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SUBURBANISATION AND INTERNATIONAL IMMIGRATION: THE CASE OF THE BARCELONA METROPOLITAN REGION (1998–2009)tesg_687 312..329

JORDI BAYONA-CARRASCO & FERNANDO GIL-ALONSO

Departament de Geografia Humana, Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona, Spain. E-mails: [email protected]; [email protected]

Received: November 2010; accepted August 2011

ABSTRACT In this last decade, Spanish urban areas have received large amounts of international immigrants, modifying (sub)urban dynamics. The paper specifically explores the metropolitan region of Barcelona (RMB), where, between 1998 and 2009, foreign nationality residents rose from 1.8 to 14.9 per cent of total population. Research focuses on the impact of foreign immigration on three specific dynamics: population growth and distribution/segregation of both Spanish and foreign populations within the metropolitan area; their respective residential mobility patterns; and consequences on their age and sex structure. Results show that there are remarkable differences between the two populations: foreign immigrants have preferably settled in the core city’s least affluent neighbourhoods and, in a second phase, in inner ring municipalities, while the Spanish population continues to move to suburban municipalities.

Key words: Foreign nationality population, international immigration, residential mobility, sub- urbanisation, Barcelona metropolitan area

INTRODUCTION

In the late twentieth and early twenty first cen- turies, Spanish population size and composi- tion, as well as that of other Mediterranean countries, have been deeply transformed due to the arrival of millions of foreign immigrants. Over the last years, Spain, previously one of the EU countries with the lowest foreign share (1.6% in 1998, Eurostat data), has received the biggest immigration flows within Europe (Ribas-Mateos 2004; Domingo & Gil-Alonso 2007), and is presently leading this indicator. According to the most recent padrón (local reg- ister) data, on 1 January 2010, foreign residents represented a 12.2 per cent1 of the total popu- lation or, in other words, there were 5,747,734 foreign citizens. This phenomenon has had a strong impact on many demographic para-

meters, as the Spanish population, previously facing stagnation or even diminution, has sub- stantially increased and been rejuvenated.

It has not had the same effect throughout the territory. Previous work shows that in historic urban centres (Valero 2008), and certain rural areas (Bayona & Gil-Alonso 2010), it has slowed ageing and depopulation. However, its major impact has probably been on Spanish large metropolitan areas, where some of its specifici- ties make it, in our opinion, a particularly inter- esting case to study. Large foreigner flows have arrived in a short time, and migrants’ diffusion throughout the metropolitan area practically commenced from the beginning. At the same time, the registration system has also been improved. The Padrón continuo – existing since 1998 – allows us to follow local and foreign population growth, distribution and mobility

Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie – 2012, DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9663.2011.00687.x, Vol. 103, No. 3, pp. 312–329. © 2011 The Authors Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie © 2011 Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG Published by Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA

patterns at the municipality level, thus, permit- ting to annually analyse settlement dynamics in both populations. Our initial hypothesis is that residential mobility plays an essential role in foreign population’s initial settlement throughout Spanish metropolitan regions, which, in turn, complements Spaniards’ intra-metropolitan moves, intensifying and making suburbanisation trends spatially more complex.

This paper analyses foreign residential mobility patterns in the metropolitan region of Barcelona (RMB) between 1998 and 2009, when there was a massive inflow of foreign migrants due to the prevailing economic boom – lasting up to 2007. Geographically speaking, the RMB is a densely populated area which holds the city of Barcelona (1.62 million in- habitants living in 100 km2) and the surround- ing municipalities, functionally dependant on the core city, particularly in economic and in labour market terms. It is made up of 164 municipalities extending 3,236 km2 and holding 5.01 million inhabitants (2010 Padrón continuo data), 744,514 of which are foreigners, with a mean of more than 140,000 residential moves per year.

The paper will develop as follows: once the theoretical framework and data are presented, it will firstly focus on population growth and distribution within the RMB. It will then analyse foreigners’ residential mobility patterns and their impact on the general trends. And finally, it will concentrate on its effects on the age and sex structure, taking territorial aspects into account. These three dimensions will be examined from both a demographical and geographical perspective, that it to say, auto- chthonous and foreign populations will be separately studied and the central city (Barce- lona) differentiated from its suburbs.

Yet, as the RMB is not a homogeneous space, we consider that the central city/periphery dichotomy is not enough to explain population and mobility differences. Though diverse met- ropolitan suburb typologies have been identi- fied for the US on the basis of socioeconomic, demographic or racial factors (Katz & Lang 2003; Mikelbank 2004; Hanlon et al. 2006), we do not believe them to be appropriate for Spanish cities. Instead, distance between subur- ban municipalities and the main city centre has

been used as the main criterion, grouping municipalities into seven categories (Barcelona plus six 10-km wide concentric rings). Conse- quently, one of our aims will be to observe whether distance to the urban core influences the proportion of foreigners, as it seems to do in the US, where the racial composition of met- ropolitan fringe suburbs is less heterogeneous than that of those located closer-in (Frey 2005; Hall & Lee 2010), or if dynamics are more similar to that of European metropolitan areas. In the following sections differences between Europe and the US regarding suburbanisation- foreign immigration relationship trends will be highlighted.

FOREIGN IMMIGRATION AND SUBURBANISATION: THE EUROPEAN CONTEXT

Spanish cities have followed classic Euro- pean metropolitan patterns (Cheshire 1995; Champion 2001; Nel·lo 2004;) and, as their city centres are gaining population once again, are apparently entering the last recentralisation phase. Nevertheless, former suburban inha- bitants are not returning to the city centre, as the ‘recentralisation’ concept usually suggests. Growth is more directly related to the arrival of foreign immigrants, while local population maintains its de-concentration trends. The novelty would be foreigners’ incorporation to this process (Bayona & Gil-Alonso 2008; Pozo & García 2009).

Relationships between international immi- gration and urban population changes have been widely explored by many Western Europe and US researchers from many perspectives, including the native foreign-born household homeownership gap (Bonvalet et al. 1995; Borjas 2002; Carter et al. 2007; Bolt et al. 2008; Hamnett & Butler 2010), differences between immigrant and native residential mobility behaviour (López-Gay 2008; Zorlu & Latten 2009), and its impact on foreign population segregation (Bolt & Van Kempen 2010), or – within the urban sprawl versus the compact city debate – the impact of foreign immigrants on urban compactness and density changes (Fulton et al. 2001, Myers 2001; Bae 2004). Bae (2004) argues that, in large American metro- politan areas, immigration and urban density

SUBURBANISATION AND INTERNATIONAL IMMIGRATION 313

are strongly positively associated as new (mainly poor) immigrants crowd into the existing central cities’ housing stocks instead of gener- ating a new demand for new (sub)urban devel- opments, providing a significant offset to suburbanisation and exurbanisation. However, in the longer run, when immigrants experience upward social mobility, some of them often replicate the behaviour of the native born and move towards the suburbs. Seemingly, in Western Europe the phenomenon would behave differently and there would essentially be two main types of suburban areas. High standard residential areas are receiving medium to high purchasing power families – including immigrant ones experiencing upward social mobility – while post-war low quality neighbourhoods, with increasing pro- blems, may potentially be receiving large numbers of low income foreign immigrants (Van Kempen & Murie 2009). Great Britain, where the population of Asian origin is being incorporated to general British suburbanisa- tion trends, in a similar way as the rest of the same social category British people (Peach 1998), can be cited as an example of the former type. The second could be exemplified by the Netherlands, where foreigners form a substan- tial part of suburbanisation flows, even repre- senting 40 per cent of Rotterdam’s migrants and 50 per cent of those moving to Amsterdam (Bolt et. al. 2008). These authors point to housing availability as its main driving force. Similarly, Bonvalet et al. (1995) exposed the same motives for France, where there are sig- nificant suburbanisation flows towards sub- urban social housing.

Due to the characteristic lack of social housing, South European cities should be con- sidered apart. Malheiros (2002) argues that as medium and lower social classes are becoming intensively suburbanised, foreigner suburba- nisation flows towards these areas are also sub- stantial. Arbaci (2008) brings the argument further by claiming that foreigner suburbanisa- tion does not, as in the American case, mean an improvement in their living conditions. On the contrary, in areas like southern European cities, where the main tenancy regime is pro- perty, suburbanisation is frequently linked to worse housing conditions (Arbaci & Malheiros 2010).

With this in mind, recent RMB foreign suburbanisation – as in other Spanish cities (Bayona et al. 2011) – would, at least in this first phase, only represent an expansion of Barce- lona’s housing market to inner ring suburbs (adjacent municipalities placed less than 10km away from Barcelona’s city centre) forming a contiguous built-up area with it. These well con- nected areas, built in the 1950s and 1960s for Spanish immigrants, offer low price housing – to rent or buy – in low quality neighbourhoods which are emptying for life cycle and biological reasons (López-Gay 2008; Bayona & Gil-Alonso 2008). Foreigners, for their part, are gradually gaining access to property and are progressively occupying them (Pareja-Eastaway 2009; Vono & Bayona 2010).

STATISTICAL SOURCES

Three statistical data sources, collected and published by the Spanish National Statistical Institute (INE), have been used: the Padrón continuo or the local continuous register – ref- erenced to 1 January of each year – collecting stock data on the Spanish and foreign nation- ality population; the Movimiento Natural de la Población (MNP) or the natural population movement statistics, gathering natural growth flows (births and deaths); and finally the Estadística de Variaciones Residenciales (EVR) or the residential change statistics, covering variations of municipality of residence, and therefore supplying migratory growth flows (immigration and emigration).

The INE’s Padrón continuo results from co-ordinating and crosschecking municipal administrative registers called padrónes. It is updated each year on 1 January, giving, since 1998 (the year when our research period starts), the official population figure for each of Spanish municipalities and the country as a whole. It crosses the population’s age and sex by their place of residence and nationality. According to Spanish law (Ley de Bases de Régimen Local), everyone residing in the country, independently from their legal situa- tion, has the right and the duty to be registered in their local padrón. Foreigners, including recent and irregular immigrants, usually do it, as this gives them access to free public health

314 JORDI BAYONA-CARRASCO & FERNANDO GIL-ALONSO

and education. Therefore, its figures are con- sidered to be a good estimate of the actual number of foreigners living in Spain.

The Movimiento Natural de la Población (MNP), produced by the INE with the birth, marriage and death bulletins it receives from the local Registros Civiles (Civil Registers), col- lects births, marriages and deaths that have taken place in Spain. Overall birth and death figures are used by the paper to obtain RMB migratory growth through the so-called com- pensatory equation method,2 where natural growth (births minus deaths) is subtracted from total population growth between two suc- cessive years (obtained from Padrón data). Both MNP and Padrón microdata have been pro- vided by the Institut d’Estadística de Catalunya (Idescat).

The Estadística de Variaciones Residenciales (EVR) collects migratory flows between Spanish municipalities or between one of these and another country, by nationality. It is annually elaborated by the INE by exploit- ing data from local padrónes on new regis- trations and deletions due changes in the municipality of residence. Even though data on dwelling moves between Spanish munici- palities are reasonably reliable (Recaño 2002), new registrations of people arriving from abroad and deletions of those residents moving to another country are rather poorly compiled (Gil-Alonso 2010). Therefore, while the EVR will be used to estimate internal flows between RMB municipalities, the afore- mentioned compensatory equation will be employed to calculate external migratory flows,3 that is to say, those between the RMB and other areas.

FOREIGN IMMIGRATION’S IMPACT ON RMB’S DEMOGRAPHIC GROWTH

As Cabré & Módenes (1997) confirm, between 1981 and 1996, the RMB’s population size prac- tically did not vary, remaining at around 4.25 million inhabitants throughout the period. Yet, its population was redistributed. While the city of Barcelona – as other large Spanish cities (Nel·lo 2004) – and its continuous urban area (large metropolitan inner-ring towns) lost population (about 250,000 inhabitants) due

to initial suburbanisation processes; the most external suburban municipalities and the rest of Catalonia became destination points (Mendizábal 1992; Miret 1998; Módenes 1998; Módenes & Pascual 1998; Pujadas 2005, 2009). However, when, in the late 1990s, international migration irrupted, trends changed becoming a turning point. From then on Barcelona and the RMB as a whole started gaining population once again.

The arrival of foreign immigrants and their impact on the metropolitan population: a strong growth between 1998 and 2009 – Before immigrants’ explosive increase in the late 1990s, the number of foreigners living in the RMB was relatively small. In 1991 they were only 47,591 (census data) and five years later they were 66,758 (1996 padrón), respectively repre- senting a 1.1 per cent and 1.6 per cent of the total population. However, in the late 1990s and early 2000s, their numbers quickly started to rise: from 214,028 in 2001 – the equivalent to 4.9 per cent of the population – to above half a million in 2005, and 741.561 in January 2009 – representing a 14.9 per cent of the RMB population4.

As observed in Figure 1, local level impact is particularly strong and differences in munici- pality shares have considerably grown. While, in 1998, foreigners were only significant in some coastal municipalities (with a maximum share of 6.6%), in most areas proportions remained around 1 per cent. Yet, in 2009, the percentage of foreigners rose throughout the metropolitan area and local levels fluctu- ated from a minimum of 2.1 per cent and a maximum of 25.3 per cent. As for the situation in the city of Barcelona itself, percentages also increased – especially in years when immigra- tion flows were at their highest – acting as immi- grant’s main gateway into Catalonia (Bayona 2007).

Consequently, immigration has once more become, as during the 1950s and 1960s, the main driving force of demographic growth. However, in contrast with before, the key role is presently played by foreign citizens (Domingo et al. 2004). Despite disparities in numbers, almost all RMB municipalities have grown. While growth rates in Barcelona itself and its neighbouring municipalities have been

SUBURBANISATION AND INTERNATIONAL IMMIGRATION 315

moderate, growth rates have been higher in those situated further away (Figure 2).

Table 1 shows demographic dynamics for metropolitan municipalities grouped by dis- tance to Barcelona (10 km rings, consider- ing distance between the two municipality centres). Between 1998 and 2009 the central city recovered about 120,000 residents (+8.2%). In other words, after 20 years of losses, it recuperated positive growth. As for the metropolitan region as a whole, the impact of foreign immigration is equally relevant: according to the padrón, in that period, the RMB gained 736,300 inhabitants (Table 1), or, what is the same, population

increased by 17.3 per cent. This was mainly due to net migration, as only 123,515 of these new residents can be attributed to natural growth (the result of 545,225 births minus 421,710 deaths) and, therefore, 612,785 of them are due to migratory growth, meaning that, net migration is responsible for 83.2 per cent of the rise.

Turning to the nationality perspective but leaving the effect of Spanish citizenship acqui- sition aside, we can observe that the number of foreigners increased to 663,667 newcomers. In other words, 90 per cent of the total population growth was due to the increase of foreigners (Table 2).

Source : 1 January 1998 and 2009 Padrón, data provided by Idescat.

Figure 1. Proportion of foreigners in the RMB municipalities 1998 and 2009.

Source : 1 January 1998 and 2009 Padrón, data provided by Idescat.

Figure 2. Population growth rate in RMB municipalities 1998–2009.

316 JORDI BAYONA-CARRASCO & FERNANDO GIL-ALONSO

MIGRATION’S IMPACT ON RMB SETTLEMENT AND SEGREGATION PATTERNS

Spatial distribution changes: distance to Barce- lona as a key factor – Table 2 shows Spanish and foreign population distribution by distance to Barcelona. While the central city and its nearest municipalities have lost autochthonous population, those further away have gained it. Barcelona’s Spanish dwellers have fallen by 8.9 per cent and those in municipalities nearest to it (situated at less than 10km away) by 13.2 per cent. Therefore, among them, in 11 years, they have lost 239,863 Spanish residents. Mean- while, the rest of the RMB has won 312,496 Spaniards. Even though the foreign population

living in municipalities situated at more than 20 km from the central city has risen, the growth of Spanish nationals have been even larger. Municipalities located at more than 30 km from the central city, which have grown a 48.4 per cent, offer a clear example, as Spanish citizens increase have nearly doubled those of foreigners (+123,093 compared to +62,144 foreign citizens).

Foreign population increased throughout the RMB, and particularly in the core city and the inner ring municipalities (less than 10 km away), the former added 252,278 new foreign residents, while the latter 142,403 (the most important increase in relative terms). There- fore, the highest relative increases were observed in this type of municipalities and

Table 1. Natural change, total and migratory growth in the city of Barcelona and in the RMB municipalities grouped by distance to Barcelona 1998–2009.

Natural change

(%) Total growth

(%) Net migration

(%) Internal net migration

(RMB)

(%) External net migration (to RMB)

(%)

Barcelona -25,734 -1.7 122,201 8.2 147,935 9.9 -186,611 -12.4 334,546 22.3 Less than 10 km 23,667 2.8 32,617 3.9 8,950 1.1 -69,339 -8.2 78,289 9.3 Between 10–20 km 62,872 6.9 200,627 22.2 137,755 15.2 73,623 8.1 64,132 7.1 Between 20–30 km 42,960 6.9 195,618 31.2 152,658 24.4 75,229 12.0 77,429 12.4 Between 30–40 km 11,652 6.6 91,964 51.7 80,312 45.2 56,871 32.0 23,441 13.2 Between 40–50 km 5,574 3.6 66,562 43.1 60,988 39.5 33,654 21.8 27,334 17.7 More than 50 km 2,524 5.0 26,711 53.0 24,187 48.0 16,573 32.9 7,614 15.1 RMB 123,515 2.9 736,300 17.3 612,785 14.4 0 0.0 612,785 14.4

Source : Idescat data on flows (1998–2008, MNP and EVR) and stocks (1998–2009, Padrón continuo).

Table 2. Relative and absolute change in the population size by nationality and distance to Barcelona, Metropolitan region of Barcelona, 1998–2009.

Total Spaniards Foreigners

Absolute change

Relative change

Absolute change

Relative change

Absolute change

Relative change

Barcelona 122,201 8.2 -130,077 -8.9 252,278 785.7 Less than 10 km 32,617 3.9 -109,786 -13.2 142,403 1371.2 Between 10 and 20 km 200,627 22.2 91,126 10.2 109,501 933.3 Between 20 and 30 km 195,618 31.2 98,277 16.1 97,341 688.4 Between 30 and 40 km 91,964 51.7 66,051 38.1 25,913 556.1 Between 40 and 50 km 66,562 43.1 38,835 25.7 27,727 810.5 More than 50 km 26,711 53.0 18,207 37.2 8,504 587.7 RMB 736,300 17.3 72,633 1.7 663,667 852.0

Source : 1 January 1998 and 2007 Padrón, data provided by Idescat.

SUBURBANISATION AND INTERNATIONAL IMMIGRATION 317

those situated between 10 km and 20 km from Barcelona followed them. As for locations more than 20 km from the core city, they received relatively few foreigners even though numbers grew significantly.

In sum, between 1998 and 2009, the previous de-concentration and suburbanisation trends continued. Barcelona and municipalities nearest to it – those within the first metropoli- tan ring (less than 10 km) – lost share within the RMB total population while those furthest away, gained it. Nevertheless, differences by nationality are large. Indeed, de-concentration particularly concerns Spanish nationals. For- eigners however followed their own or even the opposite trend, strongly growing in the core city and municipalities closest to it. As López- Gay 2008 argues, foreign immigrants, to a certain extent, attenuated and disguised the central city’s de-concentration process, and the city of Barcelona even gained population, underlining Barcelona’s role as the immi- grants’ main gateway into the RMB and Cata- lonia in general. Presently, the highest propor- tions of foreigners are found in Barcelona and inner ring municipalities. Oddly enough, the latter were also those containing less foreign population before 1998 (Figure 3), but the situ- ation has been reversed by the departure of 110,000 Spaniards and the net arrival of 142,000 foreigners.

RMB’s population distribution and segregation by nationality – In comparison to 1998, the 2009 RMB population was not only, in general, less concentrated, but both its com- ponents, Spanish and foreign citizens, also were (Table 3). While the share of the former has progressively diminished, that of the latter has not followed a uniform trend. The first years, during the immigration boom, the share of foreigners living in Barcelona aug- mented. Yet, from then on, the proportion of those residing in the core city fell and that of those doing it in municipalities situated at less than 10km significantly increased. When the two areas are analysed together, it becomes clear that foreigners concentrate in the con- tinuous urban central area. In 1998, 54.5 per cent of foreigners living in the RBM were in Barcelona or in municipalities situated at less than 10km from it. In 2004, the proportion reaches 62 per cent, moderately decreasing in 2009 to 58.9 per cent. This concentration has been fuelled by three factors: geographical proximity to Barcelona; good connections, in terms of public transport, with it; and a common housing market. For foreigners, de-concentration, has only generally meant concentrating in municipalities near the central city, while for Spanish people it has involved moving to the municipalities furthest away from the centre.

10%

12%

14%

16%

18%

1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009

Barcelona Less than 10 km Between 10 and 20 km Between 20 and 30 km Between 30 and 40 km Between 40 and 50 km More than 50 km

Source : 1 January 1998 and 2009 Padrón data, provided by Idescat.

Figure 3. Changes in the proportion of foreigners in the RMB municipalities by distance to Barcelona 1998–2009.

318 JORDI BAYONA-CARRASCO & FERNANDO GIL-ALONSO

Focusing on foreigners’ distribution by continental origin, EU citizens and their ex- ceptional situation should be the first to be highlighted, as, between 1998 and 2009, their share was the only one to increase in the city of Barcelona. This would be related to several factors: recent flow growth, to the power of attraction that the city has on young Europeans (for working or studying reasons), and to a possible over-registration.5 De-concentration is also particularly relevant for Americans (mostly Latin Americans, 55.% of them living in the city of Barcelona in 1998, but only 39.% in 2009), and Asians (from 67.9% to 53.9%), who have mainly settled in nearby municipalities. As observed in Table 3, the suburbanisation process can be divided into two phases. In the first one, between 1998 and 2004, that is to say, when the immigration boom accelerated, there is less de-concentration and therefore the share of foreigners living in Barcelona (and munici- palities nearest to it) even increases due to its role as main gateway into Catalonia. However, in the second phase, from 2004 onwards, the

share of foreigners residing in Barcelona dwindles while, as foreign population gradually extends throughout the metropolitan area, the rest of the municipalities grow.

As a consequence on this redistribution process, present foreigner and local popula- tion’s residential patterns are more similar than what they were in 1998. This conclusion has been reached by applying the index of dissimi- larity6 to the 164 municipalities belonging to the RMB (see Table 4). Despite general simi- larities, there continues to be differences by nationality. EU citizens are presently more seg- regated, as they are increasingly concentrated in Barcelona. A similar trend, though mainly restricted to the period between 1998 and 2004, can be observed among Asians. However, these would rather be converging in inner ring municipalities while becoming less present in Barcelona. Even though it is quite clear that Asians are undergoing a suburbanisation process, their concentrated settlement trends are similar to those they followed in Barcelona (Martori & Hoberg 2004; Bayona 2007;

Table 3. Population by nationality and distance to Barcelona 1998 2004 and 2009.

Other

EU 15 European African American Asian Foreigners Spaniards All

Barcelona 1998 42.8 44.1 19.1 55.7 67.9 41.2 35.1 35.2 2004 50.8 44.5 18.0 48.8 59.1 43.0 32.8 33.8 2009 55.2 35.6 14.1 39.6 53.9 38.3 31.5 32.5

Less than 10 km 1998 9.0 7.4 16.9 13.8 13.3 13.3 19.9 19.8 2004 7.5 14.7 19.5 20.6 27.5 19.0 18.2 18.2 2009 8.0 17.7 17.8 24.2 30.8 20.6 17.0 17.5

Between 10 and 20 km

1998 17.5 14.1 17.9 12.2 8.1 15.1 21.4 21.3 2004 14.4 15.5 18.9 14.2 5.6 14.4 22.6 21.8 2009 12.8 19.2 22.4 16.9 7.2 16.3 23.2 22.2

Between 20 and 30 km

1998 15.1 14.5 30.5 11.2 5.9 18.2 14.7 14.7 2004 12.8 11.9 29.1 10.2 5.1 14.3 15.9 15.8 2009 10.9 13.8 31.0 12.2 5.5 15.0 16.7 16.5

Between 30 and 40 km

1998 9.2 8.0 6.3 3.8 2.1 6.0 4.1 4.2 2004 8.7 4.2 5.4 2.9 1.1 4.0 5.0 4.9 2009 8.0 4.7 4.9 3.1 0.9 4.1 5.6 5.4

Between 40 and 50 km

1998 4.1 9.2 6.7 2.4 1.9 4.4 3.6 3.6 2004 3.9 7.0 6.8 2.8 1.1 4.0 4.1 4.1 2009 3.6 6.9 7.3 3.2 1.3 4.2 4.5 4.4

More than 50 km

1998 2.3 2.8 2.6 0.9 0.8 1.9 1.2 1.2 2004 1.8 2.1 2.3 0.7 0.5 1.3 1.4 1.4 2009 1.4 2.1 2.5 0.8 0.4 1.3 1.6 1.5

Source : 1998 2004 and 2009 Padrón , data provided by the Idescat.

SUBURBANISATION AND INTERNATIONAL IMMIGRATION 319

Musterd & Fullaondo 2008; Martori & Appari- cio 2011). As for Africans, a slight diminution in their segregation figures can be observed between 1998 and 2009, although this unclear pattern would however mainly be explained by the small number of Africans living in Barce- lona (only 14.1% while Spanish population represents 31.5%). With Americans and other Europeans, the index of dissimilarity falls par- ticularly and would therefore indicate that they are increasingly less segregated and that their distribution throughout the RMB would be more similar to that of Spanish people.

RMB EXTERNAL MIGRATION VERSUS INTRA-METROPOLITAN FLOWS

Internal and external residential mobility: Bar- celona’s essential role – An idea of the RMB’s external migratory growth can be obtained by subtracting internal RMB migration from total net migration. Fifty five per cent of the RMB’s positive external net migration is already attracted by the city of Barcelona itself, con- firming its seductive force (Table 1). It draws foreign immigrants towards it and then distrib- utes them throughout the RMB. Hence, its internal net migration is negative. Municipali- ties less than 10 km from Barcelona also have negative internal migratory growth, which is though compensated by the arrival of migrants from outside the RMB.

Residential mobility within the RMB should also be highlighted, as, for example, in munici- palities at more than 30 km from the core city, more than 50 per cent of the total growth is due to internal net migration (basically moves from Barcelona and the inner ring municipalities). As a means of extending our knowledge on how

territorial patterns are being re-configured by immigration and given that we suspect that foreign and Spanish migratory patterns are dif- ferent, former flows have been examined sepa- rately (Table 5). Analysis focuses on the period between 2005 and 2008, that is to say, on the years when mobility, and particularly that of foreigners, attained its maximum level.

Moving on to emigration rates and as results point out, municipalities at less than 10 km from Barcelona show the highest emigration rates both for population as a whole and for foreigners in particular. By contrast, the central city itself expels the lowest percentage of population. That is to say, Barcelona’s negative net migration rate with the rest of the RMB, is more related to its weak power of attraction (in relative terms, as we are working with rates referring migrants to the total population) than to population expul- sion. This general trend can also be observed among Spaniards. Yet, both foreigner entry and exit rates to and from Barcelona are more than four times higher than those of Spanish people. From this migratory intensity point of view, reflecting higher foreigner mobility in the core city and in the neighbouring municipalities than in the rest of the RMB, it can be deduced that foreigners are still at their early insertion stages and that they have higher residential instability. Two main characteristics would differentiate foreigners’ mobility from that of autochthonous people: (1) foreigners are particularly mobile in the municipalities situated at less than 10 km from Barcelona; and (2) show lower net migra- tion rates than Spaniards in those situated at more than 30 km from the central city.

The same results appear in Figure 4, where Spaniards and foreigners’ emigration rates by age are compared. The latter move more at all

Table 4. Index of dissimilarity between RMB Spaniards and foreigners by continental origin 1998, 2004–2009.

1998 2004 2009 1998–2004 2004–2009 1998–2009

EU 15 0.311 0.331 0.346 0.020 0.015 0.035 Other European 0.326 0.208 0.147 -0.118 -0.061 -0.179 African 0.307 0.279 0.304 -0.028 0.025 -0.003 American 0.264 0.242 0.195 -0.022 -0.047 -0.069 Asian 0.358 0.398 0.396 0.040 -0.002 0.038 Foreigners 0.186 0.165 0.149 -0.021 -0.016 -0.037

Source : 1998, 2004–2009 Padrón (Idescat).

320 JORDI BAYONA-CARRASCO & FERNANDO GIL-ALONSO

ages, as their flows are relatively recent and their residential mobility is therefore linked to the first stages of the migratory process, when residential and labour instability is high at all ages. However, ranking by distance to Barce- lona is quite similar for both populations. In the two cases, and despite certain small differ- ences in order, municipalities with the highest

emigration figures are always the same. As for the outstandingly low emigration rates for young people residing in Barcelona, they could have two possible explanations. On one hand, students or qualified workers are drawn towards the core city by Barcelona’s interna- tional power of attraction, but they are also less ready to move elsewhere. On the other, these

Table 5. Emigration, immigration and net migration rates within the RMB, 2005–2008.

Total population Spaniards Foreigners

Emig. rates

Immig. rates

Net mig. rates

Emig. rates

Immig. rates

Net mig. rates

Emig. rates

Immig. rates

Net mig. rates

Barcelona 24.8 15.7 -9.1 16.5 10.0 -6.6 70.0 46.9 -23.1 Less than 10 km 43.6 38.5 -5.1 28.6 19.1 -9.5 130.5 150.5 20.0 Between 10 and

20 km 30.3 34.8 4.5 24.7 28.0 3.2 86.3 103.6 17.3

Between 20 and 30 km

30.0 36.6 6.6 24.9 31.5 6.5 68.4 75.5 7.2

Between 30 and 40 km

37.9 55.9 18.0 32.9 51.1 18.1 82.3 99.1 16.8

Between 40 and 50 km

33.1 46.8 13.7 27.5 41.8 14.2 72.2 82.1 9.9

More than 50 km 35.0 54.4 19.4 30.6 50.5 19.9 70.0 85.4 15.4 TOTAL 31.4 31.4 0.0 23.5 23.5 0.0 85.2 85.2 0.0

Source : Elaborated with data from the 2005–2008 Estadística de Variaciones Residenciales, (INE).

100

125

150

175

0-4 5-9 10- 14

15- 19

20- 24

25- 29

30- 34

35- 39

40- 44

45- 49

50- 54

55- 59

60- 64

65- 69

70- 74

75- 79

‰

Foreigners

100

125

150

175

0-4 5-9 10- 14

15- 19

20- 24

25- 29

30- 34

35- 39

40- 44

45- 49

50- 54

55- 59

60- 64

65- 69

70- 74

75- 79

‰

Spaniards

Barcelona Less than 10 km. Between 30 and 40 km Between 40 and 50 km

Source : 2005–2008 data from the Estadística de Variaciones Residenciales (INE).

Figure 4. Emigration rates by age., nationality and municipality of residence, grouped by distance to Barcelona 2005 to 2008.

SUBURBANISATION AND INTERNATIONAL IMMIGRATION 321

people, mainly from the EU, do not delete themselves from the local register (padrón) when they return home or move to a third country. Therefore, the young foreign popula- tion may be over-represented in Barcelona and subsequently, as the equation’s denominator is exaggerated, resulting mobility rates are lower. The actual cause would probably be a combina- tion of the two.

Foreigners’ increasing share in metropolitan residential mobility – As recent studies under- line, foreigners have a growing relevance in Spain’s residential mobility, both between regions (Recaño 2002; Pumares 2005; Pumares et al. 2006; Recaño & Domingo 2006), and within the large metropolitan areas (Bayona & López-Gay 2009). Due to their demographic characteristics (younger mean age) and recent arrival, foreigners do indeed generally have higher mobility (Trovato 1988; Bélanger 1993; Newbold 1996; Rogers & Henning 1999; Zorlu & Latten 2009), as they still have not completely stabilised their place of residence. Their spatial patterns are also different (Frey 1996; Van Kempen & Van Weesep 1998; Musterd 2005), from those of autochtonous people. This

general trend can also be observed in the RMB. According to the Estadística de Variaciones Resi- denciales (EVR), 333,289 out of the 1,447,815 inter-RMB moves carried out between 1 January 1998 and 1 January 2009, were carried out by foreigners. Though they presently rep- resent one fifth of total moves, in 1998 they only meant 4.5 per cent and their numbers did not start to be significant until 2002 when figures reached 18 per cent. Their share has not stopped growing since then, attaining in 2008, 41.3 per cent. In other words in 2008, four in 10 metropolitan changes of address were carried out by a foreigner. During this 11 year period, annual residential moves increased from 100,115 in 1998 to a maximum of 159,811 in 2006 (a 60% growth in only eight years), reduc- ing, in 2008, to 142,695. However, while those carried out by Spanish people grew from 95,622 to a 2003 maximum of 113,869, then progres- sively decreasing to 83,784 in 2008, those per- formed by foreigners multiplied by 13, rising from 4,493 to 58,911.

Figure 5 clearly highlights this trend. Above 50 per cent of the 2008 intra-RMB exits from and entries to Barcelona and nearby munici- palities (less than 10 km) – compared to less

EXITS

ENTRIES

Barcelona Less than 10 Km Between 10 and 20 km Between 20 and 30 km

Between 30 and 40 km Between 40 and 50 km More than 50 Km

Source : 1998–2008 Estadística de Variaciones Residenciales data (INE).

Figure 5. Foreigner’s share (%) in intra-metropolitan entries and exits into and from RMB municipalities, grouped by distance to Barcelona 1998–2008.

322 JORDI BAYONA-CARRASCO & FERNANDO GIL-ALONSO

than 10 per cent of the 1998 ones – were carried out by foreigners. Shares for the rest of the metropolitan territory are much smaller. In conclusion, foreigners’ moves have become extremely important for metropolitan residen- tial mobility as a whole.

Taking only internal mobility into account and calculating migratory growth by distance to the central city (Table 6), it can be observed that both Barcelona and cities at less than 10 km from it, have lost population (around 255,000 inhabitants) due to intra-metropolitan net emigration. While net migration between Barcelona and the rest of the RMB is negative for both Spanish and foreign people, inner metropolitan ring net migration is positive in the case of foreigners, but negative in that of natives. Foreigner arrivals are however not enough to counteract the loss of Spaniards moving to other RMB municipalities. In the rest (more than 10 km from Barcelona), it is positive for both Spanish and foreign people, though Spanish flows are larger.

In short, data not only confirm that the city of Barcelona is the gateway for interna- tional migrants, but that it is also the main de-concentration and suburbanisation point, as it expels both Spanish and foreign people to other areas in the metropolitan region. Foreign- ers mainly move to the nearest municipalities, especially those situated at less than 10 km from Barcelona, which are also those receiving most of the foreigners ‘expelled’ from the central city. These foreign migrants, and those coming directly from outside the RMB, are compensat- ing the large volume of Spanish people leaving inner metropolitan ring municipalities. The latter, together with those moving from Barce-

lona itself mainly settle in municipalities at more than 10 km from it. Through intra RMB migration, during the entire period, they have gained more than 230,000 Spanish-nationality inhabitants but only 23,000 foreigners.

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION’S IMPACT ON THE AGE STRUCTURE: SLOWING AGEING DOWN

As most of the foreign population recently arriv- ing is young, it has had a strong impact on the general population’s age structure, slowing down the dominant ageing process. Moreover, this trend has even been locally reversed. This centre-periphery centrifugal residential mobil- ity pattern, particularly prevalent for young Spanish people forming a new home, has notably affected the age structure of municipali- ties situated furthest away from the core city.

Figure 6 shows RMB Spaniards’ and foreign- ers’ age and gender structure in 1998 and 2009. Comparing the two graphs, it immediately becomes apparent that the share of foreigners has increased, particularly between the ages of 25 and 34, which precisely are the central migration ages. The largest age group moves from 20–24 to 30–34, as most immigrants pre- cisely incorporate into the already voluminous age group of Spanish baby boomers (born during the first half of the 1970s). It should also be noted that, as the number of both Spanish and foreign nationality births has increased, the base of the 2009 pyramid is somewhat wider.

More than 25 per cent of the young and young-adults are foreigners – 26.7 per cent of the men and 25.1 per cent of the women aged

Table 6. Internal net migration by nationality and distance to Barcelona, RMB, 1998–2009.

Spanish nationality Foreign nationality Total growth

Barcelona -142920 -43691 -186611 Less than 10 km -90489 21150 -69339 Between 10 and 20 km 61741 11882 73623 Between 20 and 30 km 69936 5293 75229 Between 30 and 40 km 54496 2375 56871 Between 40 and 50 km 31598 2056 33654 More than 50 km 15638 935 16573

Source : 1998–2008 data from the Estadística de Variaciones Residenciales (INE).

SUBURBANISATION AND INTERNATIONAL IMMIGRATION 323

25–29, being non-Spanish. However, in 1998, the former percentage did not attain 4 per cent. The proportion of RMB foreigners over 50 is well lower and that of those over the age of 65 is only 1.5 per cent.

Despite the incorporation of young and young-adult foreigners – consequently lower- ing down the mean age – in 2009, it was still somewhat higher than in 1998; namely, 40.0 and 40.8 respectively. Therefore, foreigners have helped to dilute an even higher rise which can only be perceived by focusing on Spanish figures: 40.1 to 42.5, respectively. By contrast, RMB foreign population has been rejuvenated, from a mean age of 33.0 to that of 31.1, both through the arrival of young immigrants and a growing number of births due to their progres- sive settlement.

At a local level, however, changes have not developed at the same pace everywhere. From that perspective, differences in ageing can mainly be attributed to Spanish people’s resi- dential mobility, while international migration has only played a minor role in them. Conse- quently, the share of the eldest group has strongly declined in municipalities furthest away from Barcelona. Despite receiving large international migration flows, those situated at less than 10 km from the central city have

however continued ageing as local population continued becoming progressively older and young Spanish nationals departed from them – rapidly increasing foreign population flows have only partially compensated this trend.

From a global perspective, the city of Barce- lona itself has the oldest population structure. However, on a closer look, trends by nationality can be observed. Focusing on the Spanish population, municipalities situated at less than 10 km from the core city have also a relatively elderly Spanish population (Figure 7), while those situated between 30 km and 40 km from Barcelona have the highest proportion of Spanish children and young adults. These age groups migrated here in search of better and cheaper housing. The rejuvenation effect of residential mobility is nevertheless weaker over 40 km from the central city as suburbanisation at this distance is still a recent phenomenon. Subsequently, there does not seem to be a straight forward correlation between ageing and distance to Barcelona.

Foreigners however diverge from the former trend (Figure 7). Barcelona, once again, strands out as a particular case. Foreigners’ age structure there, is especially concentrated at the migration central ages (25–34 particularly) and children’s figures are really low. As these

6% 5% 4% 3% 2% 1% % 1% 2% 3% 4% 5% 6%

0-4 5-9

10-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65-69 70-74 75-79 80-84 85-89 90-94

95 and over 1998

6% 5% 4% 3% 2% 1% % 1% 2% 3% 4% 5% 6%

0-4 5-9

10-14 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65-69 70-74 75-79 80-84 85-89 90-94

95 and over 2009

Men (Spain) Women (Spain) Men (Foreigners) Women (Foreigners)

Source : 1998 and 2009 Padrón data provided by Idescat.

Figure 6. Age and gender structure of the Spanish and foreign population living in the RMB in 1998 and 2009.

324 JORDI BAYONA-CARRASCO & FERNANDO GIL-ALONSO

migrants have recently arrived, they have not probably had time for family regrouping. Therefore, it would once more be reflecting Barcelona’s role as the central city, acting as the immigrant’s gateway, while ‘expelling’ young Spanish adults, and would explain why the com- parison between Barcelona’s Spanish and for- eigner pyramids show more differences than that between others.

CONCLUSIONS

From 1998 to 2009, RMB’s population rose by 17 per cent, or in other words, it gained 736,000 new residents, mainly as a consequence of the arrival of foreign immigrants, presently 14.9 per cent of the population and therefore ending approximately 20 years of population stagnation.

Driven by this international migration’s force, Barcelona itself, which had been losing

population since the mid-1970s, also started regaining it, partly disguising the pre-existent residential dynamics namely, suburbanisa- tion and de-concentration. The former have however continued, and, in the case of Spanish nationals, they have even been reinforced, reaching municipalities further away and becoming the RMB’s main internal population redistribution agent.

While the Spanish population has mainly been inclined to de-concentrate and move to suburban locations at more than 20 km from the core city, most Latin American, Asian or Central-eastern European immigrants have tended to move from Barcelona (their main arrival point) to neighbouring municipalities in the inner metropolitan ring – less than 10 km from the central city, where they usually live in low quality dwelling developed during the 1950s and 1960s Spanish internal migra- tion boom. As this autochthonous popula-

Source : 2009 Padrón data provided by Idescat.

Figure 7. Age and gender population structure by nationality for RMB municipalities, grouped by distance to Barcelona 2009.

SUBURBANISATION AND INTERNATIONAL IMMIGRATION 325

tion is becoming elderly and young Spanish couples are moving to better housing in outer ring suburban municipalities (more than 10 km from Barcelona), they are empting rela- tively cheap accommodation which is becom- ing abundant. It can be concluded that the thesis that foreign immigrants’ inner ring sub- urbanisation is related to social progression, applicable to the US but rejected by Arbaci (2008) for southern European counties, can also be discarded in our case. On the contrary, RMB foreign migrants search for cheap housing – to rent or buy. Western European or other developed country foreigners, dwell- ing in medium to high class suburbs, would be the only exception.

Though Spanish families are the main con- tributors to suburbanisation, their mobility is fuelled by the arrival of foreign immigrants to the RMB’s central core. This new demand for dwellings has allowed locals to rent or sell their homes in Barcelona itself or nearby municipali- ties and, with the money obtained, search for new flats or houses at a further, maybe more affluent, location. Therefore, both internal and external RMB migratory flows reinforce each other, developing deep spatial and demo- graphic consequences.

As opposed to what it could be expected from rapid migratory flow growth, but in accor- dance with index of dissimilarity results, for- eigner and Spanish spatial settlement patterns have, in general, become more similar and less segregated than they were in 1998. EU members, who tend to settle in Barcelona and are more segregated in 2009 than in 1998, would be the main exception. Asians, on their part, reproduce, at a metropolitan scale, the higher degree of segregation they had at Barcelona.

Population structure by nationality reflects the above mentioned mobility trends. From this perspective, Barcelona and small or medium-size municipalities situated between 30 km and 40 km from it would be situated at opposite extremes. While, in the former, Spanish population is rapidly ageing (partly compensated by the arrival of young immi- grants), in the latter, the arrival of young Spanish families from Barcelona and the inner metropolitan ring, has allowed the reversal of the process.

In conclusion, growth of Barcelona – and, similarly other Spanish large cities – has not therefore recommenced as a consequence of a new recentralisation process, which would imply that people are returning from the periphery towards urban centres. Instead, there are two really intense but complementary migratory flows providing a mutual feedback: international immigrants reaching metro- politan centres and inner rings, and Spanish people moving towards the (more external) periphery. All these RMB population compo- sition changes are extremely relevant and, in our view, have deep policy, administrative and urban planning implications.

Authors would like to make a final remark on the impact of the current economic crisis on RMB internal and external migrations. One of the most affected sectors, construction, fuelled both the massive arrival of foreign immigrants and metropolitan residential mobility trends through jobs and dwelling construction. Therefore, as a consequence of present poorer economic conditions and less job availability, both types of mobility have started to fall. While seriously hampering Spanish people’s residential moves, the crisis will probably particularly affect foreigners’ mobility. However, consequences for them are still unknown, as this severe crisis might either expel immigrants to their home countries or fix them to the territory. We anyhow consider that it is still too early to evaluate its impact on suburbanisation dynamics.

Acknowledgements

This paper is a result of the R+D projects ‘Residential strategies and urban models at the RMB’ (CSO2010- 22117-C02-02), directed by Dr. Anna Alabart, and ‘Spain’s demographic dynamics through the 20th Century Censuses’ (CSO2008-06217), directed by Dr. Fernando Gil-Alonso. Both research projects are financed by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation through the 2008-2011 R+D+i National Plan. The authors, have been awarded and are working under the Ministry of Science and Innova- tion Juan de la Cierva and Ramón y Cajal programs, respectively, which are co-financed by the European Union Social Fund. They are also members of the Population, Territory and Citizenship Research Group, directed by Dr. Isabel Pujadas, which has

326 JORDI BAYONA-CARRASCO & FERNANDO GIL-ALONSO

been distinguished by the Generalitat de Catalunya (ref.: 2009SGR01086).

Notes

1. These numbers mean that foreign population growth has practically stopped as a consequence of the world economic crisis, which has strongly stricken Spain. Provisional 2011 padrón data indi- cate that the number of foreigners in it has, for the first time, fallen.

2. Net migration = Population2009 – Population1998 + Births1998–2008 – Deaths1998–2008.

3. External Net Migration = Net Migration1998–2008 – Internal Net Migration1998–2008.

4. In 2010, foreigners increased by 0.4 per cent. Therefore their numbers reached 744,514 and their percentage over the total population did not change, maintaining itself at 14.9 per cent.

5. Foreign population leaving the country does not usually communicate their departure to the Padrón. To overcome this problem and correct foreign population ‘overestimation’, the Spanish government presently demands foreigners with temporary residence permit to reregister in the Padrón every two years. However, EU citizens are exempted for it and therefore there continues to be doubts on their real numbers. This would par- ticularly affect the city of Barcelona itself, where young EU member figures (university students among others) are high.

6. The index of dissimilarity created by Duncan and Duncan (1955) is calculated as follows

ID x X

y Yi

n i i= ∑ −

1 2 1

, where xi = group X in the popu-

lation at the i spatial unit; X = group X within the population of the RMB as a whole ; yi = Spanish population at the i spatial unit; Y = Spanish popu- lation within the RMB as a whole ; and n = number of municipalities.

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