Social Science Labor Assignment

THEUNFINISHEDSTRUGGLETurningPointsinAmericanLabor,1877-Present

STEVEBABSON

1THEGREATUPRISING,1877-1910

hortlyafterfiveo'clockintheafternoonofJuly21,1877,theFirstDivi-sionofPennsylvania'sNationalGuardopenedfireonacrowdofstrikesupportersinPittsburgh.Fiveminuteslater,withtheordertoceasefire,thesoldierscouldseethegroundbeforethemlirteredwithcasual-ties,includingthreechildrenamongthetwentyorsokilledoutrightandthethirtyormorewoundedinthedeadlyfusillade.InthesefewminutesoffatalviolencetheUnitedStateswascrossingathresholdfromonehistoricaleratoanother.TheheadlinesinthePitts-burghSundayGlobeexpressedthejudgmentofmanythatwiththis"SlaughteroftheInnocents,"the"LexingtonoftheLaborConflict[is]atHand."!Theheatedwordsdidnotexaggeratebymuch:thedeathtollinJuly1877wouldbehigherthantheoriginalbattleofLexington,andtheissuesatstakewouldbecontestedforthenextcenturyandmore.Inprecedingdecades,thenationhaddebatedtheissuesofslaveryandstate'srightsandthenfoughtabloodycivilwartosettlethematter.HalfthemeninPennsylvania'sFirstDivisionwereveteransofthatwar,asweremanyinthecrowd.SomehadprobablylaterservedintheoccupyingarmythatprotectedthenewlyfreedslavesintheSouthduringthefederalgov-ernment's"Reconstruction"oftheformerrebelstates.Butthefederalgov-ernmenthadwithdrawnitstroopsfromtheSouthandabandonedthe

FeementotheKuKluxKlanjusttheyearbeforetheeventsinPittsburgh.:newenemyhauntedtheimaginationofeditorialwritersandeliteopinion.Inthefifthyearofaneconomicdepressionthathaddrivenmil-lionsofpeopletotheedgeofstarvation,promptingbitterprotestsandVIOlentcountermeasures,itwasthegrowingprommenceandaggressivedemeanorof"thelaboringclasses"thatdemandedattention.Theirnum-bershadgrownsodramaticallyandsorecentlywiththeexpansionofAmericanindustry,andtheirpovertynowsomockedtheclaimsofAmer-icathebountiful,thatworkers-particularlytheunemployed,"tramps,"andstrikersamongthem-hadlatelybecomethetopicofwarnedspecu-lationinboardroomsandlegislativechambers.Ahugepopulationofwageearnerswhoownednosignificantpropertyandweredependentfortheirlivelihoodoncapital-andworsestill,wereembitteredbytheirdepend-ence---didnotfitthecomfortingagrarianvisionoftheindependentyeo-manfarmer,longhonoredasthefoundationoftheyoungrepublic.ThePittsburghshootingsandtheeventsthatfollowedmadethespecterofthisnonconformistworkingclassthenewfocalpointofnationalconcern.AttheWhiteSulphurSpringsresortinnearbyWestVirginiawherePittsburgh'selitesummered,"congressmen,judges,merchants,farmersandallclassesrepresentingwealthandintelligence"discussed,accordingtotheWheelingIntelligencer,"thefrightfulconditionofaffairs"heraldedbyPittsburgh,theirconcernsspoken"inbatedbreathandwithseriousaspect.'?TheNation,aleadingpro-businessmagazine,warnedthat"thetimehasneverbeenmorepropitiousforarisingoftheworstelements."3Andrisetheydid,onascalethatwouldmark1877astheheadwatersofthemodernAmericanlabormovement.InPittsburgh,crowdsenragedbytheshootingsofJuly21foughttheFirstDivision'stroopsinatwenty-four-hourbattlethatkilledtwentymoretownsmenandfivesoldiersbeforetheguardsmenweredrivenfromthecity.Massivecrowdsthenlootedthefreightyardandburnedmorethanathousandrailcars.Inthenextweek,this"generalinsurrection,"asPennsylvania'sgovernordescribeditinhispleaforfederaltroops,rippledacrosstheUnitedStates,overwhelmingstatemilitiasandlocalpoliceasitgrewtoageneralstrikeofallindustriesincitieslikeScranton,Pennsylvania;Toledo,Ohio;andSt.U:Uis,~issoUri.InChicago,crowdsofworkersmarchedthroughindus-trialneIghborhoods,shuttingdownfactoriesandcallingforanendtolow~ag.esandharshconditions.WhenChicago'Smayororderedhispolicetoflr~intothesecrowds,fightingeruptedacrossthecity,leavingmorethanthirtydead.ElevenstatescalIedoutthemilitiatosuppressthemovement,

musteringanestimatedforty-fivethousandsoldiers.Manyoftheselocaltroopsprovedtobeunreliable,withsoldiersdeserting,stackingtheirrifles,orjoiningthecrowds.Pittsburghwas"retaken"on]uly29byafed-eralforceofthreethousandsoldiers,whometnoarmedresistance.Fed-eraltroops,someofthemrecalledfromtheIndianwarsontheGreatPlains,occupiedChicago,St.Louis,Baltimore,andothercities,endingthestrikesand,withthem,whatcontemporariescalledthe"GreatUprising."Thefinaldeathtollexceededonehundred,withmanymoreinjured."Capitalistsmaystuffcottonintheirears,"theWashingtonCapitaleditorializedattheendoftheuprising,"thesubsidizedpressmaywritewithapparentindifference,asboyswhistlewhenpassingagraveyard,butthosewhounderstandtheforcesatworkinsocietyknowalreadythatAmericawillneverbethesameagain."InthewakeoftheGreatUprising,themodemAmericanlabormove-menttookfirstform.Withintenyears,workershadinitiatedthefirstLaborDaymarches(beguninthe1880sandmadeafederalholidayin1894),andthefirstMayDaystrikes(begunin1886todemandtheeight-hourday,andsubsequentlymarkedasaninternationalholidaytohonorthatsttike'sexecutedleadersinChicago).Thefirsttrulynationallabororgani-zation,theKnightsofLabor,announceditspresencetheyearfollowingthe1877strikesandgrewtosevenhundredthousandmembersby1886,dwarfingthepreviousstillborneffortstobuildanationalmovement.WhentheKnightsbegantofalter,manyunionactivistsswitchedtotheAmericanFederationofLabor,foundedin1886.FiftyyearslaterwhentheAFifaltered,itwastheUnitedMineWorkers-aunionthattraceditsori-ginstotheKnightsofLaborandtheyearsimmediatelyfollowingthe1877rising-thatformedthenucleusoftheCongressofIndustrialOrganiza-tions,foundedin1935.Theyear1877markedtheemphaticstartofanother,paralleltrendthatcontinuedwellintothetwentiethcentury'theuseofdeadlyforcetosup-pressstrikesanddefeatunionorganization.Overthenextsixtyyears,anestimatedsixhundredpeoplewoulddieinstrike-relatedviolence,roughly550ofthemkilledbythepolice,NationalGuard,u.s.Army,orprivateguards.Thedeathtollwouldbecomemorelopsideddecadebydecade,

•In1886,Chicagopolicefiredoncrowdssupportingtheeight-hourstrikemovement,killingtwoandwoundingmanymoreonMay3.Thefollowingevening,wh;npoliceattemptedtobreakupaprotestrallyatthecity'sHaymarket,abombthrowninvengeance

(orbyaroguepoliceagent,asmanystrikersargued)killedpoliceanddemonstratorsandledtothehangingoffourlaborleaders.Amongthemwastheprinterand1877strikeleaderAlbertPar-sons-absentattheHaymarket,astheprosecutionacknowledgedinhiscaseandothers,butexecutednonethelessformaking"inflanunatory"speeches.

• In1892,theNationalGuardreturnedtoPittsburgh,thistimetoassistinbreakingthestrikeattheCarnegieSteelworksinHome-stead,wherestrikershadpreviouslyrepelledanassaultbythreehundredarmedPinkertonagents.Atleastninepeoplehaddiedinthatdaylongbattle,threeofthemPinkertons.Thestrikerssurren-deredtotheeightthousandtroopswhooccupiedthetown.
• In1914,strikingcoalminersandtheirfamilies,havingbeenevictedfromthecompanyhousingownedbyJohnD.Rocke-feller'sColoradoCoalandIronCompany,wereattackedintheirtentcolonyinLudlow,Colorado,bytheNationalGuard.Gunfirekilledthreeworkers,andelevenchildrenandtwowomenburnedtodeathafterguardsmentorchedtheirtents.
• In1937,Chicago'spolicereturnedtotheheadlineswhentheyfiredpoint-blankonstrikingsteelworkersandtheirfamiliesdur-ingapeacefulMemorialDaypicnicandrally,killingten.

Theseandotherepisodesoffatalviolenceweretheforegroundeventsonahistoricalstagedominatedbyindustrialrevolution,boomandbustgrowth,worldwar,andfitfuleffortsatsocialandworkplacereform.Overtime,livingstandardswouldimproveandthelabormovementwouldgrow,butnotinevolutionaryprogressionsomuchasspasmodicroundsofgrowth,decline,andrenewedgrowth-witheachebbandflowmarkedbydistinctturningpoints.

CAPITAL

ThesteelworkersofsouthChicagofacedthesameadversaryin1937asthe.strikersof1877:the.extraordinaryandgrowingpowerofcorporatecapital.NOthIOgsymboltzedthearrivalofthiscatalyzingforcemorepow-erfullythanthesuddennseoftherailroadCOrporation..Corpora.tion~firstgrewtopowerinrailroadingforreasonswellSUItedtotheiruruquestructure.Startingarailroaddemandedmorecapi-

talthanasingleproprietorcouldmusterorborrow,andthecorporation's"limitedliability"spreadtheriskamonghundredsorthousandsofinvestors.Evenso,railroadconstructionwassoexpensiveandtheiroper-ationsovulnerable(toaccidents,cutthroatcompetition,andstockswin-dles)thatittookmassivepublicsubsidies-landgrants,loans,andtaxbreaks-tolaunchtherailroadboom.In1847,thenationalrailsystemhadtotaledlessthansixthousandmiles,mostofitconcentratedneartheAtlanticseaboard;thirtyyearslaterwhentheGreatUprisingspreadthroughoutthenationalrailsystem,mileagetotalednearlyeightythou-sandandstretchedfromNewYorktoSanFrancisco.By1907,railroadmileagetopped230thousand.ThistranscontinentalnetworkcreatedatrulynationalmarketforthefirsttimeinAmericanhistory,stretchingfromtheAtlanticOceantothePacific.The"IndustrialRevolution"acceleratedaccordingly,spurredbytherailroadindustry'svoraciousappetiteforsteel,iron,coal,andlumber,andbytheeconomiesofscalethatfollowedawideningmarket.Previ-ously,large-scalemanufacrurers-meaningin1850rarelymorethanthreehundredworkersinthelargestenterprises-werelimitedtoafeweasterntownsandthetextilemillsofNewEngland;mostartisansandsmallworkshopsservedlocalmarketswithinhorse-and-wagonrange.Withthecomingoftherailroad,companiescouldnowselltheirproductsindistantmarketsandbuildever-largerfactoriestosupplythisaug-menteddemand.By1900,America'slargestfactorieseachemployedmanythousandsofworkers,andtheirexpandingproductivepowermadetheUnitedStatestheworld'sleadingindustrialeconomy.Onthisenlargedstageappearedthenewleadingactorsoftheindus-trialrevolution:corporatecapital,invariedcostumeasRobberBaron,philanthropist,andmodernizingreformer;andlabor,costumedinevengreatervarietyaccordingtoskill,gender,race,ethnicity,andpoliticalide-ology.Theconflictsaswellasthealliancesbetweenthesediversepro-tagonistswoulddefinethemodernlabormovement.Atissueweresharplycontrastingclaimsaboutwhoreapedtheben-efitsofAmerica'srapidindustrialization,andwhopaidthecosts."Wehavemadethecountryrich,wehavedevelopedthecountry,"boastedrailroadspeculatorJayGouldduringcongressionalhearingsintobusi-nesspracticesthatbroughthimprofitsof$10millionin1890.Atatimewhenrailroadworkersaveraged$560ayearandtheaverageannualwageinmanufacrunngwasonly$439,thehugefortunesaccumulatedbyGouldandothersprovokedbitterdebate."Theofficialscanbuild

palaces,thelaborercanrentahovel,"observedThePittsburghCriticin1877."Theserailroadauthoritiescanaffordsalanesthatwillsecurethecostliestluxuriesbutcannotgrantenoughtothebeggared,starving.crushedlaborerandhisfamilytomeetthecommonestnecessitiesoflife.,,6Bytheturnofthenineteenthcentury,evenGould'slavishincomelookedpaltrycomparedwiththefortunesamassedbyJohnD.Rocke-fellerinoil,AndrewCarnegieinsteel,and].P.Morganinfinance.In1899,Rockefeller'sStandardOilCompanytopped$45millioninprofits;twoyearslater,whenCarnegiesoldhisindustrialempiretoMorgan'sUnitedStatesSteel,thesalenettedhimtheunheardofsumof$300mil-lion-theequivalentof$5billionmeasuredinthevalueofthedollarahundredyearslater.Theorganizationthatemergedfromthismergerwasequallyunprecedented:capitalizedat$1.3billion,U.S.Steelcontrollednearlytwo-thirdsofthenation'ssteelindustryandemployed168,000workers.By1904,assimilarmergersconsolidatedcorporateempiresinotherindustries,thetop4percentofAmericancompaniesproduced57percentoftoralindustrialoutput.Businessleadershadlittletroublejustifyingthisenormousconcen-trationofwealthandpower.Forthosewhohadfoughttheirwaytothetopfromhumblebackgrounds,successmarkedakindofroughjustice,"thesurvivalofthefittest."Academictheoristsreinforcedtheseself-con-gratulatoryclaimsbydrawingonCharlesDarwin,whosebookOriginofSpeciestheorizedthatnaturalselectionfavoredtheevolutionofthoseindividualorganismsmostsuitedtosurvivalinaharshandunforgivingnature."SocialDarwinists"likeYaleprofessorWilliamGrahamSumnersimplytransposedthisideatoeconomiclifeandbroadcastitasscientificfact."Millionairesaretheproductofnaturalselection,"Sumnerargued."Theymayfairlyberegardedasthenaturallyselectedagentsofsocietyforcertainwork."7Itmatteredlittletomanyofthesemillionairesthattheyowedatleastaportionoftheirwealthto"selection"bytheirgovernmentallies--forprotectivetariffs,contracts,loans,landgrants,andthefre-quentuseoftheNationalGuard(twenty-threetimesin1892alone)tobreakstrikesandupholdthelaw.The"scientific"dazzleofSocialDar-winismappearedplausibletomany,particularlyintheearlydecadesofindustrializationwhentechnologicalchangeandrapidgrowthopenedopportumtlesformenlikeJayGould(borntoafarmfamily)orAndrewCarnegie(sonofScottishweavers)whowererearedinpovertytoacquirepropertyandlaunchnewcompanies.Buttheseavenuesofupward

mobilitynarrowedovertimeastrustsandlargecorporationsseizedtheeconomicheights,andby1900therulingelitedrewmostofitsmembersfromthesamenarrowstratum.Astudyoftwohundredleadersofthelargestcorporationsintheearlytwentiethcenturyfoundthat95percentcamefromfamiliesofupper-ormiddle-classstatus,whereasnomorethan3percentcamefromimmigrantorfarmbackgrounds.Eveninafast-growingcitylikeDetroit,fewerthan20percentofthecity'stop115industrialistsattheturnofthecenturycamefrompoorfamilies,andfewerthan4percentrosethroughtheranks.All115werewhitemen,85percentofthemsharingthesameAnglo-SaxonheritageandProtestantreligion(primarilyEpiscopalians,Presbyterians,andCongregationalists).Only11percentwereCatholic,and3percentwereJewish.Inheritedorotherwise,therichman'swealthmanifestedneitherlucknorgreed,butdivineselectionaccordingtomenlikeRockefeller."ThepowertomakemoneyisagiftofGod,"heoncesermonized."Havingbeenendowedwiththegift1possess,Ibelieveitismydutytomakemoneyandstillmoremoney."GeorgeBaer,presidentofthePhiladel-phiaandReadingCoalandIronCompany,elevatedthisclaimtoanasser-tionof"divineright"previouslyreservedforkings."Therightsandinter-estsofthelaboringman,"Baerwrotein1902,"willbeprotectedandcaredforbytheChristianmentowhomGodhasgivencontrolofthepropertyrightsofthecountry.vJ'hispatronizingclaimjustifiedtwoalter-nativeresponsestothewideninggapbetweenrichandpoor.Ontheonehand,menlikeAndrewCarnegiespentconsiderablesumsbuildinglibrariesandsponsoringotheractsofpubliccharitytodemonstratethattherichphilanthropistwasthetrusteeofhis"poorerbrethren,"asCarnegieputit,"bringingtotheirservicehissuperiorwisdom,experi-ence,andabilitytoadminister."10Solongasthepoordevotedthemselvestoindividualself-improvement,theyweredeemedworthychargesbytheirwealthy"trustees."Butforthosewhoquestioned"thelawsofnature"anddivineright,thejudgmentwasharshandthepenaltiessevere."Nomaninthislandsuffersfrompoverty,"preachedHenryWardBeecher,pastorofBrooklyn'sfashionablePlymouthCongregationalChurch"unlessitbemorethanhisfault-unlessitbehissin."]]Andsin-nersinvitedthewrathofGod,noless,whentheycombinedtogetherinunholyprotest."Laborers'unions,"Beechersermonizedin1877,"aretheworstformofdespotismandtyrannyinthehistoryofChristendoml'i'?Menwhocouldsoreadilydividetheworldintoextremesof"good"and"evil,"placingthemselvesattheheadof"Christendom"anddismiss-

ingtheiropponentsas"sinners,"weremenwhocouldreadilyjustifytheviolencesofrequentlyvisitedonworkers.Moresothantheirc~unterpa~inEurope,America'sbusinessclasspossessedthisuniquecertamtyof~.s-sian,borninpartofreligiousconviction,andinpartoftheopenterrainillwhichtheyworked,relativelyunimpededbysuch"European"restraintsasalandedaristocracyorastate-supportedreligion.America'sbusinessleadershadnoneedtocompromisetheiracquisitiveagendaorsharepowerwithtitlednoblesandmiteredchurchmen.Inspired,insomecases,toactsofChristiancharityonbehalfoftheiremployees,theycouldalsoturnontherebelliousworkerandinvokeGod'swillinsuppressingtheirunions.Particularlywhenthe"lowerorders"weredoublystigmatizedfortheirimmigrantstatus,theirforeignspeech,ortheirnonwhiteskin,astheymoreoftenwereintheUnitedStates,itbecamealltheeasierforthelikesofNewYorksocialiteEdithAbbotttostereotypesuch"aliens"in1905as"adangerousclass,inadequatelyfed,clothed,andhoused,theythreatenthehealthofthecommunity,and,likealltheweakandtheignorant,theyoftenbecomethemisguidedfollowersofunscrupulousmen."13Evervigilantagainstthe"unscrupulousmen"whourgedworkerstocollectiveaction,America'scorporateleaderswagedamultifacetedcam-paignagainstunionorganization,eitherwithameliorativemeasuresdesignedtopacifythediscontented,orwithviolentsuppressionwhenallelsefailed.InthistheUnitedStatesdifferedbydegreefromEurope.There,classconflictwasmorepoliticizedandtherelatedviolencemorecompressedintopeaksofrevolutionaryCorcounterrevolutionary)con-flict.IntheUnitedStates,"classwar"centeredlessoftenonstrugglesforpoliticalpower,andmoreoftenonworkplaceconfrontationsoversome-thingmostofEurope'sindustrialsocietieswouldeventuallytakeforgranted-theveryrightoftheuniontoexist.

LABOR

Workerscouldborrowfromthesamereligiousidiomastheiremployerst~describetheirplaceinthenewindustrialorder,butmanydrewvery?lfferentcon~lusionsfromtheirreadingofscripture."Everybloworgan-izedlaborstrikesfortheemancipationoflaborhastheendorsementofChrist,"declaredEugeneDebsin1893,theyearhehelpedfoundthe~enca~RailwayUnionCARU)."Itis,reverentlyspeaking,anallianceWithChristtoopposepompandsplendor."14

Ayearlater,DebswasunderarrestandtheARUdestroyedafterfed-eraltroopsbrokeyetanothernationalrailroadstrike.Onceagain,strike-breakingwasbackedbypublicauthority,thistimewiththeclirectinter-ventionoftheu.s.attorneygeneral-himselfacorporateattorneyandadirectorofseveralrailroads.Attheconflict'sfocalpointinChicago,atotaloffourteenthousandU.s.soldiersandIllinoisNationalGuardsmenforciblyreopenedthelines,killingmorethanthirtyChicagoansinstrike-relatedconfrontations.Theunion'sofficeswereransackedbyfederalmarshalsandmorethansevenhundredunionleadersplacedunderarrest.TheAmericanRailwayUnionneverrecovered.Nevertheless,inthissharpencounterwiththecombinedpowerofrailroadcapitalandthestate,theunionhadarticulatedsomethinguniqueintheemergingcultureofthelabormovement:anall-encompassingcon-ceptof"solidarity"thatdefinedaninjurytoanyoneworkerasaninjurytoallworkers.Infact,the1894strikewasnotcalledtoprotestthecondi-tionofrailroadworkersinthatdepressionyear,badasthesewere.Instead,theARUstruckinsupportofworkersinthemodeltownthatGeorgePullmanhadbuiltaroundhisfactoriesinsouthsuburbanChicago.Thefleetofrailroadsleepingcarsmanufacturedbyhiscompanyoperatedonvirtuallyeveryraillineinthecountry,andwiththisgrowingbusiness,Pullmanhadexpandedhisfactoryvillagetoincludeemployeehousing,alibrary,churches,andutilities,allbuiltatthecompany'sini-tiative.Thispaternalisticarrangementhadturnedsourinthe1893depressionwhenPullmanbegancuttingwagesby30percentandmore,whilestilldeductingfrompaythesamechargesforrentandutilities.WhenPullmansummarilyfiredthethreeworkerdelegatessenttoprotesttheseconditions,thefactory'sfivethousandworkerswentonstrikeandappealedtotheARUforaboycottofPullman'sowned-and-operatedsleepers.Railroadworkersrespondedintwenty-sevenstates,addingtheirowngrievancestothewideningdispute.Debscalledtheirsolidaritythe"Christ-likevirtueofsympathy,"a"fellow-feelingforthewoesofothers...[that]shouldbeacceptedasatoncethehopeofcivilization.t'USuch"fellowfeeling"grewoutofthesharedexperiencesofworkerswhoseskillsandphysicalforcedrovetheindustrialrevolutionforward,butwhosehardestexertionsstillleftthemprecariouslyperchedbetweenopportunityanddisaster.Particularlyintherecurrentdepressionsthatplaguedtheeconomyinthe1870sand1890s,whenemployerscutwagesandunemploymentsoaredto20per-centormore,theircommonmiserycontrastedsharplywiththeextraor-

dinarywealthofthenewrich.Intherecoveriesthatfollowedeachdown-turn,wageswouldcreepbackupward,butsotoowouldmandatoryworkhoursandinjuries.Mechanizationofproduction,ratherthanliber-atinglaborfromtoil,haddramaticallyincreasedworkhoursastheecon-omyshiftedfromagriculturetoindustry.WheretheaveragefarmlaborerinmedievalEuropehadworkedfewerthanseventeenhundredhoursayear,withhardlaborfrequentlypunctuatedbyfestivalsandsharplycur-tailedinwinter,theaveragewageearnerinAmericanmanufacturingworkedmorethantwenty-eighthundredhoursin1901,whentheten-hourdayandthesix-dayworkweekwerecommon.Workplaceinjuriesandillnessesshadowedthelifeofeveryworker,particularlyinmechani-calindustrieswhereequipmentwaspoorlyguardedandsafetyproce-duresvirtuallynonexistent.Inrailroadingalone,2,451workersdiedincollisions,derailments,falls,andshopaccidentsinthesingleyear1890;casualtiesmountedthereaftertoapeakof4,534railroadworkerskilledin1907,andaveragedmorethantwohundredfatalitiesamonthduringthesedecades.Lifeoffthejobcouldbenearlyasdangerous.IndustrialcitiesontheEastCoastandthroughouttheMidwestsawurbangrowthraceaheadofavailablehousing,sewercapacity,andwatersupply,spawningsomeoftheworstslumsintheworld.AreportonNewYorktenementhousingin1903described"foulcellarsfullofrubbish;...roomssodarkthatonecannotseethepeopleinthem;cellarsoccupiedassleepingplaces;.pigs,goats,horses,andotheranimalskeptincellars;dangerousoldfire-trapswithoutfireescapes;...buildingswithoutadequatewatersupply-thelistmightbeaddedtoalmostindeftnitelv.v'vOutbreaksofdiphtheria,scarletfever,andotherinfectiousdiseasescontinuedintothetwentiethcentury,andalthougheffortstoimprovepublichealthmadeheadway,nationallifeexpectancyactuallydeclinedfromfifty-twoyearsin1902tofifty-onein1917asimmigrantworkersandinternalmigrantspouredintocityslums.IndividualstrivingwashighlyregardedbyworkersmigratingtoAmerica'scitiesandmilltowns,andopportunitiestoescapethelonghoursanduncertainrewardsofwageworkwereeagerlyseized.But"ragstoriches"mobilitywasfarlesscommonthanthegeographicmobilitythattook"tramping"workersfromonecitytothenextinsearchofwork.Thedisabledrailroadermightbeabletoopenasaloonnexttothefreightyards,theproductionworkermightbecomeaskilledtradesmaninamet-alworkingshop,theskilledtailormightbecomeasmallcontractormak-

ingclothingforwholesalersordepartmentstores.Yeteventheseoccu-pationaladvancesleftsmallproprietorsandtradesmenwithinaworking-classuniversestilldominatedbyinsecurityandinequality.Inthiscontext,~semployersorganizedthemselvesintoever-largercombinationsofcap-ital,andasmanyworkerslosthopethattheirindividualbargainingcouldimprovetheirwagesorjobsecurity,theappealofcollectiveactiongainedwidercurrency."Eachforhimselfisthebossesplea,"asaparadebannerofthebarrelmakers'unionexpresseditin1880."Unionforallwillmakeyoufree."InAmerica'scitiesandtowns,inminingcommunitiesandlumbercamps,asubcultureofworkingclassoppositionwasemergingintheclosingdecadesofthenineteenthcenturyandtheopeningofthetwenti-eth.WhileSocialDarwinistsclaimedscientificjustificationforinequalityaspartof"naturalselection,"thissubcultureproclaimedthetransformingvirtuesofsolidarity--capturedinan1886LaborDaybanner"Dividedwecanbeg,unitedwecandemand."WhileemployersclaimedthedivinesanctionofGodalmighty,someworkersclaimedthespiritofJesusChrist-"acarpenterandamanofpoverty."Whileemployersinvokedpropertyrights,workersinvokedtheBillofRights,ormoredaringstill,proclaimedtherightofworkerstocollectivelyownthefullfruitoftheirlabor.Thisoppositionalsubculturegavemanyworkerprotestsanevan-gelicalspirit,characterizedbytheemotionalfusingofworkplaceandcommunitysolidaritiesagainsttheprevailingcultureofacquisitiveindi-vidualism.Theaugmentedsolidarityandfellowfeelingthatflowedfromtheseemotionalbondsstimulatedcollectiveactionatleastaspowerfullyasthemorerationalcalculationoflowwagesandlonghours.Inanindustrylikegarmentmaking,whereimmigrantworkerssewedapparelintheirowncrowdedapartments,orinnearbytenementsweatshops,orinfactoriesneverfarremovedfromtheimmigrantghetto,thismergingofworkerprotestwithethnicandreligioussolidaritieswasespeciallyevi-dent.Besetbylowwages,overwork,fourteen-hourdays,andforemenwhoextractedfinesandsubmissionfromtheirpredominantlyRussian-Jewishworkforce,garmentmakerseruptedinannualproteststhatgalva-nizedtheentirecommunity.Lackingformalunionorganization,workersreliedontheresourcesofthesurroundingghetto,withsmallsynagoguesservingasunionhallsandneighborhoodparadesservingaspicketlines.Suchprotestswere"organizedwiththefervorofreligiousfanaticism,"asoneparticipantrecalledofthe1890cloakmakers'strikeinNewYork

City."Weweresurethemillenniumwasathand.':!'Typically,themillen-nialfervorthatcarriedthesegarmentworkersintothestreetsencom-passedtheentireoccupationalspectrumoftheindustry,fromskilledcut-ters,finishers,andpressers,tobastersandsewingmachineoperators-thelatteroverwhelminglywomen,manyofthemprominentleadersinthesecommunity-basedstruggles.ItwastheKnightsofLaborwhofirstharnessedthiskindofcross-craftsolidarityinthe1880sandgaveitorganizationalform.Incaseslikecoalminingandrailroading,theKnightschampioned"industrial"organ-izationthatcombinedeverytradeinaparticularcompany,industry,ortownintoasinglebody.Inotherindustries,mostworkerswerestillorganizedintoseparatetradelocals,butevenheretheKnightsempha-sizedanewkindofsolidaritybymobilizingcitywideboycotts,masspick-eting,andworker-ownedcooperatives.Thesecommunity-basedmobi-lizationsfueledtheKnights'dramaticgrowthbetween1880and1886,givingcredencetotheclaimofTerencePowderly,theorganization'snationalleader,thatworkersolidaritywould"strikeapowerful,tellingblowatthebaseofthesystemwhichmakesthelaboreraslaveofhismaster."!"ByPowderly'sestimate,thecombinedgrowthofworker-ownedfactories,cooperativestores,andpoliticalreformwouldulti-matelytriumphovercorporatepower,butthesegrandexpectationswerealmostimmediatelydisappointed.Ontheheelsofthe1886strikesfortheeight-hourday,employerslaunchedavigorouscampaigntomarginalizetheKnights,andbythelate1880saseriesofstrikedefeatsandinternaldissensionhaddramaticallyweakenedtheorganization.AstheKnightsdeclined,theywerereplacedbyarivalcoalitionofunions,theAmericanFederationofLabor(AFL).Formedin1886,theAFLabandonedthereform-mindedrhetoricandtheall-encompassingorgan-izationoftheKnightsformoremodest-but,itsfoundersclaimed,morewinnable-improvementsintheconditionsoflabor.LedbytheCigarMakersUnion,whoseleaders,SamuelGompersandAdolfStrasser,helpedfoundtheAFL,craftunionsestablishedinsurancebenefitsandstrikefundstosupporttheirmembersinpersonalandcollectiveemer-gencies;thecentralizedstrikefund,inturn,gavethenationalunionmorecontroloverlocalstrikedecisions,andbyrequiringhigherdues,rein-forcedanorganizationalbiasinfavoroftheskilledworkerswhocouldaffordthem.Ratherthanrisktheirorganizationsinindustry-widestrug-glesthatinvitedviolentrepression,manyAFLunionsretreatedtothestrongholdofcraft,fortifyingsmallerbutmorestrategicpositionsinthe

economy.ComparedwithEurope,skilledworkerswereinrelativelyshortsupplyintheu.s.economy,makingtheircraftknowledgeallthemoreimportantinmetalworkingandconstruction,evenasskilledlabordeclinedinolderindustrieslikeshoemakingorwoodworking.Theindustrialrevolutionhadthisparadoxicalimpactinmanydimensionsofeconomicandsociallife,creatingbothmiseryandoppor-tunity,solidarityandfragmentation.Factoriesservinganationalmarketcouldturnoutcheap"ready-made"shoes,furniture,garments,simpletools,housewares,fabrics,food,anddrygoodsthatundersoldthecus-tomizedhand-toolworkofskilledartisans.Yettheveryprocessofmech-anizationandspecializationthatmarginalizedtheall-roundcraftsmanintheseindustriesalsoelevatednewtradesandnewcraftidentities.Patternmakers,pipefitters,boilermakers,machinebuilders,andtoolmakersallgainedgroundinstallingandmaintainingthenewmachinesthatpow-eredfactoryproduction.Theconstructiontradesalsogrewaselectrifica-tionandhigh-risebuildingscreatednewskillcategoriesandnewcraftunions-amongthem,theElectricalWorkers,organizedin1891,andtheIronworkers,organizedin1896.TheseAFLunionsoftensoughtallianceswithalliedcraftsinthesameworkplace,andtheirfrequent"sympathystrikes"insupportoffel-lowcraftsmenwereaclearindicatorofthewidersolidaritiesthatmoti-vatedmanyskilledworkers.Whilegenerallyrejectinganticapitalistide-ologiesorindependentpoliticalaction,theAFL's"HouseofLabor"stillaccommodatedsocialistandradicalactivistswholedmanyoftheaffili-atedunionsandoftenmusteredasmuchasathirdofAFLconventionvotes.Therewasevenroomfor"industrial"unionsliketheUnitedMineWorkersandtheBreweryWorkers,bothofwhomtransferredtheiralle-giancefromthedecliningKnightstotherisingAFL.Still,therewasnodenyingthattheAFi'smilitancywasmorenarrowlyfocusedon"pureandsimple"tradeissues,anditsmembershipmorenarrowlyfocusedontheskilledworkerswhosebargainingleveragecouldsustainunionsthrougheventhedepressionyearsofthe18905.Fortheseskilledworkers,theunionwasmorethansimplyavehicleforprotectingwages.Itwas,inaddition,ameansfor"legislating"theworkplaceandpreservingthepositionofcraftsmenwhosawtheirskillsasthedrivingforceintheenterprise.Indeed,intheconstructiontradesandmanymetalworkingindustries,skilledtradesmensupervisedmuchofthework,providedtheirowntools,trainedapprentices,andgenerallyregulatedthequalityandquantityofproduction.Employersseekingto

cutcostshadtofirstcontendwithashopculturethatsupportedthesecraftregulations,evenwhentherewasnounion.Inau~?nwo~kplace,theshoprulesbecameallthemoreexplicit;theMachinistsUnion,forexample,prohibitedhelpersfromperformingjourneymen'swork,opposedpieceworkwagesthattiedearningstooutput,andbarredmachinistsfromoperatingmorethanonemachineatatime.Otherunionworkrulesweremoredetailed:theAmalgamatedIronandSteelWorkers,forone,hadfifty-eightpagesof"footnotes"governingtheHomesteadSteelworksofAndrewCarnegiein1891.Managementcouldeliminatetheserulesbydestroyingtheunion,asCarnegiesubsequentlydidatHomesteadin1892.Inthatpivotalstruggle,theunskilledlaborersintheplantsidedwiththeAmalgamated'sskilledworkers,eventhoughtheunionbarredthemfrommembershipandleftthelargelySlaviclaborerswithoutrepresentation.Thisexemplarydisplayofsol-idaritywasnoteasilyreciprocated,however.Skilledtradesmenatthetopofworkplacehierarchiesoftenregardedless-skilledfactory"hands"withamixtureofsympathy,scorn,anddistrust,thelatterbornofpracticalexperi-encewithemployerswhosimplifiedoperationsandassignedthe"green-horn"laboreror"half-baked"mechanictoperformthelow-endtasksofthecraft.Technologicalchangethatthreatenedtoblurdistinctionsbetweenskilledandunskilledworkfurtheralarmedcraftunionistswhosawinthesechangestheemployer'sultimateintentionofdestroyingtheircraft.Thegapbetweenskilledandunskilledworkerswidenedallthemorewhenreinforcedbytheethnic,racial,andgenderdivisionsthatAmericanworkplacesexhibitedinever-widerprofusion.Innootherindustrialeconomyintheworldwereethniccleavages,inparticular,sopronouncedandsooftenopposedtothepromotionofworkplacesoli-darity.Astheimmigrantstreamwidenedafter1890,with15millionpeo-plearrivinginthenexttwenty-fiveyears,itssourcesalsoshiftedawayfromtheNorthEuropeannationsofBritain,Ireland,Scandinavia,andGermanytowardsouthandeastEuropeanlands,especiallyItaly,Russia,andAustria-Hungary.Manynewimmigrantsfromtheruralhinterlandsoftheseregionsweredrivenfromtheirsmall-scalepeasantholdingsbypopulationgrowthandtherepeatedsubdivisionoftheirtinyholdings.WhereasRussianJewsfleeingCzaristpersecutionandanti-Semiticvio-lenceusuallyarrivedwitheveryintentionofstaying,manyimmigrantsfromsouthernandeasternEuropeplannedonlyabriefsojourninAmer-ica'sgrowingeconomy,intendingtoworkafewyearsandreturnhomewiththeirsavingstobuyorprotectthefamilyfarm.

Inthissense,first-generationimmigrantswereidealcandidatesforfillingtheworstindustrialjobs:becausemanyhadnointentionofstay-ing,theyviewedtheirconditionastemporaryand,therefore,bearableintheshorttermiftheycouldsaveenoughfromtheirwages.This"instru-mental"attitudecontrastedsharplywiththenative-bornandolderimmi-grantgroupswhopredominatedinthecraftunionsoftheAFt.Tocrafts-men,theimmigrantlaborerappearedasanunreliableopportunist,willingtoacceptharshconditionsthat"spoiledthejob."Bridgingthiscul-turalgapwasallthemoredifficultwhencraftsmenandlaborersspokedifferentlanguages,livedinseparateethnicneighborhoods,andbelongedtodifferentchurches-theformeroftenMethodistorLutheran,thelatterRomanCatholicorGreekOrthodox.Employerswerewellawareofthepotentialantagonismbetweensuchdisparategroupsandusedimmigrantworkersasstrikebreakersincoalmining,steel,andotherindustries.Thoughmanyimmigrantworkersrefusedthisrole(asatHomestead),otherstookthejobsandshunnedtheunion.Theunion,particularlywhenitrepresentedskilledworkers,oftenrefusedtoadmittheminanycase,eitherasamatteroftradepolicy(excludingtheunskilled)orofprejudice(excluding,asoneindependentunionofbrick-layersputit,the"foreigners[who]takeworkawayfromUS")19Womenfoundmostcraftunionsevenlessaccommodating.Reflect~ingthewidelyheldopinionthatwomenweresuitedonlyfordomesticlaborandmotherhood,manyAFLaffiliatesexpresslyforbadetheirmem-bershipinthetradeand,inthecaseoftheIronMolders,evenfinedmem-berswhotaughtwomenthesecretsofthecraft.Women'sparticipationinthewageeconomywasgrowing-from15percentofgainfulworkersin1870to21percentby191Q--buttheirrolewasoftenrestrictedtojobsdeemed"feminine"bytheirapproximationofhouseholdchores:sewing,caringforthesick,foodservice,orattendingtheneedsofshoppersandofficemanagers.Whentheyventuredintothefactory,itwasexpectedtobeatemporarysojournbeforemarriageorthenextpregnancy;thisexpectation,inturn,wasusedtojustifywageswellbelowthosepaidmen,evenwhenjobswerecloselycomparable.Inasocialcontextwherewomenhadnotyetwontherighttovote,theywerealsodisenfranchisedinthewageeconomyandthelabormovement.Formanyunions,a"liv-ingwage"meanta"familywage"paidtoaman,thewagebeingsufficienttosupport"thewifeathome."Thisidealhelpedmenjustifytheiroppo-sitiontolowwagesandpaycutting,anditmatchedtheaspirationsofmanywomenwhosawinhouseholdworkandchildrearingapreferable

destinytothefactory'slowwagesanddead-endjobs.Yetmorewomenweretakingsuchjobs,largelybecausehouseholdfinancesrequiredit,andonlyahandfulofunionswelcomedthem.Thechasmbetweenwhiteandblackworkerswasallthewiderandallthemoredifficulttobridge.Here,thelabormovementreflectedsocialtrendsthatweremovingrapidlytowardracialsegregationand"whitesonly"practicesbarringblacksfromjobs,neighborhoods,schools,churches,theaters,andstores.Inthe1880s,theKnightshadstruggledtoovercomethesebarriersbyopeningtheirrankstoallworkersregardlessofraceorgender.Inthe18905,however,asracialsegregationintensifiedandlynchingstookthelivesofmorethanonehundredblackseachyear,manyunionsretreatedfromthishighgroundandinstitutedconstitutionalprovisionslimitingmembershiptowhitemales.Employersenforcedthesamesegregationintheirhiringpracticesandwerenolessdiscriminatoryinthemajorityofworkplacesthatwerenonunion.Mostwhitesjustifiedthesepoliciesbyinvokingthewidelyheldbeliefthatwhiteswerethesuperiorrace,aclaimsomeAmericansofBritishandGermanheritagefurtherelaboratedbyplacingtheirAnglo-SaxonforebearsanotchortwoabovetheSlavic,Italian,andotherso-calledMediterraneanraces.Rele-gatedtothebottomrungofthisracialhierarchy,African-Americansweredeemedinherentlyincapableofskilledwork-andwerethereforedeniedtrainingforit.Consequently,strikebreakingwasoftentheonlyavenueforblackworkersseekingjobsinthecitadelsofwhites-onlyemployment,andhereagainemployerswerepreparedtoexploittheresultingantagonisms.Despitetheseobstacles,someunionscontinuedtoagitateforthewidestpossiblesolidarity,nonemoresothantheUnitedMineWorkers(UMW).Inminingaselsewhere,employersusedblackstrikebreakersagainstwhiteworkers,buttheUMWhadlearnedanearlylessonthatappliedequallytoimmigrantstrikebreakers:ratherthaninvitetheantag-onismandcompetitionofotherworkersbyexcludingthemfrommem-bership,whiteworkerscouldcountertheemployer'sdivisivetacticsbywelcomingallworkersintotheirranks,regardlessofraceorethniciry,TheKnightsofLabor,fromwhichtheUMWsprang,hadnotonlyrecruitedblackcoalminersintotheunionbuthadagitatedfordesegre-gatingtheminesandapplyingthesameconditionstoallworkers.TheUMWcontinuedthiscampaignwithsuchSuccessthatby1900over20percentoftheunion'sninety-onethousandmemberswereblackwithAfrican-Americanminersholdingofficeatalllevelsoftheorganization,

includingtheunion'sNationalExecutiveBoard.RichardDavis,ablackminerfromOhio,wasfirstinafieldoffourteenrunningfornationalofficeattheunion's1896convention,andhethereafterplayedapromi-nentroleinadvocatingblack-whiteunity."Itishightimeforthecolorlinetobedropped,"Daviswroteintheunion'snationalnewspaper."Ithinkwerewe,asworkingmen,toturntofightingmonopolyinlandandmoney,wewouldaccomplishagreatdealmorethanwewillbyfightingamongourselvesonaccountofrace,creed,color,ornationality."20Inthishewasasoftenopposedbyconservativeblackleadersasbywhitebigots.ManyprominentAfrican-Americans,disheartenedbytheescalatingviolenceanddiscriminationdirectedatblacks,advocatedastrategicretreatandacceptanceofsegregation,preferringself-improve-mentwithintheghettoorrural"blackbelt"oftheSouth."Agitationofthequestionofracialequalityistheextremistfolly,'?'counseledBookerT.Washington,theformerslaveandfounderofTuskegeeInstitute,andmanyblackchurchleadersfollowedhisleadinseekingtheprotectionandphi-lanthropyofwhiteindustrialists.TheiroppositiontotheUMWprovokedbitterdenunciationsfromDavis,whocontinuallyremindednonunionblackminersthat"labororganizationshavedonemoretoeliminatethecolorlinethanallotherorganizations,thechurchnotevenexcepted.r"Davisknewfullwellthatthelabormovement'srecordwasmixed,thatprominentAFLaffiliatesbarredblackworkersaltogether,andthateventheAFL'snationalleader,SamuelGornpers,invokedtheallegedsuperiorityof"caucasiancivilization"andits"uplifting"mission.ButDavisalsoknewthatunionsweretheonlyinstitutionsinAmericanlifeinwhichblacksandwhitescouldmeetasequals.CraftunionsliketheMachinistsandtheElectricalworkerswere"whitesonly,"butathirdofthemembersintheInternationalLongshoremen'sUnionwereAfrican-Americansin1902,someofthemelectedtoofficeinlocalswithover-whelminglywhitemembership.Someunionsthatadmittedblackwork-erssegregatedthemintoseparatelocals,whereasothersopposedalleffortstoorganizeAfrican-Americans.Butwhenobjectionswereraisedin1902againsttheCarpentersUnionforappointingablackorganizerintheSouth,enoughwhitecarpenterssupportedthemovetomakeitstick."ThemerefactthatallofthebossbuildersintheSouthareadvocatingleavingtheNegroesoutoftheunionsisagoodreasonwhyweshouldorganizethem,"asoneGeorgiaunionleaderputit."Letthegoodworkgoon,andletushopeforthedaywhentherewillbeequalrightstoallandspecialprivilegestonone."23

Thesolidaritythiswhitecarpenterinvokedwasnota"spontaneous"expressionofworkers'selfinterest.Itwasadeliberateproject,apoliticalideal,andasocialmissionthatrequiredconstantadvocacyagainstthemanyforcesfragmentingworking-classcommunities.The"daywhentherewillbeequalrightstoall"wasstillinthefuture,butasunionmem-bershipunderwentarevivalintheopeningyearsofthetwentiethcen-tury,therewashopethatsuchadaywasnotfaroff.