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ASystematicReviewofTheory-DrivenEvaluationPracticeFrom1990to2009.pdf

A Systematic Review of Theory-Driven Evaluation Practice From 1990 to 2009

Chris L. S. Coryn 1 , Lindsay A. Noakes

1 ,

Carl D. Westine 1 , and Daniela C. Schröter

1

Abstract

Although the general conceptual basis appeared far earlier, theory-driven evaluation came to prominence only a few decades ago with the appearance of Chen’s 1990 book Theory-Driven Evaluations. Since that time, the approach has attracted many supporters as well as detractors. In this paper, 45 cases of theory-driven evaluations, published over a twenty-year period, are systematically examined to ascertain how closely theory-driven evaluation practices comport with the key tenants of theory-driven evaluation as described and prescribed by prominent theoretical writers. Evidence derived from this review to repudiate or substantiate many of the claims put forth both by critics of and advocates for theory-driven forms of evaluation are presented and an agenda for future research on the approach is recommended.

Keywords

theory-driven evaluation, theory-based evaluation, evaluation theory, evaluation practice, research review

Evaluation theories describe and prescribe what evaluators do or should do when conducting evalua-

tions. They specify such things as evaluation purposes, users, and uses, who participates in the eva-

luation process and to what extent, general activities or strategies, method choices, and roles and

responsibilities of the evaluator, among others (Fournier, 1995; Smith, 1993). Largely, such theories

are normative in origin and have been derived from practice rather than theories that are put into

practice (Chelimsky, 1998). Stimulated by Miller and Campbell’s (2006) review of empowerment

evaluation and Christie’s (2003) research on the practice–theory relationship in evaluation, the

authors of this review sought to replicate certain aspects of Miller and Campbell’s study except that

the phenomenon under investigation was theory-driven evaluation practice. Therefore, this inquiry

also is intended to contribute to the scarcity of systematically derived knowledge about evaluation

practice by investigating whether ‘‘theoretical prescriptions and real-world practices do or do not

align’’ (Miller & Campbell, 2006, p. 297).

1The Evaluation Center, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, MI, USA

Corresponding Author:

Chris L. S. Coryn, 1903 West Michigan Avenue, Kalamazoo, MI 49008, USA

Email: [email protected]

American Journal of Evaluation 32(2) 199-226 ª The Author(s) 2011 Reprints and permission: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1098214010389321 http://aje.sagepub.com

As Weiss (1997a) remarked more than a decade ago, ‘‘The idea of theory-driven evaluation is

plausible and cogent, and it promises to bring greater explanatory power to evaluation. However,

problems beset its use . . . ’’ (p. 501). Consequently, the impetus for this investigation was multifa- ceted. One of the primary motives was the simple recognition of the continued and growing interest

in theory-driven evaluation in the last few decades (Donaldson, 2007). Additionally, specifying pro-

gram theory recently has been put forth as an essential competency for program evaluators (Stevahn,

King, Ghere, & Minnema, 2005). Simultaneously, coupled with the recognition that the approach

has not been adequately scrutinized in any meaningful way and in response to Henry and Mark’s

(2003) agenda for research on evaluation, this investigation also was motivated by the demonstrable

need for knowledge regarding the degree to which evaluation theory is enacted in evaluation prac-

tice, which can provide valuable insights for improving future practice (Christie, 2003). However,

little consensus exists regarding its nomenclature and central features (Donaldson, 2003; Rogers,

2007). A secondary purpose was, therefore, to enumerate a set of fundamental principles for

theory-driven evaluation with the intent of describing the approach in a very general, yet consistent

and cogent manner (Miller, 2010). Finally, as Stufflebeam and Shinkfield (2007) note, ‘‘ . . . if eva- luators do not apply evaluation theory . . . then it is important to ask why they do not. Perhaps the approaches are not sufficiently articulated for general use, or the practitioners are not competent to

carry them out, or the approaches lack convincing evidence that their use produces the needed eva-

luation results’’ (p. 62).

An Overview of Theory-Driven Evaluation

Although its origins can be traced to Tyler in the 1930s (with his notion of formulating and

testing program theory for evaluative purposes; Garangi, 2003, as cited in Donaldson, 2007), later

reappearing in the 1960s and 1970s (e.g., Suchman, 1967; Weiss, 1972) and again in the 1980s (e.g.,

Bickman, 1987; Chen 1980; Chen & Rossi, 1980, 1983, 1987), it was not until 1990 that theory-

driven evaluation resonated more widely in the evaluation community with the publication of

Chen’s seminal book Theory-Driven Evaluations. Since then, conceptual, methodological, and the-

oretical writings (e.g., Chen & Rossi, 1992; Rogers, 2000, 2008; Rogers, Petrosino, Huebner, &

Hacsi, 2000; Weiss, 1995, 1997a, 1997b, 1998, 2004a, 2004b)—and, to a lesser extent, actual case

examples (Birckmayer & Weiss, 2000)—on the approach have been commonplace in both the serial

and the grey literatures as well as in numerous books, book chapters, and conference presentations

and proceedings where theory-driven evaluation is sometimes referred to as program-theory evalua-

tion, theory-based evaluation, theory-guided evaluation, theory-of-action, theory-of-change, pro-

gram logic, logical frameworks, outcomes hierarchies, realist or realistic evaluation (Mark,

Henry, & Julnes, 1998; Pawson & Tilley, 1997), and, more recently, program theory-driven evalua-

tion science (Donaldson, 2007), among many others (Rogers, 2000, 2008; Rogers et al., 2000;

Stame, 2004). 1

Even though a common vocabulary, definition, and shared conceptual and opera-

tional understanding has largely been elusive, theory-driven forms of evaluation have, nonetheless,

increasingly been espoused by numerous evaluation scholars and theorists, practitioners, and other

entities as the preferred method for evaluation practice.

In one form or another, such approaches have been widely adopted, including evaluations con-

ducted for and commissioned by the W. K. Kellogg Foundation (1998, 2000) for evaluating their

community change initiatives, the United Way of America (1996) for evaluating their health, human

service, and youth- and family-serving efforts, and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

(CDC; Milstein, Wetterhall, & CDC Working Group, 2000) for evaluating public health programs

and interventions. In the past few years, theory-driven approaches also have been increasingly pro-

moted in international development settings, including some of the evaluations commissioned and

conducted by the Overseas Development Institute (ODI), the International Initiative for Impact

200 American Journal of Evaluation 32(2)

Evaluation (3ie), the United Nations Evaluation Group (UNEG), and the Independent Evaluation

Group (IEG) of the World Bank for evaluating humanitarian efforts (Carvalho & White, 2004;

Conlin & Stirrat, 2008; White, 2007, 2009; White & Masset, 2007; World Bank, 2003, 2005). More

recently, such approaches have been suggested as a means for evaluating military operations in the

United States (Williams & Morris, 2009) as well as in a variety of other fields, settings, and contexts

(Trochim, Marcus, Masse, Moser, & Weld, 2008; Urban & Trochim, 2009; Weiss, 1997b). Theory-

driven forms of evaluation also have been recommended as one possible alternative to randomized

controlled trials or randomized experiments—generally patterned after the evidence-based practice

model in medicine—for both independent and federally sponsored initiatives charged with identify-

ing efficacious or effective interventions (Government Accountability Office [GAO], 2009).

As defined by Rogers et al. (2000), program theory-driven evaluation is conceptually and oper-

ationally premised on ‘‘ . . . an explicit theory or model of how the program causes the intended or observed outcomes and an evaluation that is at least partly guided by this model’’ (p. 5). This broad

designation is intended to encompass a wide variety of synonyms sometimes used to describe and

encapsulate such evaluation approaches including, but not limited to, theory-driven, theory-based,

and theory-guided forms of evaluation, but to the exclusion of certain others, and ‘‘ . . . does not include evaluations that explicate the theory behind a program but that do not use the theory to guide

the evaluation’’ (Rogers et al., 2000, pp. 5–6). Therefore, and although there are many variations and

their meaning and usage often differ, the term theory-driven evaluation is used throughout this arti-

cle to denote any evaluation strategy or approach that explicitly integrates and uses stakeholder,

social science, some combination of, or other types of theories in conceptualizing, designing, con-

ducting, interpreting, and applying an evaluation.

Program Theory in Theory-Driven Evaluation

Program theories are the crux of theory-driven forms of evaluation and are typically represented as

graphical diagrams that specify relationships among programmatic actions, outcomes, and other fac-

tors, although they also may be expressed in tabular, narrative, or other forms. Such representations

vary widely in their complexity and level of detail (Chen, 1990, 2005a, 2005b, 2005c; Donaldson,

2007; Frechtling, 2007; Funnel, 1997; Gugiu & Rodriguez-Campos, 2007; McLaughlin & Jordan,

1999; Patton, 2008; Rogers, 2000, 2008; W. K. Kellogg Foundation, 2000; Wyatt Knowlton &

Phillips, 2008). A typical, linear program theory model is shown in Figure 1. Real models are, of

course, often much more complex, but the essential message is generally the same.

The elements used to describe or represent a program theory often (but not always) include

inputs, activities, and outputs, which in combination loosely form a program process theory, and ini-

tial outcomes (sometimes called short-term, proximal, or immediate outcomes), intermediate out-

comes (sometimes called medial outcomes), and long-term outcomes (sometimes called distal

outcomes or impacts), which are intended to represent a program impact theory, or some variation

of these (Donaldson, 2007; Donaldson & Lipsey, 2006; Lipsey, Rossi, & Freeman, 2004; Patton,

2008). Inputs include various types of resources necessary to implement a program (e.g., human,

Inputs Initial

Outcomes Activties Outputs

Intermediate Outcomes

Long-Term Outcomes

Program Process Theory Program Impact Theory

Figure 1. Linear program theory model. Source: Adapted from Donaldson, S. I. (2007). Program theory-driven evaluation science. New York, NY: Lawrence Erlbaum, p. 25.

Coryn et al. 201

physical, and financial). In these types of program theory models, activities are the actions (e.g.,

training and service delivery) undertaken to bring about a desired end. Outputs are the immediate

result of an action (e.g., number of trainings and number of persons trained or who received ser-

vices). Outcomes are the anticipated changes that occur directly or indirectly as a result of inputs,

activities, and outputs. Initial outcomes are usually expressed as changes in knowledge, skills, abil-

ities, and other characteristics (e.g., increased knowledge of safe sexual practices). Intermediate out-

comes are often classified as behavioral changes (e.g., increased use of condoms) that are believed to

eventually produce changes in long-term outcomes, such as the alleviation, reduction, or prevention

of specific social problems or meeting the needs of a program’s target population (e.g., reduced

incidence of HIV).

In earlier conceptualizations, numerous theorists, including Weiss (1997a, 1997b, 1998) and

Wholey (1979), among others, tended to favor linear models to describe program theories. In recent

writings, others (e.g., Chen, 2005a, 2005b, 2005c; Rogers, 2008) have advocated for more contex-

tualized, comprehensive, ecological program theory models. 2

As shown in Figure 2, such models

diverge considerably from the more simplistic, linear model illustrated in Figure 1. In general, these

types of models are intended to integrate systems thinking in postulating program theory, taking con-

textual and other factors that sometimes influence and operate on program processes and outcomes

into account. Even so, these types of theories or models also have been questioned regarding the

degree to which they adequately represent complex realities and unpredictable, continuously chang-

ing, open and adaptive systems (Patton, 2010).

Action Model

Change Model

Program Implementation

Intervention Determinants Outcomes

Implementing Organizations

Implementors

Associate Organizations and

Community Partners

Ecological Context

Intervention and Service Delivery

Protocols

Target Populations

EnvironmentResources

Figure 2. Nonlinear program theory model. Source: Adapted from Chen, H. T. (2005a). Practical program evaluation: Assessing and improving planning, implementation, and effectiveness. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, p. 31.

202 American Journal of Evaluation 32(2)

A crucial aspect of program theory, no matter how it is developed or articulated, is how various

components relate to one another (Davidson, 2000, 2005). As such, describing program theory

requires an ‘‘understanding of how different events, persons, functions, and the other elements rep-

resented in the theory are presumed to be related’’ (Rossi, Freeman, & Lipsey, 1999, pp. 171–172).

Most importantly, a program theory should be plausible (i.e., having the outward appearance of

truth, reason, or credibility) and stipulate the cause-and-effect sequence through which actions are

presumed to produce long-term outcomes or benefits (Donaldson & Lipsey, 2006; Lipsey, 1993).

Donaldson (2001, 2007) has described four potential sources of program theory. These include

prior theory and research, implicit theories of those close to the program, observations of the

program in operation, and exploratory research to test critical assumptions in regard to a presumed

program theory. Patton (2008) favors either deductive (i.e., scholarly theories), inductive (i.e., the-

ories grounded in observation of the program), or user-oriented (i.e., stakeholder-derived theories)

approaches to developing program theory for evaluation use. Chen (2005a), however, has princi-

pally advocated a stakeholder-oriented approach to program theory formulation, with the evaluator

playing the role of facilitator.

Core Principles of Theory-Driven Evaluation

At its core, theory-driven evaluation has two vital components. The first is conceptual, the second

empirical (Rogers et al., 2000). Conceptually, theory-driven evaluations should explicate a program

theory or model. Empirically, theory-driven evaluations seek to investigate how programs cause

intended or observed outcomes. In addition, Chen (2005a, 2005b) distinguished four variants of

theory-driven evaluation, depending on which part of the conceptual framework of a program theory

the evaluation is focused: theory-driven process evaluation, intervening mechanism evaluation,

moderating mechanism evaluation, and integrative process/outcome evaluation. Here, the first three

represent options for tailoring theory-driven evaluations so that they are focused only on one aspect,

element, or chain of the program theory (Weiss, 2000), rather than comprehensive theory-driven

evaluations that are conducted to investigate the whole of the program theory. In earlier writings,

Chen (1990) described six types of theory-driven evaluations. 3

Like the former, these too are options

for tailored or comprehensive theory-driven evaluations, emphasizing either evaluating the whole of

a program theory, particular aspects of it, or evaluating for specific purposes such as to identify vari-

ables or factors that moderate or mediate anticipated outcomes or effects.

All in all, the perceived value of theory-driven evaluation is, in part, generating knowledge such

as not only knowing whether a program is effective or efficacious (i.e., causal description; that a

causal relationship exists between A and B) but also explaining a program’s underlying causal

mechanisms (i.e., causal explanation; how A causes B). This knowledge, predominantly aimed

at causal generalizations from localized causal knowledge (i.e., interpolation or extrapolation),

should provide information useful for decision makers, such as policy formulation (Donaldson,

Graham, & Hansen, 1994; Flay et al., 2005; Weiss, 1997a, 1997b, 1998, 2004a). Such evaluations

are not always done only for formative or summative purposes (Scriven, 1967) but also for what

Chelimsky (1997) and Patton (1997, 2008) refer to as knowledge generation (i.e., ‘‘general pat-

terns of effectiveness,’’ Patton, 2008, p. 131). In addition, Rogers (2000) has asserted that the key

advantages of theory-driven strategies are that ‘‘ . . . at their best, theory-driven evaluations can be analytically and empirically powerful and lead to better evaluation questions, better evaluation

answers, and better programs’’ (p. 209) . . . [and they] . . . ‘‘can lead to better information about a program that is important for replication or for improvement, which is unlikely to be produced by

other types of program evaluation.’’ (p. 232).

Shadish, Cook, and Campbell (2002) claim that most theory-driven evaluation approaches share

three fundamental characteristics: (a) to explicate the theory of a treatment by detailing the expected

Coryn et al. 203

relationships among inputs, mediating processes, and short- and long-term outcomes, (b) to measure

all of the constructs postulated in the theory, and (c) to analyze the data to assess the extent to which

the postulated relationships actually occurred. Nevertheless, ‘‘for shorter time periods, the available

data may only address the first portion of a postulated causal chain; but over longer periods the com-

plete model could be involved . . . [and, therefore] . . . the priority is on highly specific substantive theory, high-quality measurement, and valid analysis of multivariate processes . . . ’’ (Shadish, Cook, & Campbell, 2002, p. 501). Although some have asserted that the approach requires the appli-

cation of sophisticated analytic techniques, such as structural equation modeling, to fully evaluate

the program theory (Smith, 1994), Donaldson (2007) and Chen (2005a) have stressed that theory-

driven strategies and approaches to evaluation are method-neutral, or methodologically pluralistic

versus dogmatic, not giving primacy to any particular method, and are therefore equally suited to

either quantitative methods, qualitative methods, or both.

Unlike Miller and Campbell’s review (2006), which had 10 clearly articulated empowerment

evaluation principles against which to assess the degree to which practice adheres to and enacts the

underlying principles of empowerment evaluation, the principles used as a framework for this

review were derived through a systematic analysis of the approach’s central features according to

major theoretical writings and writers. These principles were developed both deductively and induc-

tively through an iterative process by carefully cataloguing, analyzing, and reanalyzing the major

theoretical descriptions and prescriptions for commonalities as put forth by prominent theorists

(e.g., Chen, 1990, 2005a; Donaldson, 2003, 2007; Lipsey et al., 2004; Rogers, 2000, 2007; Rogers

et al., 2000; Weiss, 1997a, 1997b, 1998, 2000; 2004a; White, 2009).

Since theory-driven evaluation has no obvious ideological basis, which numerous other forms of

evaluation clearly do, and since a wide variety of practitioners would claim to be theory-driven in

some capacity (e.g., from those who favor a systems approach to those who believe logic models

are the foundation of evaluation), establishing these principles was formidable, given the diffuse

development of the approach. Nevertheless, the principles identified and elucidated were vetted

by several leading scholars and revised until a reasonable degree of consensus was achieved regard-

ing their organization and content. These principles may neither be exhaustive nor mutually exclu-

sive, and perhaps are an oversimplification, yet they do, however, approximate the most salient

features of theory-driven evaluation according to some of the approach’s leading theorists, scholars,

and practitioners, and provide a limited degree of both conceptual and operational clarity (Miller,

2010; Smith, 1993). The core principles and subprinciples of theory-driven evaluation that arose

through this process are illustrated in Table 1. Although some would contest or question the sensi-

tivity and specificity to which some of these principles differentiate theory-driven forms of evalua-

tion from others on the basis that nearly all forms of evaluation engage in similar activities (e.g.,

formulating evaluation questions), it is how the principles are supposedly enacted that demarcate

theory-driven evaluations from others (i.e., in that all are explicitly guided by a program theory).

Arguably, specification and application of a program theory is not a necessary condition (e.g., to

guide question formulation) for executing many other forms of evaluation (e.g., objectives-

oriented evaluation, goal-based evaluation, empowerment evaluation, and responsive evaluation).

Such approaches to or forms of evaluation essentially can be characterized as consisting of five

core elements or principles: (a) theory formulation, (b) theory-guided question formulation,

(c) theory-guided evaluation design, planning, and execution, (d) theory-guided construct measure-

ment, and (e) causal description and causal explanation, with an emphasis on the latter (i.e., Subprin-

ciples 5.d.i. and 5.d.ii.; causal explanation). At a purely conceptual level, core principles 1, 2, 3, and

4 can be seen as evaluation processes, whereas core principle 5 can be viewed as an evaluation out-

come. Even so, some of the specific subprinciples are at the level of general rules of conduct and

qualities while others are at the level of methodological action. In addition to using a program theory

to guide the execution of an evaluation, it is Principle 5, and its corresponding subprinciples, in

204 American Journal of Evaluation 32(2)

particular, that distinguishes theory-driven approaches from most other forms of evaluation.

The applicability of each of the principles and subprinciples, however, to any given theory-driven

evaluation is contingent on a variety of factors such as the nature of the intervention, evaluation pur-

poses, and intended users and uses, for example. Consequently, no claim is made that a high-quality

theory-driven evaluation is one in which all or any specific combination of the core principles and

subprinciples are applied. These core principles and subprinciples, then, may be viewed as situa-

tional rather than absolute criteria.

Criticisms of and Rationales for Increased Use of Theory-Driven Evaluation

Even before the emergence of the theory-driven evaluation movement, Campbell (1984) was skep-

tical that social science theories could be used to design and evaluate social programs, given poor

substantive theories and existing programs that often are watered down to be politically and admin-

istratively acceptable. Nevertheless, since its wider acceptance as a legitimate form of evaluation,

theory-driven evaluation has been the subject of both pleas for increased use and sharp criticism.

Scriven and Stufflebeam, in particular, have been two of the approach’s most vocal critics.

In 1998, Scriven published ‘‘Minimalist Theory: The Least Theory that Practice Requires’’ partly

in response to what he viewed as some of Chen’s (1980, 1990, 1994) logical flaws in proclaiming

that program theory should play a more prominent role in evaluation practice. One of Scriven’s

Table 1. Core Principles and Subprinciples of Theory-Driven Evaluation

1. Theory-driven evaluations/evaluators should formulate a plausible program theory a. Formulate program theory from existing theory and research (e.g., social science theory) b. Formulate program theory from implicit theory (e.g., stakeholder theory) c. Formulate program theory from observation of the program in operation/exploratory research (e.g., emergent theory) d. Formulate program theory from a combination of any of the above (i.e., mixed/integrated theory)

2. Theory-driven evaluations/evaluators should formulate and prioritize evaluation questions around a program theory a. Formulate evaluation questions around program theory b. Prioritize evaluation questions

3. Program theory should be used to guide planning, design, and execution of the evaluation under consider- ation of relevant contingencies a. Design, plan, and conduct evaluation around a plausible program theory b. Design, plan, and conduct evaluation considering relevant contingencies (e.g., time, budget, and use) c. Determine whether evaluation is to be tailored (i.e., only part of the program theory) or comprehensive

4. Theory-driven evaluations/evaluators should measure constructs postulated in program theory a. Measure process constructs postulated in program theory b. Measure outcome constructs postulated in program theory c. Measure contextual constructs postulated in program theory

5. Theory-driven evaluations/evaluators should identify breakdowns, side effects, determine program effec- tiveness (or efficacy), and explain cause-and-effect associations between theoretical constructs a. Identify breakdowns, if they exist (e.g., poor implementation, unsuitable context, and theory failure) b. Identify anticipated (and unanticipated), unintended outcomes (both positive and negative) not postulated by program theory c. Describe cause-and-effect associations between theoretical constructs (i.e., causal description) d. Explain cause-and-effect associations between theoretical constructs (i.e., causal explanation)

i. Explain differences in direction and/or strength of relationship between program and outcomes attributable to moderating factors/variables ii. Explain the extent to which one construct (e.g., intermediate outcome) accounts for/mediates the relationship between other constructs

Coryn et al. 205

major premises in that paper was that the role of evaluators is to determine only whether programs

work, not to explain how they work. To attempt explanations, Scriven argues, is beyond the capa-

bility of most evaluators (e.g., ‘‘ . . . as in the classic example of aspirin, one may have no theory of how it works to produce its effects, but nevertheless be able to predict its effects and even its side

effects—because we found out what they were from direct experimentation. That does not require a

theory’’ [1998, p. 60]), is not part of the evaluator’s primary task of determining merit and worth

(1991), and ‘‘the extra requirement is possession of the correct (not just the believed) logic or theory

of the program, which typically requires more than—and rarely requires less than—state-of-the-art

subject-matter expertise’’ (2007, p. 17). To evaluate, he argues, does not require substantive theory

about the object being evaluated and that such theories are:

. . . a luxury for the evaluator, since they are not even essential for explanations, and are not essential for 99% of all evaluations. It is a gross though frequent blunder to suppose that ‘‘one needs a theory of learning to evaluate teaching.’’ One does not need to know anything at all about electronics to evaluate

electronic typewriters, even formatively, and having such knowledge often adversely affects summative

evaluation. (Scriven, 1991, p. 360)

Chen (1994) countered Scriven’s (1994) assertions that the consumer-oriented, product model of

evaluation—predominately based on the functional properties of an object (e.g., the functional pur-

pose of a watch is to tell time), although this is an oversimplification (see Fournier, 1995)—is the

preferred approach to evaluation by arguing that such approaches do not provide adequate informa-

tion for improving programs and that they do not provide the explanatory knowledge that decision

makers sometimes desire or need. To support this position, Chen (1994) stressed that it is equally

important to obtain knowledge of how program goals or objectives are attained, not only whether

they are. Chen (1994) illustrates the veracity of this claim by stating:

. . . if a black box evaluation shows a new drug to be capable of curing a disease without providing information on the underlying mechanisms of that cure, physicians will have difficulty prescribing the

new drug because the conditions under which the drug will work and the likelihood of negative side

effects will not be known. (p. 18)

Relatedly, Stufflebeam (2001) and more recently, Stufflebeam and Shinkfield (2007), in their

analysis of evaluation models and approaches against the Joint Committee’s (1994) Program Eva-

luation Standards, commented that ‘‘there is not much to recommend about theory-based program

evaluation since doing it right is usually not feasible and failed or misrepresented attempts can be

highly counterproductive’’ (Stufflebeam & Shinkfield, 2007, p. 187). Here the primary criticism

is that existing, well-articulated, and validated program theories rarely exist and that by engaging

in ad hoc theory development and testing, such forms of evaluation expend valuable resources that

otherwise could be used more efficiently (Stufflebeam, 2001). They (Stufflebeam & Shinkfield,

2007) also indirectly assert that these types of evaluation sometimes create an intrinsic conflict of

interest in that theory-driven evaluators are essentially evaluating the program theory that they

developed or played a major role in developing.

Others (Coryn, 2005, 2007, 2008) simply have questioned whether the priority of theory-

driven evaluation is evaluating the program itself or the program’s underlying theory, mentioned

that questions are often descriptive rather than evaluative, are sometimes only tangentially con-

nected to the postulated program theory, and also have expressed more pragmatic concerns

regarding the approach’s overly abstract principles and procedures. Much like Scriven’s

(1973) goal-free evaluation, for example, Coryn (2009, September) also has raised concerns that

a majority of writers about theory-driven evaluation approaches tell one what to do, but not how

to do it.

206 American Journal of Evaluation 32(2)

In addition to the more general criticisms leveled against the approach, certain aspects of theory-

driven evaluation also represent a logical incompatibility from a traditional social science perspec-

tive (which often is used to guide many theory-driven forms of evaluation), particularly regarding

the identification of unanticipated outcomes and side effects not postulated in a program theory.

If one perceives a theory, as many social scientists do, as ‘‘a set of interrelated constructs, defini-

tions, and propositions that present a systematic view of phenomena by specifying relations among

variables, with the purpose of explaining and predicting phenomena’’ (Kerlinger, 1986, p. 9), then,

by definition, a model is a fixed, testable representation of those relationships. From this perspective,

then, one cannot logically identify and test unintended outcomes and side effects because they

normally are not considered part of the postulated program theory or model.

Contrary to the critics’ assertions, however, the value of theory-driven evaluation, to some,

remains not only in ascertaining whether programs work but, more specifically, how they work

(Chen, 1990, 2005a, 2005b; Donaldson, 2003, 2007; Donaldson & Lipsey, 2006; Mark, Hoffman,

& Reichardt, 1992; Pawson & Tilley, 1997; Rogers, 2000, 2007). This feature is not only a hallmark

characteristic of theory-driven forms of evaluation that distinguishes it from others, it also is seen as

one of its greatest strengths in that such knowledge claims, if they can be constructed, have the

potential to be of vital importance to human affairs and policy making, and therefore social better-

ment (Donaldson, 2007; Donaldson & Lipsey, 2006; Mark et al., 1998, 2000). So, for example, if a

program is effective, such approaches should identify which elements are essential for widespread

replication. Conversely, if a program fails to achieve its intended outcomes or is ineffective, a

theory-driven evaluation should be able to discover whether such breakdowns can be attributed to

implementation failure (e.g., treatment integrity; Cordray & Pion, 2006), whether the context is

unsuited to operate the mechanisms by which outcomes are expected to occur (Pawson & Tilley,

1997), or simply theory failure (Rogers, 2000; Suchman, 1967; Weiss, 1997b).

Despite the numerous claims put forth by the approach’s advocates and critics alike, and its

apparent resonance with practitioners, little, if any, systematically derived evidence to justify or fal-

sify the assertions put forth by either position exist. Accordingly, the authors of this review sought to

determine the extent to which such claims are congruent or incongruent with evidence manifest in

actual case examples of theory-driven evaluations.

Questions Investigated in the Review

Numerous questions related to the enactment of theory-driven evaluation in actual practice were

investigated in this study. Broadly, these included: What do theory-driven evaluators do in practice?

How closely does their practice reflect the theory (i.e., core principles) of theory-driven evaluation?

Based upon these questions and the principles identified as being essential features of theory-driven

evaluation, the following specific questions were investigated:

1. In what kinds of settings (e.g., health and education), of what scale (e.g., small and large) and

scope (e.g., local, regional, national, and international), with what populations, and for what

purposes (e.g., formative, summative, and knowledge generation) are theory-driven evalua-

tions conducted?

2. Why do evaluators and/or their collaborative partners (e.g., evaluation funders and sponsors)

choose theory-driven evaluation as their evaluation strategy?

3. How and to what extent are the core principles of theory-driven evaluation enacted in theory-

driven evaluation practice?

a. How do theory-driven evaluators develop program theory and determine the plausibility of

those theories?

Coryn et al. 207

b. How do theory-driven evaluators develop and prioritize evaluation questions around pro-

gram theories?

c. How do theory-driven evaluators use program theories for designing, planning, and conduct-

ing theory-driven evaluations?

d. How do theory-driven evaluators use program theory in measuring constructs postulated in a

program theory?

e. How do theory-driven evaluators use program theory to identify breakdowns, side effects,

determine program effectiveness (or efficacy), and explain cause-effect associations

between theoretical constructs?

Whereas Questions #1 and #2 are intended to provide contextual information about the sample of

cases included in the review by describing some of the general characteristics of theory-driven eva-

luation practice as exemplified by the identified cases, Question #3 was devised to address how and

the frequency with which the core principles of theory-driven evaluation enumerated are enacted in

practice.

Method

Sample

A multistage sampling procedure was used to identify and retrieve case examples of theory-driven

evaluations in traditional, mainstream scholarly outlets including journals and books. Other

sources, including doctoral dissertations, technical reports, background papers, white papers, and

conference presentations and proceedings were excluded from the sampling frame. In the first

stage (broad scan), potential theory-driven evaluation cases were identified through systematic

searches of databases in the social sciences (e.g., ArticleFirst, International Bibliography of the

Social Sciences, PsychINFO, Social Work Abstracts, Sociological Abstracts, WorldCat, and

Wilson Select Plus), education (e.g., Education Abstracts and ERIC), and health and medicine

(e.g., CINAHL and Medline) published between January 1990 and December 2009. Search terms

used to identify potential case examples of theory-driven evaluations included, but were not

limited to, theory, program, logic, model, driven, based, guided, and evaluation. Searches were

conducted using simple search methods as well as Boolean operators (Reed & Baxter, 2009). The

appearance of these terms was searched for in the abstracts, keywords, and bodies of articles and

chapters. Throughout, generally accepted standards for locating studies for use in research reviews

and synthesis were followed (see Borenstein, Hedges, Higgins, & Rothstein, 2009; Cooper, 1998;

Higgins & Green, 2008).

In an effort to be comprehensive and reduce the number of false negatives (i.e., relevant sources

not identified), the sampling strategy was designed to not limit the search only to evaluation-

related journals (see Miller & Campbell, 2006) but also to include substantive journals in disci-

plinary areas and fields of study where cases of theory-driven evaluations might also be found.

Additionally, the American Evaluation Association (AEA) Program Theory and Theory-Driven

Evaluation Topical Interest Group (TIG) website ‘‘Mechanisms’’ was searched. Following a

preliminary relevance screening, this stage yielded an initial population of 161 potential book

chapters and articles that self-identified as being directly related to theory-driven evaluation.

Copies of all 161 published book chapters and articles identified from the broad scan search were

obtained. From these, the reference lists and works cited in each book chapter and article were searched

to identify additional book chapters and articles not previously identified. In this stage (the second phase

of the broad scan), 44 additional works were identified, for a broad scan sampling frame of 205. The first

two stages of the sampling process were not intended to identify specific case examples, but rather to

208 American Journal of Evaluation 32(2)

produce a pool of potential chapters and articles that were directly related to theory-driven evaluation,

whether theoretical, conceptual, methodological, or otherwise.

In the third sampling stage (initial screening), all 205 articles and chapters were scrutinized to

determine if they met inclusion criteria. To be considered for inclusion, the articles and chapters had

to (a) explicitly claim that a theory-driven, theory-based, or theory-guided form of evaluation was

used and (b) describe a sufficiently detailed case example, including theory formulation, methods,

and results. Articles and chapters not meeting these criteria were excluded from the sample. Two

reviewers independently screened the 205 articles or chapters to determine whether they met inclu-

sion criteria. Excluded articles and chapters were adjudicated to verify their exclusion, resulting in a

total of 90 potential book chapters and articles.

In the fourth stage (final screening), two reviewers worked independently to systematically

identify articles or chapters with sufficient or insufficient information for reliable coding. Consensus

between both reviewers verified their inclusion or exclusion. The final sample obtained from this

procedure yielded 45 articles and chapters describing sufficiently detailed case examples of

theory-driven evaluations with satisfactory information for coding. 4

In the 20 years since the appear-

ance of Chen’s book Theory-Driven Evaluations (1990), an average of 10 (SD ¼ 5.43) articles and book chapters directly related to theory-driven evaluation were published per year. Of these, an aver-

age of two (SD ¼ 1.71) per year were considered adequately detailed and codable case examples for use in this review.

Data Processing and Analysis

An initial coding schema derived from the focal research questions was developed during the final

stages of the sampling process. From this procedure, a preliminary structured data abstraction form

was created (see Miller & Campbell, 2006). The data abstraction form predominately consisted of

fixed items that were binary in nature (i.e., 0 ¼ absence of the characteristic/trait or 1 ¼ presence of the characteristic/trait). A small number were multiple-selection items (e.g., for theory development

there were multiple coding options and coders could code using any combination of codes) and oth-

ers were open-ended (e.g., populations targeted by programs evaluated, design or method used to

support causal inferences).

The data abstraction form predominately consisted of low inference items (i.e., requiring little

judgment), whereas others were high inference items (i.e., requiring a greater degree of judgment).

Corresponding to the focal research questions, fixed items in the data abstraction form were predo-

minately constructed as they pertained to the specific research questions investigated as well as to

what were perceived as observable enactments of the principles and subprinciples enumerated in

Table 1. Subprinciple 3.b., for example, was excluded from the data abstraction form, since relevant

contingencies related to conducting evaluations (e.g., time and budget) typically are not described in

published research reports. To describe how theory-driven principles are enacted in practice (i.e.,

Research question #3 and its corresponding subquestions), data were coded and analyzed primarily

using open coding methods. 5

In coding fixed items, such as theory formulation (Principle 1), which had four specific elements

(i.e., Subprinciples 1.a., 1.b., 1.c., and 1.d.), the text of each article or chapter was searched for infor-

mation directly pertaining to the particular referent item. In the case of Chen, Weng, and Lin’s

(1997) evaluation of a garbage reduction program in Taiwan, for instance, the postulated ‘‘ . . . pro- gram theory comes mainly from hunches and experience of the EPA [Environmental Protection

Administration] program designer and the director of the sanitation department of the Nei-fu local

government’’ (p. 29). Here then, ‘‘Formulate program theory from existing theory and research’’

(Subprinciple 1.a.) was coded as 0 (i.e., absence of the target characteristic/trait), ‘‘Formulate

program theory from implicit theory’’ (Subprinciple 1.b.) was coded as 1 (i.e., presence of the target

Coryn et al. 209

characteristic/trait), and ‘‘Formulate program theory from observation of the program in operation/

exploratory research’’ (Subprinciple 1.c.) was coded as 0. Subprinciple 1.d., ‘‘Formulate program

theory from a combination of any of the above,’’ therefore, also was coded as 0, given that a code

of 1 on this item required codes of 1 on any combination of two of the other three coding categories

(i.e., 1.a. and 1.b., 1.a. and 1.c., or 1.b. and 1.c.).

More complex, open-ended items (i.e., those that required the application of open/substantive

coding methods rather than fixed codes and that required a greater degree of inference), while pro-

cedurally guided, were fundamentally interpretive and meaning was extracted from text segments

that provided information related to the focal research questions (e.g., populations targeted, scale

and scope, and research design). In their longitudinal theory-driven evaluation of a regional inter-

vention in Giessen, Germany, which was aimed at changing university students’ use of public trans-

portation through a substantially reduced-price bus ticket, Bamberg and Schmidt (1998) obtained

multiple, repeated measures of a variety of behavioral and other variables prior to, during, and fol-

lowing two successively introduced and related public transportation interventions between 1994

and 1996. The first intervention (i.e., a reduced-price semester ticket intended to increase students’

use of public transportation) was introduced between 1994 and 1995 and the second (i.e., a new cir-

cle bus line intended to reduce the time needed when using the public transport system for university

purposes) between 1995 and 1996, with multiple pretest and posttest measures. In this case (and

using additional information reported in the article), the primary research design was broadly clas-

sified as a (short) interrupted time-series design that had two interrupts (i.e., the points at which the

first and second interventions were introduced).

Prior to coding of all cases, a calibration procedure, in which each coder worked independently

on a small subsample of cases, to familiarize themselves with the coding procedure, was conducted

to identify and reduce areas of ambiguity (Wilson, 2009). Following the calibration procedure and

modification to the initial data abstraction form after identification of ambiguous items or codes,

each chapter and article was randomly assigned to six groups of two coder pairs. Coders first worked

independently and later resolved any coding disagreements through a consensus-seeking procedure.

Interrater agreement for the independent coding procedure for exact agreement over all fixed items

was po ¼ .91 and accounting for the probability of chance agreements was k ¼ .87.

Results

Characteristics of the Sample of Theory-Driven Evaluation Case Examples

Of the 45 cases included in the review, nearly half (47%; n ¼ 21) were broadly classified as evalua- tions of health interventions, with slightly more than one fourth (27%; n ¼ 12) being evaluations of educational programs, and the remainder being evaluations of crime and safety, transportation, envi-

ronmental affairs, and business interventions (27%; n ¼ 12) combined. In terms of scale and scope, 31% (n ¼ 14) of cases were evaluations of small local programs, and 20% (n ¼ 9) were large local programs, 16% (n ¼ 7) were small national programs, with the balance being small and large regional and small and large international programs (33%; n ¼ 15).6 Here the distinction between small and large programs (i.e., scope) was one related to the population targeted (i.e., a general pop-

ulation [e.g., all members of a population in a program catchment area] or specific subgroups of a par-

ticular population [e.g., injection drug users]), whereas scale was defined by whether a program was

local (e.g., covering a single city or county), regional (e.g., covering several counties in a single state or

across several states), national (i.e., covering an entire country), or international (i.e., covering more

than one country) for a given case.

Populations targeted, whether general or specific, by programs evaluated in the cases were pre-

dominately school-age children (31%; n ¼ 14). A smaller minority were programs targeted toward

210 American Journal of Evaluation 32(2)

college students at 11% (n ¼ 5), low income populations and communities at 11% (n ¼ 5), adoles- cents and young adults at 9% (n ¼ 4), general populations (i.e., no particular subgroups within a larger population) at 9% (n ¼ 4), and other populations (e.g., hospital patients, law enforcement personnel, public health professionals, and small businesses) at 29% (n ¼ 13).7

Why Evaluators and/or Their Collaborative Partners Select Theory-Driven Evaluation as their Evaluation Strategy

The most frequently occurring motive for selecting a theory-driven evaluation approach was

ideological (73%, n ¼ 33). In no instance was there sufficient evidence to support conclusions that collaborators (i.e., evaluation funders or sponsors) were directly engaged in the selection of using a

theory-driven evaluation approach in the research reports reviewed. Although ideological

orientations were the most often occurring rationale, less frequently occurring reasons included

guiding program development (13%, n ¼ 6), involving stakeholders (11%, n ¼ 5), and, in one case, that theory-driven evaluation provided a means for reducing evaluation costs and time relative to

other potential approaches (2%, n ¼ 1). In those cases that had an ideological orientation, the evaluators often declared that a theory-

driven form of evaluation is more scientifically sound than alternative approaches (e.g., ‘‘ . . . con- trast this perspective with a purely method-driven approach, in which causal uncertainty is reduced

through control exercised during the research design phase, or the statistical modeling approach,

whereby control is exercised during the statistical analysis phase via statistical adjustment.’’

Reynolds, 2005, p. 2402). In one form or another, many of the arguments offered to support this

position were manifest in claims that theory-based evaluation is one of the only means by which the

underlying theoretical propositions of a program or intervention can be systematically evaluated or

tested using a scientific method. Another related rationale that emerged, although not explicitly

stated, is that theory-driven forms of evaluation are useful for improving internal validity inferences

and reducing certain validity threats by permitting tests of more complex causal hypotheses than is

typically permissible with many traditional evaluation methods or approaches.

Moreover, as Weiss (1997b) noted, one potential reason, and one that emerged in many of the

cases, that evaluators adopt a theory-based approach is that ‘‘ . . . the evaluator is also the program developer. A program designer, usually an academic, is engaged in a cycle of program development

to deal with a particular problem. He or she develops theory, operationalizes the theory in a set of

program activities, tests the program and therefore the underlying theory through evaluation, and

revises the intervention.’’ (p. 44). The evidence from this review supports this conclusion in that,

across many cases, what is sometimes referred to as theory-driven evaluation are social scientists,

rather than practicing evaluators, engaged in testing theoretical propositions and hypotheses derived

from their own disciplinary traditions of inquiry as potential solutions to a particular social problem

(i.e., ‘‘ . . . what I would call applied social psychology.’’ Weiss, 1997b, p. 45).

Enactment of the Core Principles of Theory-Driven Evaluation in Practice

The focal question guiding this review was simply ‘‘How and to what extent are the core principles

of theory-driven evaluation enacted in practice?’’ Even so, and due to the very nature of the question,

many of the results reported here were derived from categories that were not always discrete/

mutually exclusive. As such, any single case potentially could be coded with multiple codes related

to a single subquestion. Consequently, the results reported do not always equal, and sometimes

exceed, 100%. A summary of the frequency with which theory-driven evaluation principles were enacted in practice corresponding to Table 1 in the cases reviewed is shown in Table 2.

Coryn et al. 211

Core principle 1: Theory formulation. Program theories in the cases studied were principally deductive in origin and derived from existing scientific theory (e.g., ‘‘ . . . rooted in several health behavior theories, including the health belief model, social cognitive theory, the transtheoretical

model, and the theory of reasoned action.’’ Umble, Cervero, Yang, & Atkinson, 2000, p. 1219).

Inductive theories and assumptions held by stakeholders as well as theories derived through program

observation were far less common for articulating and specifying program theory as a singular

method. Bickman (1996), for example, applied a variety of methods including interviews, document

reviews, and focus groups to develop a comprehensive, detailed, and logical theory. Nearly half of

the cases reviewed applied some combination of deductive and inductive methods to formulate pro-

gram theory. In these cases, theories that originated both from existing research and from program

Table 2. Frequency of Enactment of Core Principles and Subprinciples in Theory-Driven Evaluation Practice

Principles and Subprinciples Number of Cases

Percentage of Cases

1. Theory formulation a. Formulate program theory from existing theory and research 41 91% b. Formulate program theory from implicit theory 22 49% c. Formulate program theory from observation of the program in operation/exploratory research

6 13%

d. Formulate program theory from a combination of any of the above 19 42% Subtotal for Principle 1

a 45 100%

2. Theory-guided question formulation and prioritization a. Formulate evaluation questions around program theory 34 76% b. Prioritize evaluation questions 10 22%

Subtotal for Principle 2 b

9 20% 3. Theory-guided planning, design, and execution

a. Design, plan, and conduct evaluation around a plausible program theory 23 51% b. Design, plan, and conduct evaluation considering relevant contingenciesc — — c. Determine whether evaluation is to be tailored or comprehensived 26 (19) 58% (42%)

Subtotal for Principle 3b 23 51% 4. Theory-guided construct measurement

a. Measure process constructs postulated in program theoryd 20 (11) 45% (22%) b. Measure outcome constructs postulated in program theoryd 22 (13) 49% (29%) c. Measure contextual constructs postulated in program theory 16 36%

Subtotal for Principle 4e 14 31% 5. Identification of breakdowns and side effects, effectiveness or efficacy,

and causal explanation a. Identify breakdowns 27 60% b. Identify outcomes not postulated by program theory 8 18% c. Describe cause-and-effect associations between theoretical constructs 37 82% d. Explain cause-and-effect associations between theoretical constructs

i. Explain differences in direction and/or strength of relationship between program and outcomes

24 53%

ii. Explain the extent to which one construct accounts for/mediates the relationship between other constructs

30 67%

Subtotal for Principle 5 b

6 13%

Note. a Enactment of any form of theory formulation was counted for the subtotal.

b Subtotal includes only those cases that

enacted all of the measured subprinciples. c Not measured due to insufficient information provided in most of the research

reports. d The number of cases and percentage of cases for tailored evaluations (i.e., those that only evaluated a specific part of

the program theory) are shown in parentheses. e The number of cases and percentage of cases counted for the subtotal

includes comprehensive and tailored evaluations that enacted the relevant subprinciples (e.g., comprehensive evaluations were counted only if they enacted all subprinciples).

212 American Journal of Evaluation 32(2)

stakeholders often were heuristically synthesized to devise a plausible program theory for evaluation

use. Generally, the methods applied comport well and share many features with those illustrated by

Leeuw (2003) for retrospectively reconstructing program theory, although not all theory formulation

was a post hoc activity following implementation of a program, and in a minority of cases preceded

implementation.

The plausibility of specified theories most often was ascertained by means of simple validity

checks such as face and content validity. Given some of the assertions made by Weiss (1997b) that

program theories based only on such assumptions are very often overly simplistic, partial, or even

categorically erroneous, several potential complications regarding specification error related both to

the stated theory and ensuing evaluation can be raised. Furthermore, alternative theories were rarely

considered in the cases reviewed. In the few cases that explored rival theories, these were generally

investigated using statistical techniques to identify variables or other factors (e.g., nonsignificant

path coefficients, correlated error terms, and overly large residuals) that significantly contributed

to model fit or misfit (e.g., R 2

in a regression framework and numerous goodness-of-fit indices in

a structural equation modeling context such as X 2 , X

2 /df ratio, goodness-of-fit index, adjusted

goodness-of-fit index, comparative fit index, root mean square error of approximation) in order to

make adjustments or modifications to the theoretically specified model (e.g., Bamberg & Schmidt,

2001), rather than true alternatives or competing theories (e.g., stakeholder-derived theories vs.

theories arising from prior empirical research).

Core principle 2: Theory-guided question formulation and prioritization. Uniformly, questions investigated in the cases were of a descriptive variety (e.g., ‘‘What are individual experiences of the

impact of a fungating wound on daily life?’’ Grocott & Cowley, 2001, p. 534) rather than evaluative

questions regarding an intervention’s merit or worth (e.g., ‘‘So what? What does this tell us about the

value of the program?’’ Davidson, 2007, p. iv). Such questions often appeared in the form of null and

alternative hypotheses (e.g., ‘‘H1: Participants who receive media literacy training will exhibit a

higher level of reflective thinking than participants who did not receive media literacy training.’’

Pinkelton, Austin, Cohen, Miller, & Fitzgerald, 2007, p. 25). Almost universally, coupling of ques-

tions to the identified theory was enacted by articulating testable hypotheses derived from the pro-

gram’s underlying logic or theoretical foundations. In terms of prioritizing evaluation questions, a

small minority of cases indicated that questions or hypotheses were prioritized due to logistical con-

straints whereas others prioritized evaluation questions according to predetermined funder or sponsor

information needs. Donaldson and Gooler (2003), for example, reported that which questions to

answer and how to answer them were determined collaboratively with the evaluation sponsor given

resource and other practical constraints. In the majority of cases, however, question prioritization was

not explicitly stated.

Core principle 3: Theory-guided planning, design, and execution. In many of the cases reviewed, the explication of a program theory was not perceptibly used in any meaningful way for conceptua-

lizing, designing, or executing the evaluation reported and easily could have been accomplished

using an alternative evaluation approach (e.g., goal-based or objectives-oriented). Sato (2005), for

example, seemingly expended considerable effort developing a theoretical framework for Japan’s

foreign student policy toward Thailand and yet essentially evaluated only the degree to which policy

objectives were met. In others, however, the specified theory perceptibly was more vital to the plan-

ning, design, and execution of the evaluation. For instance, in their evaluation of a gaming simula-

tion as teaching device, Hense, Kriz, and Wolfe (2009) used the underlying theory to guide

measurement of constructs specified in the program theory, including exogenous factors, and to

design methods for examining the relationships between program processes and outcomes, among

others. Even so, as both Rogers (2007) and Weiss (1997b) have observed, and consistent with the

Coryn et al. 213

cases reviewed, it is not uncommon for evaluators not to use the theory to guide the evaluation. Too

often, ‘‘ . . . the ways program theory are used to guide evaluation are often simplistic . . . [and] . . . consists only of gathering evidence about each of the components in the logic model, and answering

the question ‘‘Did this happen?’’ about each one.’’ (Rogers, 2007, p. 65). Additionally, very little

information was provided to justify decisions when only particular aspects of a theory were evalu-

ated, such as a single causal chain, rather than the whole of the specified theory (i.e., tailored theory-

driven evaluations vs. comprehensive theory-driven evaluations).

Core principle 4: Theory-guided construct measurement. Methods used to measure theory- related or derived processes, outcomes, and exogenous factors (e.g., contextual and environmental)

directly associated with the specified program theory or model varied widely (e.g., from secondary

or extant data to interviews with program participants to document analysis to large-scale self-report

surveys). Very often, samples of theoretical constructs, and their respective targets of generalization,

were obtained from poorly devised measures intended to represent broader, more complex, latent

constructs. It was not uncommon for single indicator measures, which likely account for little of the

variance in the target latent construct, to be the primary means of construct measurement. Mole,

Hart, Roper, and Saal (2009), for example, used simple, easily obtained measures of sales and

employee growth as proxy indicators of small business productivity as opposed to operationally

defining productivity and using the operational definition to support direct theoretical construct

measurement. Others, such as Weitzman, Mijanovich, Silver, and Brecher (2009), however, used

very refined, sometimes standardized, measures of theoretically derived latent constructs such as

neighborhood quality of life, to evaluate a citywide health initiative. Noticeably, few of the cases

reviewed reported reliability coefficients and even fewer reported validity coefficients or other

information pertaining to the precision and accuracy of information as related to samples of latent

or observed constructs or their qualitative counterparts (e.g., trustworthiness, dependability, and

confirmability).

Core principle 5: Identification of breakdowns and side effects, determining program effectiveness or efficacy, and causal explanation. More than half of the cases reviewed identified breakdowns in the program theory (e.g., ‘‘There were two missing links in the BINP [Bangladesh Inte-

grated Nutrition Project] chain: the first was the relative neglect of some key decision makers regard-

ing nutritional choices . . . and the second the focus on pregnancy weight gain rather than pre- pregnancy nutritional status.’’ White & Masset, 2007, pp. 647–648). Despite the urgings of a majority

of theoretical writers, however, fewer searched for unanticipated or unintended outcomes or side

effects, whether positive or negative, not specified in the formulated program theory or model. Chen

et al. (1997) were one of few exceptions, however, in observing that ‘‘ . . . as a reaction to the inter- vention, residents simply saved the same volume of Tuesday garbage and disposed it at the collection

sites on Wednesday.’’ (p. 41), as part of their evaluation of a garbage reduction program in Taiwan.

Of all of the characteristics associated with theory-driven evaluation, none provide greater concep-

tual clarity than subprinciples 5.c. and 5.d. Although advocates of alternative forms of evaluation gen-

erally recognize the importance of causal attribution, only those who favor theory-driven forms of

evaluation specifically emphasize causal explanation and the mechanisms by which suspected causes

produce their effects. By far, mixed-method designs were the most commonly used (42%; n ¼ 19) for supporting descriptive causal inferences. These were followed by pretest–posttest designs with none-

quivalent control groups at 13% (n ¼ 6), randomized controlled trials at 11% (n ¼ 5), other types of research designs (e.g., case studies, one-group post-test only designs) at 9% (n ¼ 4), one-group pret- est–posttest designs at 9% (n ¼ 4), interrupted time-series designs at 7% (n ¼ 3), qualitative studies at 4% (n ¼ 2), and insufficiently/poorly described designs at 4% (n ¼ 2).

214 American Journal of Evaluation 32(2)

More importantly, however, and in relation to subprinciples 5.d.i and 5.d.ii, specifically, a large

proportion of the cases included in the review investigated either moderators (53%, n ¼ 24; e.g., subject characteristics, treatment dosage variations), mediators (67%, n ¼ 30; e.g., knowledge or skill acquisition, observable behaviors, and their relationship to other outcomes), or, in nearly half

of cases, both (47%, n ¼ 21), in an attempt to more fully explicate simple main causal effects. In these cases, causal mechanisms posited in program theories mainly were investigated through direct

statistical tests (e.g., ‘‘ . . . to test the causal structure postulated . . . which contains a chain of mediating causal variables, structural equation modeling . . . [was used]’’ Bamberg & Schmidt, 2001, p. 1308) and less frequently using causal tracing and pattern matching techniques (e.g.,

‘‘ . . . examining the outcome data in light of what the data on program implementation predicted revealed a mismatch between the expected pattern and the data.’’ Cooksy, Gill, & Kelly, 2001,

p. 127). Nonetheless, the coding process did not include a means for examining the warrants or

backings (Fournier, 1995) used to support causal inferences in the cases studied, only whether such

conclusions were present or absent according to the study’s authors. Consequently, and even though

a large majority of the cases described and explained cause and effect relationships, no claims are

made as to the quality of evidence supporting those conclusions.

Discussion

With the exception of empowerment evaluation (Miller & Campbell, 2006), participatory evaluation

(Cousins & Whitmore, 1998; Cullen, Coryn, & Rugh, 2010; Weaver & Cousins, 2004), evaluation

standards and their application for metaevaluation (Wingate, Coryn, Gullickson, & Cooksy, 2010),

and evaluation use (Brandon & Singh, 2009; Cousins & Leithwood, 1986; Johnson et al., 2009;

Shulha & Cousins, 1997), among others, very little empirical evidence exists to buttress the numer-

ous theoretical postulations and prescriptions put forth for most evaluation approaches, including

theory-driven forms of evaluation. Yet, for many years, evaluation scholars have urged the evalua-

tion community to carry out empirical studies to scrutinize such assumptions and to test specific

hypotheses about evaluation practice (Alkin & Christie, 2005; Christie, 2003; Henry & Mark,

2003; Mark, 2007; Shadish, Cook, & Leviton, 1991; Smith, 1993; Stufflebeam & Shinkfield,

1985, 2007; Worthen, 2001; Worthen & Sanders, 1973).

Although predominately descriptive, this review does provide valuable insight into what has oth-

erwise principally consisted of anecdotal reports regarding one form of evaluation theory and prac-

tice. By most accounts, the number of studies on evaluation theories and their enactment in practice

is small and such studies have been the exception rather than the norm. In recent years, however, a

renewed interest in research on evaluation theories and methods as well as a surge of investigations

related to relationships between practice and theory, largely led by Christie, have transpired. These

have included, among others, the formation of the AEA Research on Evaluation TIG in 2007, sur-

veys of AEA members (Fleischer & Christie, 2009), a bibliometric analysis of evaluation theorists’

published works (Heberger, Christie, & Alkin, 2010), a study of decision-making contingencies

related to evaluation design (Tourmen, 2009), research on how evaluation data influences decision

makers’ actions (Christie, 2007), several systematic reviews and research syntheses (Brandon &

Singh, 2009; Chouinard & Cousins, 2009; Johnson et al., 2009; Miller & Campbell, 2006; Trevisan,

2007), and a recent collection of papers on advances in evaluating evaluation theory published in the

American Journal of Evaluation (Smith, 2010).

Implications

The evidence resulting from this review to repudiate or substantiate many of the claims put forth by

critics of and advocates for theory-driven forms of evaluation is, at best, modest, and in some

instances conflicting. Support for Scriven’s (1991, 1994, 1998) assertions that (stakeholder- or

Coryn et al. 215

substantively-derived) theory is not a necessary condition for conducting an evaluation, or conver-

sely, the counter arguments put forth by Chen (1990, 1994), is, for example, mixed. In many of the

cases reviewed, the explication of a program theory unmistakably was unnecessary, or almost an

afterthought in some instances, and was not visibly used in any meaningful way for formulating or

prioritizing evaluation questions nor for conceptualizing, designing, conducting, interpreting, or apply-

ing the evaluation reported. In these cases, from a methodological perspective, such evaluations very

likely would have produced the same results and conclusions even in the absence of articulating or

expressing an underlying theory. In other cases, however, the explication of a plausible program theory

noticeably was essential to the planning, design, and execution of the evaluation (see Donaldson &

Gooler, 2002, 2003). Nevertheless, both Scriven and Chen’s positions are fundamentally ideological,

and, therefore, cannot logically be tested in any replicable, meaningful way.

As for Stufflebeam’s (2001; Stufflebeam & Shinkfield, 2007) criticisms regarding the propri-

ety, utility, feasibility, and accuracy of theory-driven forms of evaluation against the Joint Com-

mittee’s Program Evaluation Standards (1994), evidence derived from this review is more

compelling. In no instance was there dependable confirmation to support contentions that

theory-driven evaluations are more or less proper, useful, feasible, or accurate than other forms

of evaluation. Many of Stufflebeam’s (2001; Stufflebeam & Shinkfield, 2007) other condemna-

tions (e.g., problems associated with engaging in ad hoc theory development, testing, and valida-

tion, resource waste) also could not be validated or invalidated satisfactorily due to the nature of

the content reported in the majority of studies reviewed. In a small minority of cases, however,

what is sometimes referred to as theory-driven evaluation can be more accurately characterized

as social scientists, rather than practicing evaluators, testing theoretical propositions and hypoth-

eses derived from their own disciplinary traditions of inquiry (e.g., public health, psychology, and

sociology; see Weiss, 1997b) and, therefore, providing some support for Stufflebeam’s (2001;

Stufflebeam & Shinkfield, 2007) claims regarding potential conflicts of interest. In these

instances, such evaluations appeared to be curiosity-driven research endeavors rather than truly

evaluative inquiry (Davidson, 2007), and not clearly conducted with the intent to serve any imme-

diate or tangible stakeholder information needs (Patton, 1997, 2008).

Similarly, some of the apprehensions expressed by Coryn (2005, 2007, 2008) regarding the pri-

ority of theory-driven evaluation (i.e., evaluating the theory underlying a program rather than the

program itself, descriptive questions vs. evaluative questions) could not be falsified or justified defi-

nitively. Some of the evidence derived from this review, though, supports this position, depending

upon how the overarching function or purpose of evaluation is viewed (e.g., to determine merit or

worth, to describe, and to explain).

In terms of methodological implications, the incompatibility of theory-driven evaluation (as

regards exogenous and endogenous constructs not specified as part of an a priori model or theory)

from the standpoint of many traditional social scientists, largely remains a question for philosophers

of science. Like the former assertions, these too are ideological assumptions that are exceptionally

difficult to substantiate. However, Donaldson (2003) provides reasonable evidence and an empiri-

cally derived rationale for continued use and development of a theory-driven method of evaluation,

supported by case examples, in opposition to many of the assertions put forth by some of the

approach’s antagonists.

Finally, and more generally, the results of this review also suggest that additional exemplars of

theory-driven evaluations, including reports of successes and failures, methods and analytic tech-

niques, and evaluation outcomes and consequences, are seriously needed in the published literature.

Although several exemplars do exist, the number of case examples clearly documenting and

recounting how the approach is enacted, procedures and analytic frameworks, and the subsequent

uses of evaluation results is surprisingly low, even spanning two decades, and, despite the apparent

recognition and influence of the approach. Unexpectedly, and given the already large, constantly

216 American Journal of Evaluation 32(2)

growing, theoretical and methodological literatures, few of the cases reviewed applied more than a

nominal number of the prescribed theory-driven evaluation principles in practice.

Limitations

Although theory-driven forms of evaluation are widely discussed in the evaluation literature, at

professional development offerings, at meetings of specialized associations and societies, and infor-

mally on listservs, actual case examples are sparse. Despite the scarcity of case examples, and even

though the number of cases identified and included in the current study substantially exceed those

analyzed by Birckmayer and Weiss (2000), the degree to which the sample reviewed is congruent

with and representative of the theoretical population of all potential case examples is unknown,

given the nature of the sampling design and procedure as well as the search terms used to identify

studies. Moreover, the inclusion criteria used for the review were intentionally narrow. Numerous

investigations in applied health and health promotion (e.g., those using the health belief model, the-

ory of reasoned action, social leaning theory, and diffusion of innovations theory) and international

development, for example, therefore, likely were excluded. Relatedly, and corresponding to one of

the caveats reported by Miller and Campbell (2006), the studies included in this review were those

that self-identified as being theory-driven evaluations.

In addition to the search terms and inclusion criteria, one major source of potential bias is simply

the fact that evaluators often do not have intellectual property rights to the data gathered as part of an

evaluation. Many evaluation sponsors can, and often do, prohibit distribution and publication of eva-

luation findings (Henry, 2009). Another potential source of bias is the exclusion of grey and fugitive

literatures and non–English-language book chapters and journal articles as well as unpublished

examples such as might be found in doctoral dissertations, technical reports and white papers, and

conference presentations and proceedings (Johnson et al., 2009; Reed & Baxter, 2009).

The veracity of the core principles of theory-driven evaluation developed for this study also is a

likely source of bias, although of a different type. This bias is particularly evident in terms of the

validity of the key tenets intended to represent theory-driven evaluation—that is, the degree to which

the core principles reflect or represent both the conceptual and the operational specificity of the con-

struct or phenomena that is believed to characterize or embody theory-driven evaluation (Miller,

2010). Theory-driven evaluation does not have an easily identifiable ideological basis like that of

empowerment evaluation (Miller & Campbell, 2006), participatory evaluation (Cousins & Earl,

1992), or utilization-focused evaluation (Patton, 1997, 2008), for example, making distillation of the

approach difficult. Nonetheless, a sample of writers about and scholars of theory-driven evaluation

confirmed that the core principles established for the study accurately reflect what they perceive as

being the key tenets of the approach.

Finally, a large amount of human judgment was involved in this review, and human judgment is

fallible (Borenstein et al., 2009). That being said, in an effort to reduce potential biases and systema-

tic errors, as well as increase replicability, the method applied, including the sampling and coding

procedures (e.g., multiple sampling stages, clearly defined inclusion criteria, predominantly fixed

items [i.e., either a trait or characteristic was evident or it was not] for coding, independent coders,

random assignment of case examples to coder pairs, consensus seeking in instances of disagree-

ment), was designed to diminish the likelihood that coders consciously or unconsciously sought con-

firming or disconfirming evidence in relation to the assertions put forth by either the approach’s

critics or advocates.

Future Research

As Smith (1993) observed nearly two decades ago, ‘‘if evaluation theories cannot be uniquely oper-

ationalized, then empirical tests of their utility become increasingly difficult . . . [and] . . . if

Coryn et al. 217

alternative theories give rise to similar practices, then theoretical differences may not be practically

significant’’ (p. 240). Certainly then, further research is necessary to determine the extent to which

the principles enumerated here are authentic and adequately reflect a common set of core principles

that are capable of discriminating between different modes and manifestations of theory-driven eva-

luation (e.g., logical frameworks, theory-of-change, and outcomes hierarchies) and their resultant

implications. Likewise, application of Mark’s (2007) framework for research on evaluation and

Miller’s (2010) standards for empirical investigations of evaluation theory would be of great prag-

matic and theoretical benefit in formulating these questions or disputing the results of this review.

Such investigations might involve, for example, responding to questions such as ‘‘Does constructing

a logic model and using the specified model as an operational framework constitute a true theory-

driven evaluation?’’ ‘‘What consequences occur, or could possibly occur, as a result of theory mis-

specification?’’ ‘‘Do decision makers and other stakeholders place greater value on explanations

of how a program works than on conclusions only about whether a program works?’’ or ‘‘How is

explanatory information used in making decisions about programs?’’ Such investigations, should

they be undertaken, ought to emphasize evaluation consequences rather than simple descriptive

questions regarding how theory-driven evaluation is implemented in practice (Henry & Mark,

2003; Mark, 2007).

Acknowledgments The authors are grateful to E. Brooks Applegate, Katrina L. Bledsoe, Christina A. Christie, J. Bradley Cousins,

Lois-Ellin Datta, Stewart I. Donaldson, Jonny A. Morell, Michael Q. Patton, Patricia J. Rogers, James R.

Sanders, Michael Scriven, Daniel L. Stufflebeam, Carol H. Weiss, and the four blind peer reviewers for their

comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of this article. This review benefited greatly from their individual

and collective wisdom.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests The author(s) declared no conflicts of interest with respect to the authorship and/or publication of this article.

Funding The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research and/or authorship of this

article: Interdisciplinary PhD in Evaluation (IDPE) program at Western Michigan University (WMU).

Notes 1. Although many of these concepts share common characteristics, they also differ in important ways.

However, a detailed discussion of these similarities and differences exceeds the scope of this review. Inter-

ested readers are referred to Rogers (2007), Rogers et al. (2000), and Weiss (1997a, 1997b). Moreover, the

distinctions between program theories (i.e., treatment theories; see Lipsey, 1993) and substantive theories

(e.g., more generalized biological or social theories) and their use in evaluation have not been clearly elu-

cidated and are, therefore, debatable and not a central focus of the current study.

2. An explanation of these types of program theory models exceeds the scope of this review. Interested readers

are referred to Chen (2005a, 2005b, 2005c).

3. Detailed descriptions of these typologies exceed the scope of this review and interested readers are referred

to Chen (1990, 2005a, 2005b) and Donaldson (2007) for a more complete discussion.

4. The studies included in this review can be found in this article’s References and are proceeded by an asterisk

(*) as is standard practice for systematic reviews. In some instances findings on the same study were reported

in multiple publications. In these cases, to avoid duplication in the sample, only one was selected for

inclusion.

218 American Journal of Evaluation 32(2)

5. As is sometimes practiced in narrative reviews, relevant scholarly literatures and assumptions are incorpo-

rated throughout the presentation of results in order to support and clarify interpretations of data, as well as to

lend credibility to those interpretations.

6. Reported percentages do not always total 100% due to rounding error.

7. In many of the cases reviewed, several populations were sometimes targeted (e.g., low income school-age chil-

dren). However, each case was coded only in a single category reflecting the primary population of interest.

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