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Communication Theory ISSN 1050-3293

ORIGINAL ARTICLE

Media Ecology: Exploring the Metaphor to Expand the Theory

Carlos A. Scolari

Department of Communication, UNICA, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona, Spain

This article introduces media ecology and reflects on its potential usefulness for gaining an understanding of the contemporary mutations of the media system. The first section maps the origins of the field, specifically the development of the ecological metaphor. The second section explores the metaphor by including the concepts of evolution, interface, and hybridization in the media ecology discourse. The concept of evolution creates a theoretical framework for studying the history of media and suggests new concepts and questions about media extinction, survival, and coevolution. The concept of interface focuses on the media, subject, and social interactions. Finally, the analysis of media hybridizations is basic for understanding the appearance of new media that combine different devices, languages, and functions.

doi:10.1111/j.1468-2885.2012.01404.x

Understanding media ecology

In the past decade, media ecology has become consolidated as an innovative and useful theoretical framework for media studies. It was born in the 1960s and was initially ignored1 by the scientific establishment; however, the creation of the Media Ecology Association in 1998, the diffusion of the World Wide Web, and the development of media convergence processes—which renewed the interest in an integrated approach to media—facilitated the ‘‘resurrection’’ of thinkers such as Marshall McLuhan and the institutional consolidation of media ecology in the context of communication studies and the social sciences.2 Even if the Canadian media thinker played a fundamental role in the constitution of the field, for Strate (2008), media ecology ‘‘is more than McLuhanism’’ (p. 130), and its roots can be traced to the studies by researchers such as L. Mumford, J. Ellul, E. Havelock, W. Ong, J. Goody, L. Febvre, H.-J. Martin, E. Eisenstein; H. Innis, E. T. Hall, E. Carpenter, J. Carey, A. Korzybski, S. Langer, D. Lee, and N. Postman (Lum, 2006; Strate, 2008). In Kafka and His Precursors, Jorge Luis Borges (1964) wrote that ‘‘every writer creates his own precursors. His work modifies our conception of the past, as it will modify the

Corresponding author: Carlos A. Scolari; e-mail: [email protected]

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future’’ (p. 199). In this sense, we could say that many researchers were McLuhanian before McLuhan, in the same way that many writers were Kafkian before Kafka. As we can see, media ecology has deep roots in 20th-century economy, history, linguistics, sociology, and education research. Media ecologists have situated themselves within this multidisciplinary tradition, thus creating a retroactive theoretical framework that supports their contemporary investigations.

A small mystery surrounds the origin of media ecology metaphor. Postman introduced it in a conference at the National Council of Teachers of English in 1968. Nevertheless, Postman recognized that McLuhan had employed the concept years before in a personal communication (Lum, 2006, p. 9). The idea of considering the relationship between media and individuals from an ecological perspective was very probably part of the conversations3 held by this group of scholars in the 1960s. In his conference, Postman defined media ecology as ‘‘the study of media as environments,’’ and 3 years later, he created the first media ecology program at the New York University.

Any presentation of the first generation of media ecologists should include a reference to James Carey’s contributions. Carey was a scholar who created bridges between the media ecology tradition (specifically the works of Mumford, McLuhan, and Innis) and cultural studies thinkers such as Clifford Geertz. Carey’s classic research of the importance of the telegraph in the American cultural experience is a good example of his contributions to an ecological approach to media and culture (Carey, 1989; Flayhan, 2001; Strate, 2007).

Definitions One of the first steps in any scientific field is to define the basic concepts that will permit a consistent discourse to be developed. In this case, to theorize about media ecology means, at least, discussing about concepts such as environments, media, human beings, and interactions. For Postman, environments structure what we can see, say, and do. They also assign roles and pressure us to play them. Media environments specify what we can do and what we cannot. In the case of media environments such as books, radio, film, and television, the technological specifications are more often implicit and informal, and therefore, the objective of media ecology—according to Postman—is to make them explicit. Media ecology tries to find out what roles media force us to play, how media structure what we are seeing or thinking, and why media make us feel and act as we do. It is in this context that Postman (1970) affirmed that media ecology is ‘‘the study of media as environments’’ and went on to develop the ecological metaphor in diverse texts and circumstances. In a talk delivered in Denver in March 1998 (Five Things We Need to Know About Technological Change), he said that ‘‘technological change is not additive; it is ecological.’’ He explained this concept with an example: ‘‘A new medium does not add something; it changes everything. In the year 1500, after the printing press was invented, you did not have old Europe plus the printing press. You had a different Europe’’ (Postman, 1998).

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Scholars such as McLuhan also insisted that media are environments or a medium in which individuals live like fish do in water. This environment is the place where we create and raise technologies—from writing to television, from wheels to airplanes, from papyrus to books—that later model our perceptual and cognitive systems. In 1977, McLuhan explained that media ecology ‘‘means arranging various media to help each other so they won’t cancel each other out, to buttress one medium with another. You might say, for example, that radio is a bigger help to literacy than television, but television might be a very wonderful aid to teaching languages. And so you can do some things on some media that you cannot do on others’’ (2004, p. 271). Other scholars such as Nystrom (1973) affirmed that media ecology should be broadly defined as the study of ‘‘complex communication systems as environments’’ (p. 1).4

Metaphors, ecology, and scientific discourse Researchers have demonstrated that metaphors are more than a poetic ornament of the language or just a series of rhetorical forms. Rather, they are basic cognitive devices of human communication and culture (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980; Ortony, 1979). Metaphors are fundamental for understanding the world that surrounds us, and they occupy a central role in our conception of technologies.5 But metaphors are not only important for everyday conversations or understandings, they also play a fundamental role in scientific discourse. Many new paradigms or complex theoretical models were born or are represented through metaphors. These rhetorical devices are very useful for giving meaning to new phenomena that are otherwise almost impossible to interpret. Metaphors generate categories, organize processes, and establish oppositions and hierarchies.

Communication theories are no exception when it comes to the scientific appro- priation of metaphors. It is not difficult to identify the use of metaphors in the communication theories discourse, for example, the hypodermic-needle concept dur- ing the first period of mass communication research (DeFleur & Ball-Rokeach, 1989; Shannon & Weaver, 1949; Wolf, 1985) or Noelle-Neumann’s (1993) Spiral of Silence.

Metaphors are very useful in the constitution of a new research field. The metaphor provides a model for understanding the new territory, offers a vocabulary, and indicates in which directions to continue exploring. At the same time, the metaphor often facilitates the transmission of a new concept to researchers and the general public: In the 1880s, bacteria became a metaphor that articulated the fears about all invisible enemies, be they military, social or economic (Otis, 1999). Many people finally understood Albert Einstein’s theory of relativity after a metaphorical explanation was given: ‘‘Sit with a pretty woman for an hour, and it’ll seem like a minute. But sit on a hot stove for a minute, and it’ll seem like an hour.’’

When a theory is consolidated—‘‘normal science’’ for Kuhn (1962)—the metaphor that was present at its origins is completely integrated into the paradigm: The metaphor becomes invisible. But progress in normal science may reveal anoma- lies, facts that are difficult to explain within the context of the existing paradigm. This is when the metaphor shows its limits. The accumulation of anomalies may lead

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to a crisis for the paradigm and the search for new metaphors. For Kuhn, this is the ‘‘revolutionary science’’ phase, that is, the search for a new model based on a different metaphor.

Why the ecological metaphor? The publication of Fundamentals of Ecology (Odum & Odum, 1953) introduced a new vision of ecological principles characterized by a holistic approach to biological systems. The book proposed a whole-to-part progression: the ecosystem level was the first rather than the last chapter of the book. E. P. Odum (1964) defined this phase of the ecological reflection as the ‘‘new ecology.’’ As the environment-awareness movement began to emerge in the late 1960s—the first Earth Day was organized on April 22, 1970 (Dann, 1999)—these ideas spread throughout American society and other scientific fields such as sociology, economy, and linguistics. Media ecology was consolidated in parallel with the consolidation of Odum’s new ecology.

What is the ‘‘new ecology’’? For E. P. Odum (1977), science should not only seek to understand phenomena by detailed study of smaller and smaller components, it should also be synthetic and holistic, in the sense of ‘‘seeking to understand large components as functional wholes’’ (p. 1289). The rise of the new ecology was a response to the need for greater attention to holism in science and technology. Working in the same direction, after years of thinking about communication processes from a lineal perspective based on the Shannon and Weaver (1949) model—in which the information was an arrow flying from the sender to the receiver—the media ecology scholars proposed a new conception of the relationships between media, individuals, and society based on a different metaphor.

The convergence of media studies and ecology situates media ecology at the same level as many other compound metadisciplines, such as biochemistry, psychobiology, linguistic anthropology, and psycholinguistics. This convergence is not causal or an isolated phenomena. Table 1 shows how researchers from the social sciences and humanities had an open attitude toward ecological and biological models over the postwar years.

As we can observe, the development of a media ecology was not an unusual or extraordinary scientific event. The configuration of media ecology in the 1960s and 1970s was part of a broader process of the general application of the ecological metaphor to the social sciences and humanities in the postwar period. Even if the introduction of the ecological metaphor into media studies is not recent, I consider that the analogy has not been completely exploited in the past. A deeper exploration of the metaphor would enlarge our research horizons, increase the number of concepts and categories available for our theoretical conversations, and introduce new questions and challenges to media studies.

Interpretations (I): Media as environments Media ecology can be simplified to a basic statement: Technologies—in our case, communication technologies, from writing to digital media—create environments that affect the people who use them. Let us remember Postman’s (1970) definition:

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Table 1 Application of the Ecological and Biological Metaphors to the Social Sciences and Humanities

Field Definition Seminal Text

Cultural ecology

Study on the relationship between society and a natural environment, the life forms, and ecosystems that support its life ways. This may be carried out diachronically (examining entities that existed in different epochs) or synchronically (examining a present system and its components). The basic hypothesis is that the natural environment is a major contributor to social organization and human institutions. Cultural ecology goes beyond the simple application of the ecological metaphor: This scientific field proposes a real combination of social and biological models

Steward, J. H. (1955). Theory of culture change: the methodology of multilinear evolution. Urbana: University of Illinois Press

Biosemiotics Biosemiotics studies the production, action, and interpretation of signs in the biological realm, attempting to integrate the findings of scientific biology and semiotics

Rothschild, F. S. (1962). Laws of symbolic mediation in the dynamics of self and personality. Annals of New York Academy of Sciences, 96, 774–784

Biolinguistics Study on the biology and evolution of language. It is a highly interdisciplinary field that includes linguists, biologists, neuroscientists, psychologists, mathematicians, and others

Lenneberg, E. (1967). Biological foundations of language. New York, NY: Wiley

Ecological anthropol- ogy

Subfield of anthropology that deals with human–environmental (culture–nature) relationships over time and space. It investigates the ways that a population shapes its environment and the subsequent manners in which these relations form the population’s social, economic, and political life

Rappaport, R. A. (1968). Pigs for the ancestors. New Haven: Yale University Press

Political ecology

Study on the relationships between political, economic, and social factors and environmental issues and changes

Wolf, E. (1972). Ownership and political ecology. Anthropological Quarterly, 45(3), 201–205

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‘‘the word ‘ecology’ implies the study of environments: their structure, content, and impact on people.’’ As McLuhan (2003) explained in Understanding Media, the effects of technology ‘‘do not occur at the level of opinions or concepts, but alter sense ratios or patterns of perception steadily and without any resistance’’ (p. 31). For example, television ‘‘has changed our sense-lives and our mental processes’’ (p. 439). Postman amplified this idea when he described how our ‘‘world view’’ is a creation of every medium of communication. According to Postman (1985), each medium provides a ‘‘new orientation for thought, for expression, for sensibility [. . .] (they) classify the world for us, sequence it, enlarge it, reduce it, color it, argue a case for what the world is like’’ (p. 10). This interpretation of the ecological metaphor could be defined as the environmental dimension of media ecology. In this interpretation, media create an ‘‘environment’’ that surrounds the individual and models their perception and cognition.

Interpretations (II): Media as species Other members of the media ecology tradition such as Innis developed a holistic approach that integrated the evolution of the different media and socioeconomic processes, for example, the parallel development of railroads and telegraphy in the nineteenth century. For Innis (2003), the relation between media is a basic component of his conception of the communication system: The competition between media (book/newspapers, newspapers/radio, etc.) is central to his reflections, for example, ‘‘the monopoly of knowledge centering around stone and hieroglyphics was exposed to competition from papyrus as a new and more efficient medium’’ (p. 35).

In Amusing Ourselves to Death, Postman described the synergies and conflicts between different media in the United States (i.e., telegraph/press) and the central role of television in the media ecology: ‘‘through it (TV) we learn what telephone system to use, what movies to see, what books, records and magazines to buy, what programs to listen to’’ (1985, p. 78). This second approach can also be identified in McLuhan’s tetrads (McLuhan & McLuhan, 1992) and in many passages of his books, especially Understanding Media. According to McLuhan (2003), ‘‘media interact among themselves. Radio changed the form of the news story as much as it altered the film image in the talkies. TV caused drastic changes in radio programming, and in the form of the thing or documentary novel’’ (p. 78). Nystrom (1973) reaffirmed this perspective when she wrote that ‘‘no medium of communication operates in isolation. Every medium affects every other medium’’ (p. 130). McLuhan (2003) summarized this second conception of the ecological metaphor in one of his famous aphorisms: ‘‘No medium has its meaning or existence alone, but only in constant interplay with other media’’ (p. 43). This interpretation of the ecological metaphor could be defined as the intermedia dimension of media ecology. In this interpretation, media are like ‘‘species’’ that live in the same ecosystem and establish relationships between each other.

In a few words, the ecological metaphor applied to media accepts at least two complementary interpretations. The environmental conception considers the media

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to be an environment that surrounds the subjects and models their cognitive and perceptual system. The intermedia version of the metaphor looks at the interactions between media, as if they were species of an ecosystem. Can both interpretations of the metaphor be integrated into a single framework? In this case, we should consider media ecology as an environment that includes different media and technologies (i.e., television, radio, the Internet, radio-frequency identification (RFID), mobile devices, and transmission control protocol/Internet protocol (TCP/IP)), subjects (i.e., content producers, users, readers, and media researchers) and the social/political forces (Hollywood majors, Wikileaks, legal regimes, etc.).

This integrated conception of media ecology is closed to approaches such as the social construction of technology (SCOT) (Bijker, 1997; Bijker, Hughes, & Pinch, 1987; Bijker & Law, 1992; Hughes, 1983) and the actor-network theory (ANT) (Latour, 1987, 2005; Law & Hassard, 1999) (see also Johnson & Wetmore, 2009). SCOT holds that technology is shaped by the interactions between engineers, organizations, market forces, government policies, and consumers (individuals and groups). ANT is a more radical approach that dissolves the differences between humans and technologies and combines material and semiotic elements in a single network of relationships. From the perspective of ANT, the interactions in a media environment involve professionals, managers, consumers, media contents, strategies, technologies (such as cameras, screens, transmitters, and antennas), and so on. I will return to these potentially worthwhile connections between media ecology, SCOT, and ANT when I analyze the role of interfaces in the last section.

Extending the metaphor Exploring a scientific metaphor means, among other possibilities, analyzing the semantic universe of the analogy, translating the basic assumptions from one field to another to check the strength of the metaphor, and identifying new questions and scientific challenges. The theoretical road I propose here is in the same line as Logan’s (2004, 2007a, 2007b) approach to media ecology. According to Logan (2007b), ‘‘to date media ecology has focused on the environment in which media operate without exploring at a deep level the implications of the biological nature of ecology’’ (p. 1). Mostly based on the contributions of McLuhan (1962, 1964), Christiansen (1994; Christiansen, Dale, Ellefson, & Conway, 2002), and Kauffman (2000), Logan’s (2007b) position integrates technology, media, language, and culture in a unified ecology: ‘‘media and technologies like languages and cultures evolve in a manner very similar to that of biotic organisms. Now we are in a position to talk about media ecology as the study of the interactions of agents acting as organisms’’ (p. 12).

To explore the media ecology metaphor does not mean automatically transferring concepts and categories from biology to media studies; it means visualizing new questions and challenges for media studies taking the dialogue with the ecological and evolutionary traditions as a starting point. In other words, the objective of this article is not to propose another ‘‘theory of everything’’ but to expand media studies by introducing a series of keywords from the evolutionary and ecological

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research fields. This approach is not completely original: Studies on the evolution of the Internet have presented a ‘‘natural life-cycle model of new media development’’ (Lehman-Wilzig & Cohen-Avigdor, 2004), and researchers such Dimmick have introduced the concept of niche into the analysis of media competition.6

In this article, I limit my theoretical exploration to a short list of concepts that could open new paths for media research: evolution, interface, and hybridization.

Evolution

Ecology is the scientific study on organisms and their interactions with the envi- ronment. In this context, an ecological approach focuses on the distributions, abundances, and relations between organic and nonorganic beings in an ecosystem.7

In other words, ecology studies the Web or network of relations among organisms at different scales of organization, from a bacterial community to the Amazon rain- forest. Ecology is closely related to other fields and disciplines, such as physiology, behavioral sciences, genetics, and, the most important for our discourse, evolution studies. As every student knows, Charles Darwin (1975) developed a comprehensive model of biological evolution in his seminal book On the Origin of Species (1859). Organic species undergo mutations—changes in their genetic material—caused by copying errors during cell division due to exposure to radiation, chemical mutagens, viruses, or generated by the organism itself. In recent years, human manipulation of genetic material has also contributed to this process. Mutation is an essential source of variation, which represents the emergence of a new individual in an ecosystem.

The complete title of the first edition of Darwin’s book was On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life. Darwin realized that ecosystem populations cannot expand indefinitely because the resources are limited. Therefore, the new individuals must compete for survival with the old ones. If the mutation assists the organism to survive, the individual will adapt to the environment and reproduce; if not, it will be eliminated by natural selection. Most mutations are deleterious; evolution progresses through the few individuals that are favorable. When a species generates a new branch, biologists talk about a bifurcation or forking process.

Evolution theory analyzes the change in the inherited traits of a population of organisms through multiple generations. If the ecological approach studies the network of relations between organisms at the same time, then the evolutionary approach investigates the diversification of these organisms into new species, the extinction of species (macroevolution), and the smaller changes such as adaptations (microevolution). In other words, while the ecologist reconstructs webs of organisms, the evolutionary scholar draws trees of life. Or, in another sense, we can also say that ecology thinks in space and evolution thinks in time. Both conceptions—ecology and evolution—are complementary and can be reorganized following the traditional linguistic opposition between diachronic/synchronic levels.

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The intersection of ecology and evolutionary biology defines a scientific field called evolutionary ecology. This field not only considers the evolution of individual species (the trees of life) but the interactions between them. The main areas of intervention of evolutionary ecology are life history evolution, the extinction and creation of new species, the evolution of relations (cooperation, predator–prey interactions, parasitism, mutualism, and coevolution), and the general evolution of biodiversity and communities.

Charles Darwin never employed the concepts of evolution or ecosystem in On the Origin of Species. However, he laid the foundations for an integrated theory of evolu- tion and wrote many pages on species, variety, diversity, extinction, and—possibly the key concept of his theory—natural selection. Over the past 150 years, Darwinian ideas have permeated the social sciences and humanities. Many researchers and specialists have applied Darwin’s model to the evolution of technology (i.e., Arthur, 2009; Basalla, 1988; Diamond, 1999; Frenken, 2006; Kelly, 1992; Saviotti, 1996; Simon, 1969; Ziman, 2000). Recently, the evolutionary model has also been applied in different ambits such as fiction and music (Mellor, 1990), art (Dutton, 2009),8

narrative (Boyd, 2009), and literary genres (Moretti, 2005).

Evolution: Media extinction/survival Looking at the media ecosystem from an evolutionary perspective means bringing up new concepts and questions for discussion. Let us think about the concept of extinction: Can media become extinct? The answer seems to be affirmative: The history of media is full of technological fossils, from papyrus to the telegraph. But do media really become extinct, or do they, as McLuhan postulated, survive in the content of the ‘‘new’’ media? If we consider a media a technological support (e.g., the book) that activates a practice (e.g., reading) made possible by a signification system (e.g., verbal language), then these questions about media extinction could be resituated in a more complex context. Let us see a couple of examples to illustrate these questions.

The technological support of a media may become extinct—for example, the electromechanical device of the telegraph—but the practice or the signification system may survive in other supports—for example, the ‘‘telegraphic’’ style of SMSs or tweets. Typewriters are also a good example of extinction and at the same time continuity: They have almost disappeared but the QWERTY keyboard has survived in PCs, notebooks, and tablets. Similarly, the page—considered as a basic unit of textual interfaces and as a measurement of documenting or recording quantity—has been used for the past 2,000 years and can still be found in handwritten manuscripts, printed books, and the Web (webpage). Codex books are extinct, but the page and the gestures of using the page, such as turning the page, are still alive on our interactive screens. On the other side, a technological support may survive the extinction of a signification system (e.g., Etruscan, a language spoken in central Italy, became extinct in 100 AD, but walls, coins, and portable objects continued to be used as a writing support for centuries). These questions about media extinctions are a hot topic

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nowadays when scholars from different countries are discussing about the possible end of mass media (Carlón & Scolari, 2009, Katz & Scannell, 2009; Missika, 2006).

The famous Darwinian struggle for survival, like the rest of the ecological and evolutionary metaphors, cannot be automatically applied to media evolution. More than an individual struggle for survival, in media ecology, it is possible to identify a collective struggle in which different actors—consumers, producers, political institutions, economic groups, technology companies, and so on—condition the development of a media.

If biological evolution and survival is based on a combination of natural selection (Darwin, 1975), self-organization (Kauffman, 1995, 2000), and symbiotic processes (Margulis, 1998), then media emergence, survival, and evolution are founded on the relationships established between technologies, subjects, and institutions in the media ecology. For example, the emergence and survival of the radio in the 1920s was made possible by the relationships established between many varying factors: Devices such as the transmitter and the vacuum-tube, wireless communication researchers such as T. Edison and G. Marconi, sponsors, concepts such Edison’s etheric force, radio amateurs, educational institutions, the U.S. Navy, the U.S. Government, major corporations such as the American Telephone & Telegraph Company, General Electric, and Westinghouse, and, last but not least, audiences. The same may be said about other media such as television in the 1950s or the World Wide Web in the 1990s.

However, in the technological realm, it is not always the best device—in the sense of the most stylish, functional, or highly developed—that survives. One well- known example of the survival of the worst option in the media field is the video home system (VHS) format after the war against the Betamax system in the late 1970–1980s. The same could be said for the QWERTY keyboard: It was created to reduce the typing speed and thus avoid mechanical typewriters breaking down in the 19th century. According to Gould (1987), QWERTY’s ‘‘fortunate and improbable ascent to incumbency occurred by a concatenation of circumstances, each indecisive in itself, but all probably necessary for the eventual outcome’’ (p. 73). A specific configuration of the network determined by the different actors involved in this new technology—typewriter producers, typing schools, publishers of typing manuals, secretaries, and so on—has led to the survival of the QWERTY keyboard until today.

Evolution: Bursts of new media If we talk about evolution, we can also incorporate another concept into our discourse: punctuated equilibrium. This theory, introduced by Eldredge and Gould (1972), proposes that species experience little evolutionary mutations for most of their history, but when evolution occurs, it is localized in rapid events of branching speciation. This idea, originally developed for organic species, has been applied to other fields; for example, Moretti’s research into the evolution of literary genres between 1740 and 1900 determined six major bursts of creativity in the late 1760s, early 1790s, late 1820s, 1850, early 1870s, and mid-late 1880s. Instead of progressively changing over time, ‘‘the system stands still for decades, and is then ‘punctuated’

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by brief bursts of invention: forms change once, rapidly, across the board, and then repeat themselves for two-three decades: ‘normal literature’, we could call it, in analogy to Kuhn’s normal science’’ (Moretti, 2005, pp. 18–19).9

Media ecologists have also applied the concept of punctuated equilibrium to the evolution of media (Levinson, 1979) and language (Logan, 2007a). According to Logan (2007), the evolution of the notated languages of writing, speech, mathematics, science, computing, and the Internet have all taken place within approximately the past 5,000 years, a time frame ‘‘in which the biological evolution of Homo Sapiens would have been insignificant’’ (pp. 155–156). Currently, in the beginning of the 21st century, we are witnessing an explosion of new media species (webpages, blogs, wikis, social networks, videogames, mobile applications, etc.). Could this phenomenon be considered an example of punctuated equilibrium in the long evolution of media? To answer this question, we should rewrite the history of human communication from oral culture to iPads taking into account the periods of extinctions and explosions of new media.10

Intermedia relationships: Coevolution The analysis of the relationships between media—a subject that, as I have demon- strated in the first section, has been an item on the media ecology research agenda since the initial stages—could be expanded by developing a taxonomy of possible intermedia relations. In specific periods of their life, media can cooperate with each other, for example, the cooperation between the railroad and the telegraph in the nineteenth century or the contemporary synergies between cinema, videogames, and the comic industry. These synergies affect not only the production—that is, the economic convergence (Dwyer, 2010; Grant & Wilkinson, 2008; Staiger & Hake, 2009)—but also the narrative, aesthetic, and consumption practices of all the media involved. This process could be considered to be an example of intermedia coevolution.

In the biological realm, parasitism can also generate coevolutionary processes. In our case, we could analyze the coevolution between a ‘‘host media’’ species (the World Wide Web) and its ‘‘media parasites’’ (Twitter, Facebook, Google, etc.) or, in traditional media, the coevolution of comic stripes inside newspapers at the end of the 19th century. Media may also establish predator–prey interactions: In the 1950s, television preyed on cinema and radio contents, aesthetics, and audiences, and today, new media are doing the same with traditional broadcasting media. Media ecologists should analyze these and other possible relations and propose a precise classification of intermedia relations in their research agenda.

As we can appreciate, coevolution is a key concept for media ecology.11 In the bio- logical realm, coevolution can occur at multiple levels, from microscopic—correlated mutations between amino acids in a protein—to macroscopic level—correlated mutations between species. In a coevolutionary relation, each of the species exerts selective pressures on the others, and thereby they affect each others’ evolution. From the perspective of an ecology of media, we can identify different coevolutionary processes:

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• Intermedia coevolution: This is the analysis of the correlated mutations in two or more media; for example, the book has coevolved with other media such as recorded music. At the beginning of the 20th century, music adopted a produc- tion/distribution model from books (content could be bought in an independent support—the vinyl disc and the book—in specific stores); at the beginning of the 21st century, digital music is imposing a new production/distribution model on digital books (from the iTunes Store to the iBook Store).

• Human–media coevolution: This is the analysis of the correlated mutations between media and their consumers. If every text constructs its own reader (Eco, 1979) and every interface constructs its own user (Scolari, 2004, 2009b), then every media constructs its own consumer: A 20th-century book reader would find it very difficult to read a 13th-century codex; and a TV serial from the 1970s—if compared with the highly complex contemporary audiovisual productions—seems slow and boring to young viewers, and so on (Scolari, 2009c). How do consumers (readers, viewers, and users) coevolve with their media? How do media coevolve with their consumers? These mutual and interactive adaptation processes could expand the media ecology research agenda by suggesting new questions and hypotheses.

As we can see, the exploration of the evolutionary dimension of media poses new challenges for communication research. Concepts such as extinction, punctuated equilibrium, evolution, and coevolution enrich the media ecology dictionary and expand the range of the possible theoretical and empirical interventions in the field.

Interface

The term interface was introduced by J. T. Bottomley (1882) in Hydrostatics to identify a ‘‘separation surface’’ between two liquids. But the interface does not only separate, it allows certain elements (molecules, particles, etc.) to pass through it such as in an osmosis process. The concept of interface has been employed in a broad range of discourses and contexts. In The Gutenberg Galaxy, McLuhan (1962) described the Renaissance as the interface between the Middle Age and Modern times (p. 141), big corporations love talking about the ‘‘company–client interfaces,’’ and we should not be surprised if one day we find pedagogues talking about the ‘‘teacher–student interface.’’ Any communicative interchange that takes place in a specific space belongs to the interface universe (Scolari, 2004, 2009b).

The concept of interface has a different meaning for computer scientists, engineers, and technicians, who talk about the ‘‘USB interface’’ or the ‘‘serial interface.’’ For them, the interface is a physical connection, a bridge between two or more devices, for example, between the printer and the computer (Scolari, 2004). From this perspective, any technological device is an interface. For example, an automobile is a complex interface that integrates an engine, four wheels, electronic and electrical components, seats, and so on. The same may be said about a microwave oven, an airplane, or a building. In these cases, we can talk about a technology–technology interface.

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The interface is also the place where consumers and technology get in contact and interact with each other (Norman, 1998). The interface of a traditional book is composed by a set of printed cellulose sheets, navigation devices (page numbers, indexing system, summary, etc.), the paratexts that surround the text (cover, dedi- cation, title, opening information, author’s biographical note, etc.), and, obviously, the main organic component of the interface: the reader. The same may be said for a television (an interface made of electronic components, a screen, an antenna or cable connection, a remote control, a TV guide, and a viewer), a transistor radio, or an iPod. In these cases, we can talk about a human–technology interface.

Media interfaces In this context, we could rethink media ecology from the perspective of an integrated theory of the interface. Every media has an interface (human–technology interface), and at the same time, every media is an interface (technology–technology interface). Let us look at an example: An iPhone establishes an interface with the user for interacting with it, but at the same time, it is a complex interface that integrates components such as a touch-screen, a microprocessor, telecommunication technol- ogy, accelerometers, motion, magnetic, pressure, and temperature sensors. I consider this double dimension of the interface a basic element for expanding the ecological (synchronic) and evolutionary (diachronic) metaphor in media ecology.

From the ecological perspective, it could be said that the interface is the place where readers/viewers/users interact with the media; in other words, the interface is the minimal expression of the environment that media ecologists have been describing and analyzing for the past 50 years. Within an evolutionary approach, we could say that the interface is the place where the evolution of the media is negotiated. The dialectic interactions and exchanges between readers/viewers/users and the media model their coevolution (Scolari, 2004). But the interface is also the place where media interact with each other and coevolve, that is, the interface between comic and video game or between television and cinema. As we can see, the interface is a key concept for our theoretical discourse because it integrates the two interpretations of media ecology.

But the interface is not the only place where a media connects with other media and the human users. As I indicated at the end of the first section, both media ecology metaphors (media as environment and media as species) could be integrated into a broader context very close to the ANT and the SCOT. In this interdisciplinary context in which media ecology dialogues with the ANT and SCOT, the interface could also be considered the place where political, social, and economic actors express and interact with technological devices and humans. From this perspective, the interface is a deeply political device that expresses social, economic, and cultural forces.

From an evolutionary perspective, the interface is the place where the evolution of a media or technology is defined. As we have already seen, the dialectics between producers, consumers, devices, and institutions are the most important engine for the emergence and survival of media and technological devices. In 1980, Apple presented a revolutionary computer with mouse and graphic interface: the Apple Lisa. One year

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later, Xerox introduced the Xerox Star, a personal computer that also included mouse and graphic interface. Both machines were a commercial failure. In 1984, another computer with mouse and graphic interface, the Apple Macintosh, survived. Why? The combination of the Apple Macintosh, the Apple Laser Writer, the Encapsulated PostScript (EPS) language, and software such as Aldus PageMaker created a new technological interface that sparked the desktop publishing (DTP) revolution in the mid-1980s (Lévy, 1990). Something similar happened with the Apple Newton in the late 1990s, an extinct antecessor of the successful iPad of the 2010s: The media ecology was not ‘‘ready’’ for the new technological species.

In a few words, the study on interfaces could be considered the microlevel of media ecology analysis, the minimal unit of analysis, such as the sign for linguistics or the gene for genetics. Concepts such as system in the 1950s, structure in the 1960s, or text in the 1980s left a deep imprint on social sciences conversations. Maybe interface will be the key concept of the new generation of media ecologists.

Hybridizations The interface is the place where media dialogues confront and contaminate each other. From an evolutionary (diachronic) perspective, the contamination between media should be considered a coevolutionary process, for example, in the 1950s, radio contents, formats, business-models, and reception practices were transferred to tele- vision, and then later radio had to adapt to the new conditions of the media ecosystem after television had become consolidated (Fornatale & Mills, 1980). However, if we consider the contaminations from an ecological (synchronic) perspective, then we must talk about hybridizations or remediations (Bolter & Grusin, 2000).12 On different occasions, McLuhan (2003) spoke about the ‘‘interpenetration of one medium by another’’ (p. 76) or the ‘‘cross-fertilization’’ between systems, for example, print with the steam press or radio with movies (pp. 58–59). According to McLuhan (2003), the crossings and hybridizations of the media release ‘‘great new force and energy as by fission or fusion’’ and, at the same time, generate a ‘‘new form’’ (pp. 72–80).

Media hybridize at different levels and in different ways. As we have seen, a device developed for typewriters (the QWERTY keypad) is applied in digital tablets, and a text unit born in handwritten books (the page) is still useful for identifying the content in the World Wide Web (webpages). Hybridizations may appear in the content of media—for example, when television dramas in the 1950s adopted the narrative models of the radio drama—or in their interaction devices—for example, the digital music players reproduce the ‘‘buttons’’ of traditional electronic players. The remediations analyzed by Bolter and Grusin (2000) could be improved by devel- oping a more complex map of hybridizations based on a media ecology/evolution theoretical framework.

Media coevolve and hybridize each other. These two processes can be seen as two sides of the same coin: If we think in time, we will discover coevolution; if we think in space, we will see hybridization. An expansion of the ecological and evolutionary metaphor should include an exploration of these dimensions of the dynamics between

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media. In this framework, the concept of interface could be—once again—a helpful theoretical category for analyzing the intermedia relations and developing taxonomies of the possible links that different media could establish with each other.

Conclusions and implications

Working with analogies can be problematic. Some biological laws and principles do not allow a technological translation. Human bodies are not machines, in the same way that interfaces are not living entities. Biological analogies can suggest interesting problems, but sometimes, they do not provide good answers; they therefore must be approached with caution due to the differences between the organic and technological worlds. A one-to-one correspondence between biological and technological domains is impossible and can even be dangerous (Basalla, 1988; Gould, 1991). Transferring categories from one domain to another is very useful for finding a descriptive model and formulating new questions and problems, but the answers to these questions are very often outside the analogy. However, when a research field is taking its first steps, analogies offer new insights and useful perspectives. This is the situation media ecology is in right now.

In this article, I have briefly described media ecology in the context of a general application of biological, evolutionary, and ecological models in the social sciences in the second half of the twentieth century. In my view, media ecologists have interpreted the ecological metaphor in two different ways: (a) media ecology as an environment and (b) media ecology as an intermedia relationship. The main theo- retical contributions of the article are (a) the expansion of the ecological metaphor based on three concepts: evolution, interface, and hybridization; (b) the placement of the concept of interface at the center of the media ecology approach (i.e., the interface as the minimum unit of analysis of media ecology); (c) the proposal to consider media history from an evolutionary perspective, and include categories such as media extinction, media survival, punctuated equilibrium, and coevolution; and (d) the proposal to expand media ecology interlocutors by including society–technology theories such as ANT or SCOT and other approaches based on the complexity theory.

The concept of evolution creates a strong theoretical framework for studying the history of media, a key research subject for media ecology. Applying the evolutionary metaphor enriches the theoretical conversations on media ecology by including new concepts. Moreover, within this context, media researchers could rethink the whole history of technologically mediated communication by identifying and analyzing specific moments characterized by media extinction or new media explosions.

The concept of coevolution, as I have demonstrated in a couple of examples, can provide media scholars a useful theoretical category for reframing the relationships between different media (intermedia coevolution) or between subjects and media (human–media coevolution).

As I have shown in the last section, the concept of interface could be considered the minimal unit of analysis for media ecology; it is a flexible and useful concept that

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can be applied both at the macro- and microlevels of analysis. As the contemporary mediasphere is characterized by the emergence of new interactive media, the concept of interface is also a valuable category if media researchers want to develop an inter- disciplinary conversation with fields such as human–computer interaction (HCI) or interaction design. Finally, the analysis of media hybridizations is fundamental for understanding the appearance of new ‘‘loanblended’’ species such as the iPhone (iPod + mobile phone) and for studying the convergence processes.

A final reflection on media ecology, technology, and determinism: As every communication scholar knows, the media ecology tradition and thinkers such as McLuhan, Postman, and Innis have been found guilty of technological determinism. Some of McLuhan’s aphorisms—such as ‘‘the medium is the message’’—suggest that he had a highly deterministic view of human–technology relationships. However, media ecologists have always defended and promoted a dialectic and transactional approach to media and culture (Strate, 2008). Placing the concept of interface at the center of the media ecology theoretical discourse means reinforcing and highlighting the complex dialectics between subjects, media, and social forces, eradicating at the same time any possibility of determinism.

The explorations that I propose in this text could also be useful for establishing new scientific interlocutors for media research in general and media ecology in particular. If we consider the media ecosystem as a network of technologies, producers, consumers, and social forces, we could imagine interesting theoretical conversations with interlocutors such as the ANT (Latour, 1987, 2005; Law & Hassard, 1999) and the SCOT (Bijker, 1997; Bijker et al., 1987; Bijker & Law, 1992; Hughes, 1983), or the scholars focused on the evolution of technology (Basalla, 1988) and the emergence and complexity of new technology (Arthur, 2009). In this context, media ecology could also be an epistemological interface for holding new theoretical conversations between different scientific fields and traditions.

Notes

1 In September 1981—McLuhan passed away in December 1980—The Journal of Communication published a special section under the title The Living McLuhan that included articles written by Walter Ong, Paul Levinson, James Carey, and so on. However, the classic monographic issue Ferment in the Field of The Journal of Communication (1983) and the following Ferment in the Field I and II (1993) overlooked media ecology (Lum, 2006).

2 For an analysis of McLuhan’s revival in the 1990s, see Levinson (1999) and Meyrowitz (2003). For a panorama of media ecology tradition, see Lum (2006) and Strate (2004, 2008).

3 In this article, theories are considered as if they were conversations. Scientific conversations emerge in an organizational environment made up of universities, research centers, journals, and conferences (Scolari, 2008, 2009a). In this interpretative context, the extensive citation of authors is necessary to identify their key concepts, metaphors, and conceptions. However, I have tried to reduce these citations to a minimum to facilitate the exposition.

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4 Although it is not the objective of this article to discuss the internal disputes between media ecologists, we must recognize that the field has been crossed by contradictions and differences. Sometimes, the internal disagreements have taken a moral line: Postman was considered a moralist, while McLuhan defended the moral neutrality of media analysis. Postman (2000) was very clear on this point: ‘‘I think there is considerable merit in McLuhan’s point of view about avoiding questions of good and bad when thinking about media. But that view has never been mine. To be quite honest about it, I don’t see any point in studying media unless one does so within a moral or ethical context.’’ Carey is known as one of the sharpest critics of McLuhan; Carey preferred the careful accumulation of detail and the identification of many interconnections in Innis’s scholarship to McLuhan’s polemical generalizations (Strate, 2007). The attitude of media ecologists toward media evolution has also been contradictory: while scholars such as Postman (1985) lamented the decline of the printed word, other researchers such as Meyrowitz (1985) and Levinson (1997) were more enthusiastic about the arrival of electronic media (Ramos, 2000; see also Gencarelli, 2000). As we can see, media ecology, like any other scientific field, has been crossed by contradictions and differences. However, media ecologists agree on many points, from the criticism of the transmission view of communication to the development of an environmental vision of media, culture, and technology. After all, these internal tensions demonstrate the vitality of the media ecology conversations and the effervescence of a scientific field that is still ‘‘under construction.’’

5 ‘‘Metaphors matter. People who see technology as a tool see themselves controlling it. People who see technology as a system see themselves caught up inside it. We see technology as a part of an ecology, surrounded by a dense network of relationships in local environments. Each of these metaphors is ‘right,’ in some sense; each captures some important characteristics of technology in society. Each suggests different possibilities for action and change’’ (Nardi & O’Day, 1999, p. 27).

6 According to Dimmick (2003), ‘‘like the biologist, the researcher interested in the (. . .) media cannot appeal to universal laws like those of chemistry or classical physics (. . .) Like the biologist, who also studies complex living systems, the social scientist inhabits a world where prediction is difficult at best, and explanation must be won without recourse to causal laws’’ (p. 1).

7 The botanist Arthur Roy Clapham coined the term ecosystem in the 1930s. If we represent the relationships of the elements inside the ecosystem, the emerging picture would resemble a bird’s nest or a spaghetti diagram: a complex set of links connecting nodes. In other words, the ecosystem is a network of relationships between elements inside an environment.

8 For Dutton (2009), ‘‘it is time to look at the arts in the light of Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution [. . .] Recent years have seen immensely productive applications of Darwinian ideas in anthropology, economics, social psychology, linguistics, history, politics, legal theory, and criminology, as well as the philosophical study of rationality, theology and value theory’’ (pp. 1–2).

9 For more examples of bursting phenomena, see Barabási (2010). 10 This evolutionary vision of media history could complement and provide a broader

framework for specific, old, or extinct media analysis (Gitelman, 2006; Gitelman & Pingree, 2003; Marvin, 1988).

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11 The concept is also a key element of Logan’s (2007) research dedicated to the coevolution of culture and language. Also, for Nardi and O’Day (1999), ‘‘the social and technical aspects of an environment coevolve. People’s activities and tools adjust and are adjusted in relation to each other, always attempting and never quite achieving a perfect fit’’ (p. 53).

12 In the context of a theory of new media, Bolter and Grusin (2000) expanded another one of McLuhan’s (2003) aphorisms—‘‘the content of any medium is always another medium’’ (p. 19)—when they introduced the concept of remediation: ‘‘We call the representation of one medium in another remediation [. . .] (this) is a defining characteristic of the new digital media [. . .] We can identify a spectrum of different ways in which digital media remediate their predecessors, a spectrum depending on the degree of perceived competition or rivalry between the new media and the old’’ (p. 45). See also Strate (2008).

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媒介生态学：探索隐喻，发展理论【摘要：】

本文认为近期的技术发展使 Eveland（2003）的“混合属性”（MOA）理论对当今的“数字化”的媒体效应更具理论指导性。本文以用户生成的政治内容（UGC）为例来说明该理论框架的有效性。我们专注于 UGC的五个对于理解其性质和作用非常重要的核心属性，即搜索效率、个性化、系统反应、成本降低和社会取向。该研究通过以下三方面发展了传播理论：（1）说明MOA 属性在阐释网络媒体形式的作用；（2）详细解释常被研究但从未被彻底研究的政治 UGC现象；（3）阐释对研究 UGC和其它媒体影响有益的五个新技术属性。

Écologie des médias : explorer la métaphore pour développer la théorie

Dans cet article, nous soumettons que de récents développements technologiques ont rendu le cadre

« mélange d’attributs » (mix-of-attributes, MOA) d’Eveland (2003) particulièrement utile pour théoriser

les effets des médias « numériques » d’aujourd’hui. Nous prenons un exemple de contenu généré par

l’utilisateur (CGU) de nature politique pour illustrer l’utilité du cadre. Nous insistons sur cinq attributs

centraux du CGU qui sont importants pour en comprendre la nature et les effets : l’efficacité de la

recherche, la personnalisation, la souplesse du système, la réduction des coûts et l’orientation

communautaire. Cette étude fait avancer les théories de la communication (1) en illustrant comment une

approche MOA peut être appliquée à l’analyse d’une forme médiatique en ligne par ses attributs, (2) en

élaborant sur le phénomène souvent étudié mais jamais minutieusement examiné du CGU de nature

politique, et (3) en développant cinq nouveaux attributs technologiques qui sont utiles pour examiner les

effets du CGU et d’autres médias.

La Ecología de los Medios: Explorando la metáfora de la teoría expandida

Resumen: En este articulo, argüimos que los desarrollos tecnológicos recientes han hecho al marco de la “mezcla de los atributos” de Eveland (2003) (MOA) particularmente útil para teorizar sobre los efectos de los medios “digitales” de hoy. Usamos un ejemplo de contenido político generado por el usuario (UGC) para ilustrar la utilidad del marco. Nos enfocamos en cinco atributos claves del UGC, los cuales son importantes para el entendimiento de su naturaleza y efectos: Búsqueda de la eficiencia, la personalización, la respuesta de los sistemas, la reducción del costo, y la orientación de la comunidad. Este estudio avanza la teoría de la comunicación mediante (1) la ilustración de cómo el abordaje de MOA puede ser aplicado para explicar una forma online de los medios a través de sus atributos; (2) elaborando en el frecuentemente estudiado, pero nunca meticulosamente examinado, fenómeno político del UGC; y (3) explicando cinco atributos tecnológicos novedosos útiles para examinar los efectos del UGC y otros medios.

미디어 생태학: 확대이론에 대한 은유설명

요약

본 논문은 최근의 기술발달들이 Eveland (2003)의 MOA 프레임을 오늘날의 디지털 미디어의 효과들에 대한 이론화에 유용하게 사용된다는 것을 주장하고 있다. 본 논문은 정치적 사용자 고안 콘텐트 (UGC)예를 이러한 프레임의 유용성을 증명하기 위해 사용하였다. 본 논문은 UGC의 다섯가지 특징들을 강조하였는데, 이들은 사용효과성, 맞춤성, 체계반응성, 비용감소, 그리고 커뮤니티 지향성 등이다. 본 연구는 커뮤니케이션 이론을 향상시키고 있는바, 이는 1) 어떻게 MOA접근이 온라인 미디어 형태를 설명하는데 이용될 수 있는지를 설명하는것에 의해, 2) 자주 연구되어는 왔지만 지금까지 잘 정리되지 않았던 정치적 UGC현상에 대한 진전을 통해, 그리고 3) UGC와 다른 미디어의 효과를 연구하는데 유용한 다섯가지 기술적 특성에 대해 설명하는 것에 의해 실시되었다.

Medienökologie: Exploration einer Metapher mit dem Ziel der Theorieerweiterung

In diesem Artikel argumentieren wir, dass sich das Bezugssystem „Attributmix“ von Eveland (2003) vor dem Hintergrund aktueller technologischer Entwicklungen als nützlich erweist, um Wirkungen von „digitalen Medien“ theoretisch zu erfassen. Zur Illustration der Nützlichkeit des Bezugssystems dient uns nutzergenerierter Inhalt mit Politikbezug. Wir fokussieren auf fünf Kernattribute von nutzergenerierten Inhalten, die dessen Natur und Wirkungen verstehen lassen: Sucheffizient, nutzerspezifische Anpassung, Systemresponsivität, Kostenreduktion und Orientierung an der Community. Die Studie erweitert die Kommunikationstheorie, indem sie (1) aufzeigt, wie der Attributmix‐Ansatz angewendet werden kann, um eine Online‐Medienform durch seine Attribute zu explizieren. Außerdem wird (2) das viel beforschte aber nie tiefgründig untersuchte Phänomen des nutzergenerierten Inhalts mit Politikbezug elaboriert wird und (3) fünf neue Technologieattribute vorgestellt, die zur Untersuchung der Wirkung von nutzergenerierten Inhalten und anderen Medien eingesetzt werden können.

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