only reason I have considered it, from the timing perspective, is because my [children] start high school this August. So my husband and I, our strategy was if it worked out great we would move them but if it is after they start high school we are going to do everything we can to try to stay here. Once they finish high school I have no reason to stay, by then my husband will actually be retired […] so we can definitely go wherever the best job may be.”

The need for supportive work environments (n = 8)

“[The commission] asked me to consider accepting the [manager] position. […] first thing I told them is that I had small children, they are my priority and that means I have to leave to go to [afterschool activities], you know I can have a sick kid on a day that might be important for work. So, I am willing to do the job, I love the city, I love the profession but I am not willing to do it in a way that sacrifices my children. They are not going to not see me for two weeks, there are certain conditions for employment. […] we have a very long time building a work culture and an environment that puts people first, that is the kind of community we are in general, very supportive family-friendly work culture.”

“My [grandchildren] are very close to us, we see them all the time. […] I bring them here to my office, I pick them up from school, I bring them here. If they have an after hour event, as long as it does not coincide with my commission meetings and my mandatory attendance somewhere if I have to do with my work, I drop what I am doing to be a grandma. I am still juggling, I still do it and now I do it with my daughter who is now in public service.”

External family support as enabler (n = 6)

“And then my parents, came down to visit when I was still married, and my dad decided that sometimes they were going to buy a house [here] as a second home and he went for a walk and came back at the dining room table and announced that they bought the house next door. My Mom did not know, it was his decision and so it was wonderful for me, because I did have that support. My parents were snowbirds [so] they would always be here. Plus, I had a fabulous babysitter, who still today is a member of my family.”

“So my absence [in my children’s lives] by attending meetings and required participation that the commission had for me really did not affect me, because I had my mother and my father in my life. […] So it makes it easier, I could turn my back knowing that my kids had their homework, my mother would check it, they went to bed on time, we have lived so close to each other not even transportation was an issue.”

Career choices driving family decisions (n = 2)

“I just turned [mid-40s] and also just had my first child. I purposely throughout my career made a conscious decision to not have family because my focus was more work. And then as I, obviously you become older and wiser and then you realize your life cannot be all about work and family is important, and then I made the decision to have a child. […] I am a little different than most females, it is not that family comes second, it is that my work is my passion.”

“I finally was in a position that I was able to have children. You know that position is where I worked and had my children, so I was in a Deputy position.”

1070 Public Administration Review • November | December 2020

not always, this is a financial cost incurred). City managers noted how they had “someone who comes in and cleans the house” or a “babysitter, who still today is a member of [the] family.” One city manager explained the importance of family living nearby: “I could not have done [it] without my mother and my father in my life and in my children’s life. […] My father took care of my kids if my husband was working or even if my husband was home my father and my mother would always be with me, they always lived two of three blocks away from each other so that made it really comfortable for me because my children were bonding with their grandparents and they were really not missing on the contrary.”

While the majority of city managers had children, even for those who did not have children, they acknowledged the sacrifices that managers with children and families had to make. Specifically, one city manager noted, “I was [a] single woman, so my situation is [a] little different. […] I really did not sacrifice; I have a great career now and I had a great career then.”

The Policewoman’s Place: Gendered Barriers in Work, Task Allocation, and Promotion In policing, women face challenges in maintaining and transitioning within the department, often struggling to break the glass ceiling and get promoted. Seventy-five percent of the policewomen we interviewed spoke about the gendered nature of work, tasks, and advancement, sharing how such barriers start with inadequate perceptions (see table 4 for more quotes). For instance, interviewees shared perceptual challenges they faced from their colleagues— for example, they were physically judged as being “too small” to perform police work. Policewomen shared that their male colleagues lacked “confidence” in their abilities and made judgments that “she’s probably gonna be hurt and not be back” on the streets. Two policewomen expressed that this type of “discouragement” starts at the very onset of policing in the academy, where others “find flaws” and “faults” in women before they even start.

The perceptions of policing being a “man’s job” materialize as differences in work assignments and promotions. Forty-two percent of policewomen discussed how certain units within the police department were gendered (e.g., no women were on the shooting task force, the vice and narcotics unit, or in the violent crime unit). Specifically, one policewoman questioned, “Why do we have not

one female [there]? Really? You’re telling me that we don’t arrest females in that shooting task force? Very interesting. Is it the commanders? Is it the sergeants? Um, ’cause we have lot of females. How’s that possible? And, when it’s proven that most females have less incidence of use of force and that division [has] had the most. So, why not [have women]?”

Rather, women were often placed in the special investigative division where they dealt with juveniles and sexual assaults. Some women expressed being forced or pushed into and out of these areas, thus alluding to the clear distinctions between what is considered women’s or men’s work. For instance, in speaking about a particular unit, a policewoman noted that women are used “as prostitutes on the street […being good] to lure someone” but “not good enough to be the brains behind the scene […] to say ‘hey, this is our plan of action’.” Similarly, another policewoman discussed that these placements are “all the divisions that nobody else wants […] like the red-headed stepchild.”

Forty-two percent of the policewomen also discussed women’s opportunities to move up in the rank and get promoted. Only one of the five women who discussed this had a positive outlook on women’s prospects for moving up the ranks, noting that the chief at the time was good with promotion. However, the other four women documented challenges moving up and advancing in their careers. These women expressed feelings of being overlooked, and they acknowledged that there was still a “long way to go with giving women opportunity” because it is a “very male-dominated profession.” Further, regardless of whether specific tasks or assignments associated with a new police role was irrelevant to gender, there were still gender biases pertaining to perceptions of male strength: “It doesn’t matter whether being a lieutenant [or] a commander is more management paper-wise. What they want is ‘Oh, tough. Let me break a bottle of beer on my head.’” Yet a few policewomen admitted that promotion may also occur when there is an explicit utility for their gender, such as having to meet demographic quotas or promoting equity. One policewoman stated, “It also jades me because I worked my tail off. And so, when it’s not equal, and I get an opportunity […] but I’ve worked hard for it, it’s always, ‘because she’s a female, because she’s Hispanic.’ Never, never has anybody said, ‘No, why don’t we look at her resume?’ […] then you’re getting certain things and it looks like you’re getting it

Table 4 Representative Quotations: Policewomen and Gendered Barriers

Theme Quotes

Gendered units in the police department (n = 5)

“Why do we have not one female [in the shooting task force]? Really? You’re telling me that we do not arrest females in that shooting task force? Very interesting. Very interesting. Is it the commanders? Is it the sergeants? Um, ’cause we have lot of females. How’s that possible? And when it’s proven that most females have less incidence of use of force and that is two division that have had the most. So, why not?”

“The juvenile division has what—mostly women in it? […] They wanted to put me there when I was working detective years ago. I said, ‘I’m not good at working with a lot of women.’ I’m like, ‘Why are’—I do not have any interest in that division whatsoever, like, negative. […]. And there they go, very rarely they go to major crimes. [Vice and narcotics] has no women in it, right now […] there’s no woman in intel.”

“All the divisions that nobody else wants. They are like the red-headed stepchild. […] Where are all the women? [Special Investigative Division]. But you know, they [men] get to be a homicide detective, they get to be a good taskforce person.”

Barriers in moving up in rank and promotion (n = 4)

“We have a long way to go with giving women opportunity here […] I think women are very – they are huge assets in the department. I think oftentimes the culture here because they are so accustomed of being male-dominated field that they do not see what we have to offer.”

“It is difficult trying to get ahead in here when you are female. They still look at females belonging in the special investigative division for children, if you will be a detective that is where you belong. There is still an old school mentality there. […] It is difficult to get command positions as women.”

Women Bureaucrats in Male-Dominated Professions 1071

because you’re fulfilling that gender status.” While some women still take these positions when given the opportunity, even so, it reinforces feelings of being overlooked and/or undervalued because promotion is seemingly about gender and not about work ethic or professional and educational qualifications.

Discussion Our analysis has unpacked the often invisible and informal gendered practices, processes, and interactions that manifest in routine organizational operations and become a part of the organizational culture with implications for the formal outcomes of women’s work. Considering our findings, we reflect on the legislative and administrative gender equity remedies discussed earlier and consider how they fall short of preventing the gendered experiences of women in the workforce. Bringing to light the complex gendered organizational processes and arrangements that may not be detected by the law or leveled by administrative remedies, our interviews reveal that gender is an integral part of the day-to-day experience of women city managers and police.

The unlevel ground for women within their organizations has enormous repercussions for their career development (Alkadry, Bishu, and Ali 2019). Reflecting on the gendered experiences of women in our study, one can argue that when gendered performances in organizations are normalized and left unchallenged, they perpetuate inequities that have substantive implications for the professional lives of women with respect to power, economic benefits, and social position, hence compromising the “economic case” for gender equity. Furthermore, examining our findings through the lens of gendered equity as a function of “ethical principles,” our data demonstrate that h no legal grounds have been trespassed, one can consider the circumstances ethically unsound.

Gender Maintenance in Local Government Gendered performances were evident in the city manager and police officer roles. For women city managers, as administrators, gendered experiences were evident in the design of work and in their interactions with elected officials and employees. For police officers, as street-level bureaucrats, gender performances mostly manifested in task allocation and interactions with coworkers and the citizenry. Despite the public value of equity and fairness, local government organizations in our study operate as places where male advantages are maintained through formal and informal mechanisms (Bearfield 2009; Connell 2006; Mastracci and Arreola 2016). When organizations perform masculine advantages, they reinforce which career and economic opportunities are within the reach of men and women in the labor force (Acker 2006), which suggests changes in organizational arrangements and cultures are imperative.

Fitting the Mold: Becoming the Gender-Neutral “Abstract Worker” Although women are allowed into the workforce, opportunities are not always equal. Our research reveals the daily wrestling of women as they strive to fulfill the duties of the “abstract, ideal worker.” For instance, in our interviews, women city managers constantly discussed trade-offs between career and social responsibilities. For women city managers who engage in dual responsibilities at home and at work, the commitment to be present for the job at all times (including evening and weekend hours) makes it difficult to

perform the allegedly gender-neutral managerial role. Acker (2006, 448) argues that “eight hours of continuous work away from the living space, arrival on time, total attention to the work, and long hours if requested are all expectations that incorporate the image of the unencumbered [male] worker.” Gender is performed when there is a lack of work-life boundaries or separation expected from city managers that disproportionately burden women. Our interview data demonstrate that to fit into the role of city management, many female city managers engage in negotiating administrative remedies that include flexible working arrangements and work-life balance accommodations.

Furthermore, we find that policewomen are embedded within a masculine professional culture, and despite gaining access to the profession, policewomen experience job stratification to stereotypical feminine policing roles. This suggests that organizational arrangements regulate the career opportunities that are within the reach of policewomen. The short-term implication of this stratification is that these jobs are often highly specialized and limit the opportunities for women to build a broad based skill set perceived necessary for policing. Apart from potential marginalization and alienation, the long-term implication is that the experience women gain in specialized “feminine roles” does not necessarily lead to promotion or career advancement. While women may report legal grievances on the bases of discrimination, we recognize that professional and organizational culture play a crucial role in setting the norm in which masculine/male preference or ability is prescribed for certain roles, thus preventing access to women.

Pushing Boundaries: The Double Burden of Gendered Work In our research, there are clear similarities in the gendered work that women engage in in their jobs. That said, we also find differences in gendered boundaries across the two professions. For women city managers, pushing boundaries necessitates that they exercise flexibility, establish trust, and showcase their expertise to challenge assumptions of incompetency and inadequacy. We also find that women city managers tap into support from within and outside their organizations to maintain their roles. Alternatively, policewomen have to earn the respect of their colleagues by continuously proving themselves capable. This entails combating the stereotypical assumptions of what it takes to be a “good cop,” particularly as it relates to body gendering and physical strength. We also find that policewomen may engage in community building by leveraging skills deemed more “feminine,” such as being empathetic and communicating more.

Taken as a whole, our study shows the need to question gendered professional and organizational cultures and norms that set what is permissible and accessible to women in organizations. Cultivating the right culture alongside legislative and administrative remedies is vital to level the ground for women in male-dominated professions. An important place to initiate a change in organizational culture is for organizations to realize the fallacy of gender neutrality. Organizational cultures mirror dominant norms, beliefs, and values, which influence formal and informal structures and processes including human resource preferences. More work needs to be done to normalize women’s engagement in masculine roles. Bearing in mind the gendered barriers that women in these professions face,

1072 Public Administration Review • November | December 2020

it is important to recognize that this may impede their relative representation in such roles.

Research has shown that women perform at similar levels of high performance and achievement compared with their peers while maintaining lower levels of forcefulness and competitiveness (Fogarty et al. 2016). Women may even outperform their peers as they navigate gendered barriers in their professional environments (Lazarus and Steigerwalt 2018). Our findings suggest that women have indeed figured out how to navigate in a gendered and male- dominated space and are still able to perform akin to their men counterparts. However, equity is predicated on equal opportunity, equal experience, and moral obligation, not necessarily the relative performance of women and men (Bohnet 2016). Navigating gendered terrains is an additional and unequal burden for women that could be alleviated. Fogarty et al. (2016) note that women’s professional environment can directly impact their commitment to the career, performance on the job, and job stability, particularly when they are not taken seriously and given ample responsibility. They also highlight that this is not an individual problem internal or unique to women, rather it can be fixed if additional thought and care is given to the professional work environment.

Conclusion Numerous federal laws exist that prohibit discrimination against women in the workplace, including the Civil Rights Act of 1964, coupled with many administrative remedies that seek to improve women’s work conditions. Yet our findings show that to date gendered organizational structures, processes and interactions exist and may be fertile ground for covert gender discrimination at work. In light of the NAPA equity framework presented, women are disadvantaged as it pertains to the fairness of how these professions and roles operate. The findings from our qualitative data suggest that structural gender performance in male-dominated roles are embedded in ways that may be unacknowledged by legislative and administrative remedies.

This study adds to the literature on gender inequities in public administration and management in three ways. At the organizational level, the study highlights the implications of formal and informal gendered structural arrangements and processes, detailing how such arrangements covertly shape inequitable experiences for women. At the individual level, the study reveals the gendered barriers that women push back against on a daily basis in their professional capacity. These gendered barriers are sometimes undetected by existing legal frameworks or nonresponsive to administrative remedies, and thus they are difficult to address. Lastly, it provides a look into the parallel but unique gendered experiences of women in administration (upper-level bureaucrats) as well as frontline public servants (street-level bureaucrats). We attribute the differences between the city manager and policewomen findings to the nature of their jobs and specific professional requirements. Further, we believe that these differences may also be a result of differences between leadership positions and street-level bureaucracies. In both instances however, the study reveals, women barely fit into the “ideal” or “abstract worker” conception.

The implications of our work are threefold. First, our study adds to the body of literature that suggests that organizations,

inclusive of their structures and processes, are neither gender- neutral nor impartial to women in their workforce. Specifically, the findings of our work demonstrate that even with legislative and administrative tools in place to protect and level the ground for women to engage at work, the underlying design of work, informal organizational culture, norms, and interactions still perpetuate male advantages. Second, as a practical implication, organizations can conduct an inventory of their organizational culture and norms, the design of their work, as well as on-the- job interactions that prohibit women from thriving in roles that are often dominated by men. This gender analysis can be incorporated into the research that already exists on institutional discrimination. Third, we can train public administrators with the skills necessary to locate inequitable gendered performances in their organizations. Training in gender analysis can help public administrators see ways in which gender is performed within the public sector workforce and identify the differential impacts this has for public service more broadly.

Taking these implications into consideration, future research can build on this work in five key ways. First, scholars can expand the professional contexts in which they examine the gendered nature of organizations (e.g., parks and recreation, corrections, firefighting, military, among others). Second, scholars can comparatively analyze the perspectives of men to investigate whether men identify, acknowledge, or understand the ways in which gendered processes pervade their own organizational contexts. Third, future work can test the assumptions that are uncovered in this analysis using other methodologies such as surveys and experiments to more broadly understand attitudes and behaviors. Fourth, research can explore the performance outcomes of women engaging in male-dominated roles to identify the tangible implications of having more women for organizational productivity in the public sector. Lastly, research can explore when and how organizations evolve into gender-neutral spaces that foster the strength and skills that all individuals bring to their organizations.

Acknowledgments We would like to thank Dr. N. Emel Ganapati for providing extensive and constructive feedback on earlier versions of this manuscript. We would also like to thank the anonymous reviewers and editors for their feedback, suggestions, and questions, which pushed us to think more critically about our research. Lastly, we are grateful to each of the interview respondents for their time, candor, and generosity, without which this work would not have been possible.

Funding This work was supported by Award No. 2015-R2-CX-K030 from the Bureau of Justice Statistics, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice and by a Florida International University Dissertation Evidence Acquisitions Fellowship. The opinions, findings, conclusions and recommendations expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the funding sources.

Note 1. The terms “city manager” and “city management” are used to include town,

village, and/or county managers.

Women Bureaucrats in Male-Dominated Professions 1073

References Acker, Joan. 1990. Hierarchies, Jobs, and Bodies: A Theory of Gendered

Organizations. Gender & Society 4(2): 139–58. ———. 1992. Gendering Organizational Analysis. In Gendering Organizational

Theory, edited by Albert J. Mills and Peta Tancred, 235–48. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.

———. 2001. Gendered organization theory. In J. M. Shafritz, J. S. Ott, & Y. S. Jang (Eds.), Classics of organization theory (5th ed., pp.391–399). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Thomson Learning.

———. 2006. Inequality Regimes: Gender, Class, and Race in Organizations. Gender & Society 20(4): 441–64.

Alkadry, Mohamad G., Sebawit G. Bishu, and Susannah B. Ali. 2019. Beyond Representation: Gender, Authority and City Managers. Review of Public Personnel Administration 39(2): 300–19. https://doi.org.10.1177/07343 71X17718030.

Amis, M. John, Johanna Mair and Kamal A. Munir. 2019. The Organization reproduction of Inequality. Academy of Management Annals 14(1): 1–36.

Bagues, Manuel F., and Berta Esteve-Volart. 2010. Can Gender Parity Break the Glass Ceiling? Evidence from a Repeated Randomized Experiment. Review of Economic Studies 77(4): 1301–28.

Bearfield, Dominic A. 2009. Equity at the Intersection: Public Administration and the Study of Gender. Public Administration Review 69(3): 383–6.

Bohnet, Iris. 2016. What Works: Gender Equity by Design. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.

Bowling, Cynthia J., Christine A. Kelleher, Jennifer Jones, and Deil S. Wright. 2006. Cracked Ceilings, Firmer Floors, and Weakening Walls: Trends and Patterns in Gender Representation among Executives Leading American State Agencies, 1970–2000. Public Administration Review 66(6): 823–36.

Braun, Virginia, and Victoria Clarke. 2006. Using Thematic Analysis in Psychology. Qualitative Research in Psychology 3(2): 77–101.

Britton, Dana M. 2000. The Epistemology of the Gendered Organization. Gender & Society 14(3): 418–34.

Burke, Ronald J. 2004. Work and Family Integration. Equal Opportunities International 23(1–2): 1–5.

Connell, Raewyn. 2006. Glass Ceilings or Gendered Institutions? Mapping the Gender Regimes of Public Sector Worksites. Public Administration Review 66(6): 837–49.

Corbin, Juliet M., and Anselm Strauss. 1990. Grounded Theory Research: Procedures, Canons, and Evaluative Criteria. Qualitative Sociology 13(1): 3–21.

Dolan, Julie. 2004. Gender Equity: Illusion or Reality for Women in the Federal Executive Service? Public Administration Review 64(3): 299–308.

Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC). 2016. Advancing Diversity in Law Enforcement. October. https://www.eeoc.gov/eeoc/interagency/upload/ police-diversity.pdf [accessed February 26, 2020].

Fogarty, Michael P., A.J. Allen, Isobel Allen, and Patricia Walters. 2016. Women in Top Jobs: Four Studies in Achievement. London: Routledge.

Foley, Maraiah. 2018. Managerial Perspectives on Implicit Bias, Affirmative Action, and Merit. Public Administration Review 79(1): 35–45.

Gooden, Susan T., and Blue Wooldridge. 2007. Integrating Social Equity into the Core Human Resource Management Course. Journal of Public Affairs Education 13(1): 59–77.

Greenhaus, Jeffery H., Karen M. Collins, and Jason Shaw. 2003. The Relation between Work-Family Balance and Quality of Life. Journal of Vocational Behavior 63(3): 510–31.

Gregory, Abigail, and Susan Milner. 2009. Work-Life Balance: A Matter of Choice? Gender, Work & Organization 16(1): 1–13.

Guy, Mary E., and Vanessa M. Fenley. 2014. Inch by Inch: Gender Equity since the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Review of Public Personnel Administration 34(1): 40–58.

Guy, Mary E., and Meredith A. Newman. 2004. Women’s Jobs, Men’s Jobs: Sex Segregation and Emotional Labor. Public Administration Review 64(3): 289–98.

Hatch Institute (2018). We Exposethe Government’s Glass Ceiling—And What Can Be Done About It. February https://thehatchinstitute.org/all-stories/gender-pay- gap. [accessed December 10, 2019].

Harrington, Penny E. 2000. Recruiting and Retaining Women: A Self-Assessment Guide for Law Enforcement. National Center for Women and Policing. https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/bja/185235.pdf [accessed February 26, 2020].

Hearn, Jeff, and David Morgan. 1990. Men, Masculinities and Social Theory. London: Unwin Hyman.

Jackson, Robert A., and Meredith A. Newman. 2004. Sexual Harassment in the Federal Workplace Revisited: Influences on Sexual Harassment by Gender. Public Administration Review 64(6): 705–17.

Johnson, Norman, J., and James H. Svara. 2015. Justice for All: Promoting Social Equity in Public Administration. New York: Routledge.

Kanter, Rosabeth Moss. 1977. Men and Women of the Corporation. New York: Basic Books.

Lazarus, Jeffrey, and Amy Steigerwalt. 2018. Gendered Vulnerability: How Women Work Harder to Stay in Office. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Longoria, Thomas, Darlene Budd, and Lynne L. Manganaro. 2017. Support for Gender Equality Duty Strategies among Local Government Officials in Texas. In Leadership and Change in Public Sector Organizations, edited by James D. Ward, 229–46. New York: Routledge.

Luo, Xiaoshuang Iris, Cyrus Schleifer, and Christopher M. Hill. 2019. Police Income and Occupational Gender Inequality. Police Quarterly 22(4): 481–510. https:// doi.org/10.1177/1098611119862654.

Marshall, Catherine, and Gretchen B. Rossman. 2014. Designing Qualitative Research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Marshall, Gary. 2013. Barriers for Women in Law Enforcement. Athabasca, Alberta, Canada: Athabasca University.

Massie, Victoria M. 2016. White Women Benefit Most from Affirmative Action— and Are among Its Fiercest Opponents. Vox, June 23. https://www.vox. com/2016/5/25/11682950/fisher-supreme-court-white-women-affirmative- action [accessed February 26, 2020].

Mastracci, Sharon, and Veronica I. Arreola. 2016. Gendered Organizations: How Human Resource Management Practices Produce and Reproduce Administrative Man. Administrative Theory & Praxis 38(2): 137–49.

McDonald, Paula, Kerry Brown, and Lisa Bradley. 2005. Explanations for the Provision-Utilization Gap in Work–Life Policy. Women in Management Review 20(1): 37–55.

Mills, Albert J., and Peta Tancred. 1992. Gendering Organizational Analysis. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.

Nelson, Kimberly L., and James H. Svara. 2015. The Roles of Local Government Managers in Theory and Practice: A Centennial Perspective. Public Administration Review 75(1): 49–61.

Newman, Meredith A. 1994. Gender and Lowie’s Thesis: Implications for Career Advancement. Public Administration Review 54(3): 277–84.

Ospina, Sonia M., Marc Esteve, and Seulki Lee. 2018. Assessing Qualitative Studies in Public Administration Research. Public Administration Review 78(4): 593–605.

Patton, Michael Q. 2002. Qualitative Research and Evaluation Methods, 3rd ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Risse, Leonora. 2019. Economics and Gender Equality: A Lens from Within. Capitalism and Society, 14(1): 1–38.

Rivera, Mario A., and James D. Ward. 2010. Institutional Racism, Diversity and Public Administration. In Diversity and Public Administration: Theory, Issues, and Perspectives, edited by Mitchell F. Rice, 89–103. New York: Routledge.

1074 Public Administration Review • November | December 2020

Sabharwal, Meghna. 2015. From Glass Ceiling to Glass Cliff: Women in Senior Executive Service. Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory 25(2): 399–426.

Saunders, Benjamin, Julius Sim, Tom Kingstone, Shula Baker, Jackie Waterfield, Bernadette Bartlam, Heather Burroughs, and Clare Jinks. 2018. Saturation in Qualitative Research: Exploring Its Conceptualization and Operationalization. Quality & Quantity 52(4): 1893–907.

Schein, Virginia E. 2001. A Global Look at Psychological Barriers to Women’s Progress in Management. Journal of Social Issues 57(4): 675–88.

Sorock, Carolyn E. 2010. Closing the Gap Legislatively: Consequences of the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act. Chicago-Kent Law Review 85(3): 1199–216.

Stivers, Camilla. 1993. Gender Images in Public Administration: Legitimacy and the Administrative State. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.

———. 2000. Bureau Men, Settlement Women: Constructing Public Administration in the Progressive Era. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas.

Svara, James H. 1999. The Shifting Boundary between Elected Officials and City Managers in Large Council-Manager Cities. Public Administration Review 59(1): 44–53.

Svara, James H., and James R. Brunet. 2005. Social Equity Is a Pillar of Public Administration. Journal of Public Affairs Education 11(3): 253–8.

U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). 2018a. Asian Women and Men Earned More Than Their White, Black, and Hispanic Counterparts in 2017. The Economics Daily, August 29. https://www.bls.gov/opub/ted/2018/asian-women-and-men- earned-more-than-their-white-black-and-hispanic-counterparts-in-2017.htm [accessed February 26, 2020].

U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). 2018b. Highlights of Women’s Earnings in 2017. Report 1075. https://www.bls.gov/opub/reports/womens-earnings/2017/ pdf/home.pdf [accessed February 26, 2020].

U.S. Department of Labor. n.d. FMLA (Family & Medical Leave). https://www.dol. gov/general/topic/benefits-leave/fmla [accessed February 26, 2020].

———, and Mario A. Riviera. 2014. Institutional Racism, Organizations and Public Policy. New York: Peter Lang.

Watkins-Hayes, Celeste. 2011. Race, Respect, and Red Tape: Inside the Black Box of Racially Representative Bureaucracies. Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory 21(2): i233–51.

Wheeland, Craig M. 2000. City Management in the 1990s: Responsibilities, Roles, and Practices. Administration & Society 32(3): 255–81.

Wide, Tim. 1998. Is Sisterhood Conditional? White Women and the Rollback of Affirmative Action. NWSA Journal 10(3): 1–26.