ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY
journal of Multicultural counseling and developMent • January 2014 • Vol. 42 13
© 2014 American Counseling Association. All rights reserved.
Received 01/10/12 Revised 08/29/12
Accepted 01/14/13 DOI: 10.1002/j.2161-1912.2014.00041.x
“No One Ever Asked Me”: Urban African American Students’
Perceptions of Educational Resilience Joseph M. Williams and Tarrell Awe Agahe Portman
This qualitative study examined high-achieving urban African American high school graduates’ (N = 5) retrospective appraisal of what K–12 students from high-risk urban areas need to succeed academically despite seemingly insurmountable social, financial, and educational barriers. Findings revealed 6 themes: shared responsibility for educational outcomes, being a part of the solution, parental involvement by any means, natural support systems, school counselors as change agents, and community collaboration to raise a scholar. Recommendations for school counselors are discussed.
Keywords: resilience, African Americans, counselors, urban
Este estudio cualitativo examinó la opinión retrospectiva de un grupo de graduados Afroamericanos urbanos de alto nivel académico en educación secundaria (N = 5) sobre lo que necesitan los estudiantes de K–12 en áreas urbanas de alto riesgo para tener éxito académico a pesar de las barreras sociales, económicas y educativas aparentemente infranqueables. Los hal- lazgos revelaron 6 temas: responsabilidad compartida por los resultados educativos, ser parte de la solución, implicación de los padres en cualquier modo posible, sistemas naturales de apoyo, consejeros escolares como agentes de cambio, y colaboración comunitaria para educar a un individuo estudioso. Se discuten recomendaciones para los consejeros escolares.
Palabras Clave: resiliencia, Afroamericanos, consejeros, urbano
In the discussion about how to promote academic success among poor urban African American K–12 students at risk of school failure, one voice has gone unheard—the students themselves. Whereas many studies have collected the opinions of parents (Jones, 2009), educators (Reis, Colbert, & Hebert, 2005), and school administrators (Bosworth & Earthman, 2002), few have explored urban African American students’ perceptions of what they need to succeed academically despite exposure to adversity (e.g., poverty, inadequate housing, food instability, financial insecurity). This is a serious oversight. Students possess unique knowledge and insight into the individual, relational, cultural, and contextual factors that affect their academic performance (Mitra, 2009; Mitra & Gross, 2009). Armed with such information, school counselors and other educational stakeholders (i.e., parents, teachers, school administrators, community members) can find ways to create, modify, or remove existing school poli- cies, programs, and services in an effort to promote student resilience and
Joseph M. Williams, Counseling and Development, George Mason University; Tarrell Awe Agahe Portman, Department of Counseling, The University of Iowa. Correspondence concerning this article should be ad- dressed to Joseph M. Williams, Counseling and Development, George Mason University, Krug Hall 202C, Mail Stop 1H1, 4400 University Drive, Fairfax, VA 22030 (e-mail: [email protected]).
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academic achievement (Downey, 2002; Fraser, 2004a; Williams & Bryan, 2013). Without such information, efforts to promote achievement among urban African American students whose circumstances place them at risk for school failure may be limited.
According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2010), the four million Black children (more than one in three) living in poverty in 2009 represented an increase of more than 150,000 since 2008 and almost half a million since 2000. As the number of poor urban Black students in the United States continues to rise, there is an urgent need for insight into identifying factors for fostering their academic success despite the challenges they face. However, far too little research has focused on the individual, relational, cultural, and contextual factors necessary for nurturing and promoting academic achievement in urban Black students at risk of school failure (Braddock, Royster, Winfield, & Hawkins, 1991; Clark, 1983; Cook, 2000; Evans-Winters, 2005; Ford, 1993, 1994). Likewise, little attention has been given in the literature to urban Black students’ perceptions of what they have found useful in overcoming socioeconomic barriers to succeed in school (Williams & Bryan, 2013). Previous studies have mostly focused on the factors associated with school failure and underachievement (Obidah, Christie, & McDonough, 2004; Ogbu, 2003). The purpose of our qualitative study was to examine high-achieving urban African American high school graduates’ (N = 5) retrospective appraisal of what students from high-risk urban areas need to succeed academically despite seemingly insurmountable social, financial, and educational barriers. A retrospective look into the lives and experiences of urban African American students from high-risk environments can assist school counselors and other stakeholders (i.e., administrators, policy makers, parents) in providing services and solutions for urban African American students to increase their likelihood of success in school (Williams & Bryan, 2013). Moreover, our study attempts to offset the silencing of student voices, which consequently has resulted in countless misguided school policies, programs, and counseling practices (Mitra, 2009).
educational resilience Resiliency is the capacity of an individual to recover from or adapt to difficult and challenging life circumstances (Benard, 1991). Educational resilience is the ability of children/adolescents to succeed in school despite exposure to personal and environmental adversities (M. C. Wang & Gordon, 1994). Ac- cording to Fraser, Kirby, and Smokowski (2004), resilience is not a singular personal trait or attribute of an individual. Rather, it results from complex and ongoing interactions between an individual’s attributes (e.g., intelligence, coping styles and strategies, sense of worth) and the resources in his or her environment (e.g., supportive adult relationships, preventive services, the presence of youth organizations) and is context specific (e.g., educational, relational, social, emotional, physical). Thus, we used the term educational resilience as defined by M. C. Wang and Gordon (1994) throughout our study.
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risk and resilience ecological framework
Although there is no consensus on how resilience is conceptualized or used in various research contexts, most researchers seem to examine two important concepts as intrinsically present in the understanding of resilience: risk fac- tors and protective factors (Masten & Reed, 2002). An emphasis on both risk and protective factors (at micro-, meso-, and macrolevels) may significantly contribute to the understanding of how students succeed in school despite the presence of adversity (Greene & Conrad, 2002). Resilience can be only defined when individuals experience some type of risk or adversity. Without having experienced any significant risk, such children or adolescents can be called competent, well adjusted, or normal, but cannot be called resilient (Masten & Reed, 2002). Resilience literature generally describes risk factors as individual characteristics or contextual conditions of a group of people, especially children and youth, which increase the probability of an undesir- able outcome, such as school failure (Green & Conrad, 2002). For example, according to Borman and Rachuba (2001), “schools that serve racial minority and poor students may introduce risk factors by failing to provide a supportive school climate, institutionalizing low academic expectations, or delivering inadequate educational resources” (p. 8). It should be noted that the presence of risk factors does not predict or guarantee children will have academic and behavioral problems, but rather increases the probability such problems will arise. Therefore, resilience is not simply a personality trait that superficially prevents the negative environment from influencing chil- dren and adolescents; some of the real causes of the individuals’ success include protective factors that involve personal attributes, support systems, institutions, and resources. These protective factors allow individuals to defy the effects of risk factors (Fraser et al., 2004). The term protective factors implies internal and external resources used to moderate or mediate the effects of risk or adversity and enhance good adaptation or competence (Masten, 1994). Similarly, Greene and Conrad (2002) defined protective factors as individual characteristics and environmental assets that buffer, interrupt, or even prevent risk. Researchers have theorized that protective factors actually promote positive school-related and developmental outcomes for youth who are more rooted in environmental interactions among three systems: family, community, and school (Benard, 1991; Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Fraser et al., 2004). These systems may have a direct or indirect effect on student outcomes, serving as a protector (to mitigate) from risk or, at the very least, acting as a buffer between educational failure and academic success (Murry & Brody, 1999). To a large extent, the lack of protective factors within these systems makes a person vulnerable to negative outcomes. For example, the stress poverty places on the mental well-being of single parents may manifest in parents lashing out at their children. Hostility from one’s parent may serve as a mental distraction that may eventually affect
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a child’s ability to concentrate on his or her schoolwork (Fraser, 2004a). The reader is encouraged to explore Risk and Resilience in Childhood: An Ecological Perspective (Fraser, 2004b) for a more comprehensive review of the literature that focuses on risk and resilience. Our study consisted of one broad research question: What are urban African American students’ perceptions of what they need to succeed academically despite their exposure to adversity?
method The data presented in this article were collected as part of a larger study de- signed to identify and understand the home, school, and community factors and processes that contribute to the academic success of eight high-achieving urban African American high school graduates from low socioeconomic backgrounds (Williams & Bryan, 2013). We report the findings of a focus group interview used to solicit recommendations for promoting the academic success among poor urban African American students at risk of school failure. To date, surprisingly little has been written on poor urban African American students’ perceptions of what they need to succeed academically despite exposure to adversity (LaGrange, 2004). Therefore, a qualitative study was appropriate, as it yields depth in the data rather than surface patterns (Patton, 2002). Furthermore, qualitative methodologies are ideal for identifying factors and generating new data relevant to populations or groups previously overlooked or understudied (Merchant & Dupuy, 1996). A focus group research design was used to obtain participants’ attitudes, opinions, and beliefs about how to promote academic success among urban African American students from low socioeconomic backgrounds. The interactive nature of the focus group was anticipated to produce data that could not be obtained from individual interviews, as suggested by Krueger and Casey (2008). We sought and obtained approval for the study from the institutional review boards of both of our universities prior to data collection.
participants
Participants were five self-identified African American students (four women and one man) who agreed to take part in the 90-minute focus group interview. The other three participants wanted to attend but were unable to participate because of scheduling conflicts. Krueger and Casey (2008) recommended that focus groups have between five and 12 participants—four to 12 if the group is homogeneous and six to 12 if heterogeneous. This view is supported by Patton (2002), who argued that smaller groups were preferable when the participants have a great deal to share about the topic or have had intense or lengthy experiences about the topic of discussion. Participants were recruited from a midwestern historically Black college and university (HBCU), and their ages ranged from 18 to 20 years old. The cumulative high school grade point averages (GPAs) of participants ranged from 2.75 to 4.20 on a 4.0 scale (M = 3.5). The ACT scores of participants ranged from 20 to 27 (M = 24). Three of the five participants became parents
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while attending high school. All participants were sophomores in college and were born and attended high school on the South Side of Chicago, Illinois. There were several reasons for selecting participants who are essentially from the same place, including their shared experience of growing up in an en- vironment plagued by poverty, chronic unemployment, and crime; Chicago has the country’s highest rates of homicide involving Black youth (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2010). Criterion sampling was used to identify and understand cases that were information rich (Patton, 2002). Participants were identified as those exhibiting the following risk factors in Grades 9 through 12: (a) raised in a low-income household (i.e., eligible for free or reduced- price lunch), (b) raised in a single-parent household (i.e., a parent with no spouse present, living with one or more biological, never-married children under the age of 18), (c) raised in a low-income urban neighborhood, and (d) attended a high-poverty high school (i.e., a public school in which 76% or more of the students are eligible for a free or reduced-price lunch).
instruMents
Moderator’s guide. A moderator’s guide was developed to facilitate the discussion (e.g., welcome, overview of topics, ground rules, first question), which was to be carried out during the focus group interview (Krueger & Casey, 2008). The questions included in the moderator’s guide were developed after reviewing the literature on the topic of educational resilience; face validity of the ques- tions was evaluated by a panel of scholars (i.e., three counselor educators, one social worker, and one school psychologist) to ensure relevance and alignment with answering the study’s research questions. The questions were developed to engage the participants in a dialogue regarding their recommendations for promoting the academic success among poor urban African American K–12 students at risk of school failure. The moderator’s guide for the focus group sessions consisted of five questions:
1. What do urban African American children and adolescents from low- income backgrounds need to help them succeed in school?
2. How, if at all, can parents or caregivers of urban African American children and adolescents from low-income backgrounds help their children succeed in school?
3. How, if at all, can schools or school-based professionals (i.e., counselors, teachers, staff, administrators) help urban African American children and adolescents from low-income backgrounds to succeed in school?
4. How, if at all, can communities or community members help urban Afri- can American children and adolescents from low-income backgrounds to succeed in school?
5. What other recommendations would you like to make about how to promote the academic success among poor urban African American K–12 students at risk of school failure?
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For each topic, the moderator started with general, broad questions, then moved to more specific, narrow questions as suggested by Krueger and Casey (2008). The general topic on educational resilience was used to begin the conversation and was ideal for building rapport, which eased the participants into the conversation. As the conversation progressed, respondents were asked probing questions to (a) encourage participants to concentrate on specific points, (b) check for more detail or clarification, and (c) test the validity of a more general response and seek evidence (Patton, 2002). Although the same questions were asked of each focus group member (to ensure that everyone participated and that no one person or idea domi- nated the conversation), the use of probing questions varied according to the interviewee’s response. Similarly, the first author used friendly and humorous techniques to prevent or stop participants from talking over one another(Krueger & Casey, 2008). Participants were very open and willing to candidly discuss their recommendations. In addition, participants appeared to enjoy discussing their experiences with the focus group.
Demographic questionnaire. A demographic questionnaire was used to assess the participants’ demographic information, including their age, sex, race, current academic status, expected or planned college major, high school cumulative GPA, accumulative score on the ACT or SAT, participation in a federally funded free or reduced-price lunch program, participation in edu- cational placement classes, academic honors and awards received, parents’ educational background and marital status, estimated annual family income, and residency information. Student profiles were then created and examined based on the information the participants provided.
data collection
The first author contacted gatekeepers (e.g., deans, counselors, educators) at a midwestern HBCU who agreed to assist with identifying students who met the study criteria. Once a list of potential candidates for the study was generated, candidates were contacted by telephone to verify that they met the criteria for the study and were given a brief explanation of the study’s purpose. Participants who expressed interest in participating were sent a packet (via e-mail) containing (a) an informed consent form, (b) a descrip- tion of the study, and (c) a demographic questionnaire. Students were asked to complete the consent form and demographic questionnaire and provide documentation of their high school achievements. Two separate meeting times were scheduled: The first meeting was for a 1-hour individual interview, and the second meeting was for a 1.5-hour-long focus group interview facilitated by the moderator. At the first meeting, participants were asked questions regarding their educational experiences (Williams & Bryan, 2013). The second meeting occurred 1 month later. The focus group interview with the moderator was used to solicit participants’ at- titudes, opinions, and beliefs about how to promote academic success among
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African American students from low socioeconomic backgrounds. The first author served as the moderator and conducted the focus group interview on the campus of the midwestern HBCU using predetermined questions from the moderator’s guide. At the conclusion of the focus group interview, the main points of the discussion were summarized. Participants were asked if the summary was accurate. Comments, amendments, or corrections were invited, as suggested by Krueger and Casey (2008). Next, the moderator re- peated the overview of the summary and asked participants if there was any additional information that may have been omitted or forgotten during the discussion. The participants were in consensus that the summary accurately represented the main points of the discussion. A closing statement thanking the participants for their time and assuring them that their responses would be kept completely confidential was provided. To ensure the accuracy of data collection, we used a digital audio device during the focus group interview to record responses. After the completion of the group interview, the established digital files were then transcribed into a secure document. Follow-up interviews to clarify and expand the partici- pants’ descriptions during the analysis process were conducted with each of the five participants via telephone 2 weeks after the conclusion of the focus group interview. Peer debriefing was used, which involved enlisting the sup- port of two colleagues with experience conducting qualitative research to discuss evolving suppositions and findings from the study (Patton, 2002). In addition, each participant was asked to review the group transcripts to ensure adequate representation of their ideas and comments and to comment on the themes and expressions of emerging patterns that contributed to the results. The participants believed that the findings accurately depicted their ideas and comments. Saturation occurred naturally during the progress of the study once incremental learning became minimal.
data analysis
As previously stated, the focus group interview was recorded and transcribed verbatim. Focus group data were analyzed according to the constant com- parative method presented originally by Strauss and Corbin (1997). In the constant comparison method, raw data are divided into three distinct, but related, processes of analysis. These three stages are open coding, axial coding, and selective coding. Open coding is the process by which data are broken down, examined, compared, conceptualized, and categorized (Strauss & Corbin, 1997). In our study, open coding entailed question-by-question, line-by-line, and paragraph-by-paragraph analysis of the transcripts as well as analysis of observations, field notes, and other documents (Strauss & Corbin, 1997). The second stage of the process, axial coding, consisted of grouping the data together in new combinations by identifying relationships between categories and their subcategories. The final stage, selective coding, involved linking these categories, themes, and assertions into a theoretical model
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that attempted to answer the research questions set forth in the study. Major themes were identified, and group responses were categorized according to the major theme. Next, the data (i.e., a list of each theme and examples of quotes for each) were distributed to colleagues with experience conducting qualitative research; they examined and named the themes. For an example of the data analysis process, see Table 1.
findings This section describes the emergent themes arising from the data. These themes reflect participants’ responses to the interview questions. Six main themes were identified: (a) shared responsibility for educational outcomes, (b) being a part of the solution, (c) parental involvement by any means, (d) natural support systems, (e) school counselors as change agents, and (f) community collaboration to raise a scholar. The first two themes shed light on the broad research questions about what poor urban African American
Table 1
example of a Qualitative approach to Data analysis
Initial Category and Codes
1.1 Home–school–community collaboration 1.1.1 Partnerships across homes, schools, and communities 1.1.2 Combine resources and services 1.1.3 Build relationships
2.1 Identify and use my resources 2.1.1 Social support networks 2.1.2 Using extended friends and family 2.1.3 Inherent strengths and resources
3.1 Personal effort 3.1.1 Intrinsic motivation 3.1.2 Stop being the victim 3.1.3 Overcome personal barriers
4.1 Parental support 4.1.1 Parental supervision of academic activities 4.1.2 Talk more about what’s going on in school 4.1.3 Creative ways to get involved
5.1 School counselors making a difference 5.1.1 Learn about students, their families, and communities 5.1.2 Advocate for necessary resources and services 5.1.3 Redefine the role of the school counselor
6.1 Community responsibility 6.1.1 Community members who cared 6.1.2 Community support for academic programs and services 6.1.3 Creating a safe and comfortable environment
1. Shared responsibility for educational outcomes
2. Natural support systems
3. Being a part of the solution
4. Parental involvement by any means
5. School counselors as change agents
6. Community collaboration to raise a scholar
Selected Themes
Note. Unordered list of initial categories, initial codes, and selected themes based on student responses to the broad research question, “What do urban African American children and adolescents from low-income backgrounds need to do well academically in the future?”
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students need to succeed in school. The next two themes describe what families can do to promote the academic success of poor urban students, and the last two themes address what school counselors and communities/ community members can do to promote the academic success of poor urban African American students. Direct excerpts from the transcripts are used to illustrate these themes. Participant pseudonyms are provided in these find- ings to maintain confidentiality.
theMe 1: shared responsibility for educational outcoMes
First, participants were asked, “What do urban African American children and adoles- cents from low-income backgrounds need to do well academically in the future?” All five participants emphasized the importance of collaborative ventures between families, schools, and communities to promote personal and academic growth among urban African American students and to compensate for the lack of resources, services, and programs often experienced by urban African American students from low-income backgrounds. This theme is indicated in the following statements:
Schools, families, and community members need to coordinate resources and services for students. These three groups should meet [monthly] in order to create . . . programs and services that focus on enhancing the academic abilities of students. . . . [In addi- tion] school personnel need to have a relationship with students, their families, [and] the communities in which they live. To capture the student’s voice, we should create surveys that inquire about their needs as African American low-income students. The survey can ask about what programs they would like to participate in and what positive activities interest them. Hopefully, the results can be used to develop programs geared toward ensuring the success of low-income students from urban areas. (Asha)
Homes, schools, and communities can collaborate to give the students safe places to learn, teaching them the importance of education, constantly uplifting the students, keeping them out of the bad influences of the neighborhood, and rewarding them for their efforts. These rewards should be experiences that show them just how their education would help themselves as well as others around them. (Dana)
theMe 2: being a part of the solution
A second theme emerged when participants were asked, “What do urban African American children and adolescents from low-income backgrounds need to do well academically in the future? Relate to personal effort and responsibility.” Unsurprisingly, the focus group participants stressed that taking personal respon- sibility for staying focused and finding multiple sources of motivation to succeed in school despite adversity are critical for overcoming school failure. Simply put, participants believed that every child has the power to succeed in school and in life despite tough life circumstances. The following excerpt illustrates this theme:
. . . being dedicated and self-driven to succeed academically and in life. Sometimes we look at our situations and start feeling sorry for ourselves and give up on trying. But they need to understand the value of their education; if I would have knew what I knew now, it would have made life a lot easier. They need to stop being victimized and real- ize that they are their own biggest enemy. You can hurt yourself more than any other
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person can. And pretty much you can overcome your odds. Don’t stop, don’t give up if something doesn’t go right; you have to wake up and start over the next day. You have to understand the term progress and progress is not fast; it’s slow and the little steps you take lead to bigger steps. Progress doesn’t happen overnight. (Alonzo)
theMe 3: parental involveMent by any Means
When asked to make recommendations to parents and family members for helping their children succeed academically despite the numerous obstacles in their environment, the focus group participants strongly encouraged non- traditional forms of parental involvement that contribute to school success. In particular, participants mentioned informal activities such as nurturing their children; instilling cultural values; talking with their children about school; and sending them to school clean, rested, fed, and ready to learn. The fol- lowing narratives serve to highlight this perception:
Parents need to talk with their children about school, which shows students they value education and keeps parents aware of what’s going on in their lives. . . . My mom couldn’t afford to put me in after-school programs. She was very involved. She’d be like, okay, is your homework done? How was class? I want you to stay home. She was up, especially on weekends, she was like, okay, give me a heads-up, what’s happening this week? But that being involved is a big thing. Even, like, even if it’s just spending time with your child during homework time, which goes a long way. (Shante)
Another respondent offered,
I don’t want to make an excuse for parents, but some single parents have three jobs, and are paying the mortgage and car note and they’re doing it for their kids, so they might not have the time to be involved in their child’s school activities. However, they can still communicate their support, emphasize the importance of education, ask about school-related activities, tell them your love is unconditional and unyielding, encourage them to try their best, sharing life experiences and their outcomes, offering assistance without being asked to, and consistently show concern for their academic and social development. . . . Parents should also recruit their family members, communities, church members, friends, etc., to serve as a support system for their child. (Alonzo)
theMe 4: natural support systeMs
Focus group participants also recognized the need for natural support systems in the lives of urban African American students in low-income, single-parent families. The term natural support refers to the resources inherent in the students’ family, school, and community environment that can be used to support their academic success despite financial or personal hardship. The following excerpts illustrate this subtheme:
Kids need to know that help is available. No matter what our circumstances are, students should have natural support systems such as teachers, coaches, relatives, or neighbors who can help and support them. For example, community members can form groups and find the time to get together to share resources, information, and advice on ways they can be involved in the lives of the kids in their community and volunteer at school. . . . Even if they don’t have a child, they should still be involved in what’s happening to the kids in our neighborhood. (Shante)
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I think it needs to get back to that point where everyone in the community is familiar with and believes in helping each other. [However,] neighborhood crime creates fear and distrust. If you feel safe and secure, especially as a child, learning and being con- tent is so much easier; it doesn’t feel so overwhelming to do when you feel safe and secure. (Brandii)
theMe 5: school counselors as change agents
When respondents were asked to make recommendations to help counselors and other school personnel work better with urban African American youth to increase their likelihood of success, their responses were almost identical. All five participants, in one way or another, emphasized the importance of making real and genuine connections with urban students and advocating for the resources, services, programs, and policies to help them succeed. One participant noted what he saw as a problem with today’s school counselors:
[School] counselors are not involved. These [school] counselors actually seem like they’re taking the whole counseling out of the profession. [School] counselors at least need to be more like counselors, like not just sit down, write stuff on paper and send each student out. Like, they act like they’re stuck to their office. They’re not really counseling the kids, telling them what they need to do to get on the right track and stay on the right track. Counselors should help students with their problems inside and outside of the school by advocating for them and empowering students with the resources, skills, and tools they’ll need to face the challenges poor urban students typically face. (Alonzo)
Another student added,
Counselors and educators need to have meetings—both individual and school wide— with students that inform them on the details of the aforementioned programs and educational opportunities. They also should try to connect students to the appropriate resources to connect students and their families with programs and services . . . because what happens outside of school impacts what happens in school. On a more intimate level, counselors and educators need to be readily available for their students. A lot of adolescents do not have anyone to talk to and the advice of an educated adult can make a huge difference in the outcome of a controversial situation. (Asha)
THEME 6: COMMUNITY COLLABORATION TO RAISE A SCHOLAR
The final segment of the focus group interview sought to garner informa- tion on what community members and community-based organizations can do to help foster the academic success of urban African American youth from low-income families. Responses emphasized the importance of com- munities that provide students with the resources necessary to succeed (i.e., heath care, housing, education, job training, employment, recreation). One participant noted,
Community members can establish a support system for their high school students. They can do so by creating programs and extracurricular activities for them that aims to enhance their academic abilities. [Community members] can also initiate tutoring programs, back-to-school block parties, internship opportunities, etc. Outside of aca- demic programs, those with children can recruit babysitters from their communities. Doing so might lower the number of African American adolescents who participate in illegal activities for financial gain. (Brandii)
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Brandii went on to say,
I think [community members] need someone or a few people to actually take that initia- tive and then I believe it will be like a whole bandwagon effect that takes on. Once they see someone that’s out there genuinely trying to help and not trying to put a buck in their pocket, or not trying to do it for their own selfish reasons, once they see someone that’s genuinely trying to help, then more people will follow suit.
Other student participants noted,
It’s the community’s responsibility to be more enlightened about politics, policies, and laws that affect the community as a whole and the academic performance of kids. I definitely believe in that quote about it takes a community to raise a child—especially when you have children who have to walk through dangerous communities alone. You, as a parent, want to know that your child is safe and not have to worry about your child walking to the corner store and whether they are going to make it back in their own neighborhood. I know that’s how it was at home. (Alonzo)
Community leaders need to be more vocal about advocating for resources to keep children off the streets and out of gangs and the drug life. For example, while parents are at work, their children can be at the community center doing something positive or having a Big Brother or Big Sister mentor looking after them, pointing them in the right direction because their parent can’t be there. (Shante)
According to the participants’ voices, family and community involvement in school reform seems to be a crucial element in promoting educational resilience among urban African American youth. In particular, the students cited connections between the school, community, and family environments as key elements in promoting educational resilience. These partnerships seek to integrate service delivery and reduce internal and external barriers so that children are ready to learn.
discussion The voices of these students afford a unique insight into how to promote student achievement and resilience among low-income urban Black students. Moreover, these comments can serve as points of reflection for counselors in evaluating their own school counseling programs and efforts to promote resilience. Results from the focus group interviews generated several recom- mendations for improving the interventions, services, and supports offered to urban African American K–12 students from low-income backgrounds. When asked what urban African American children and adolescents from low-income backgrounds need to do to perform well academically in the fu- ture, students recommended the establishment of partnerships among fami- lies, schools, and community groups and agencies to address their personal, academic, and social concerns. They identified the potential benefits of these partnerships, which included connecting students and their families with needed resources, support, and services; encouraging more active family and community involvement in school; creating avenues by which relationships or networks of
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trust can be formed among students, school-based professionals, families, and community members; and collecting, assessing, and sharing resources. These findings seem to be consistent with those of other studies and suggest that collaborative relationships among family, school, and community partnerships have the capacity to mitigate barriers to students’ chances of success in school and life (Bryan, 2005; Bryan & Henry, 2008; Epstein, 1995; Sanders, 1998). To better serve the needs of poor urban African American students, additional research should address their natural support systems and how these may be used to promote student resilience and achievement (LaGrange, 2004). Participants suggested several ways parents and extended family members can promote educational resilience within the home environment. Specifically, students noted that parents can (a) look for innovative ways to get involved in the school; (b) monitor assignments and help with homework; (c) establish daily routines for studying and homework, bedtime, and meals; (d) spend time discussing current events and school-related topics; (e) set school-related goals and study routines; (f) show interest in children’s academic and social development; (g) spend time with children on nonacademic tasks; and (h) build and maintain natural support systems (i.e., relatives, teachers, community members) to aid children in their endeavors as needed. These recommenda- tions are consistent with those of other studies (e.g., Yan, 1999), which suggest that parental involvement of African American students leads to positive stu- dent outcomes, including improved student morale, attitudes, and academic achievement within several subject areas. Students also spent time discussing the need for culturally competent school counselors who serve multiple roles (e.g., advisers, counselors, consultants, advocates). For example, when asked how school counselors can better support the needs of poor urban African American students, participants suggested building authentic relationships with students; advocating with and on behalf of urban students, their families, and communities; and engaging in outreach and dialogue with other stakeholders. These responses were in line with the American School Counseling Association (ASCA; 2003) National Model and a social justice approach to school counsel- ing (D. Griffin & Steen, 2011). The findings from our study also suggest that school counselors need to advocate for a more counseling-related role within the school and do less administrative work (ASCA, 2003). Last, students discussed the importance of having access to community activi- ties, services, and resources, such as churches, academic clubs, recreational centers, and programs that allow students to be a part of something positive. It was also recommended that community members mobilize and engage in political action at the local, state, and national levels for resources to help low-income children and their families thrive at home and in the community. These findings further support the ideas of Barrow, Armstrong, Vargo, and Boothroyd (2007) and other researchers who suggested that communities foster resilience among youth by providing safe recreational facilities, com- munity clubs, activities, organizations, school-based services, and opportuni- ties for students to develop interests and skills (Clauss-Ehlers & Weist, 2004).
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recoMMendations for school counselors
Based on the voices of the students in our study, the following recommenda- tions are offered to school counselors and other school personnel as a means to foster educational resilience in urban African American K–12 students from low-income backgrounds:
1. School counselors would benefit from listening to what poor urban Black students have to say about what they need to achieve academic success in spite of adversity. This information can aid in the selection and modifi- cation of school policies and programs, as well as multilevel counseling interventions. The creation and implementation of youth–adult partner- ships, or student voice initiatives (SVIs), is one way student voices can be heard in school settings (Mitra, 2009). Because youth are keenly aware of the problems that face their communities and their schools, SVIs can help foster educational change (Mitra & Gross, 2009). Fletcher (2003) provided strategies and guidelines for educational stakeholders to increase and enhance meaningful student involvement in their schools.
2. School counselors would benefit from learning about students, their families, and communities. This knowledge will help counselors to better support urban students in the classroom and to identify resources and opportuni- ties that exist within students’ families and communities. This may be ac- complished by speaking with students about life outside of school, making home visits, and having students give tours of their neighborhoods (Mitra, 2009). Additional strategies to consider include using photovoice projects (visual representatives of a student’s community or point of view by taking photographs, discussing them together, developing narratives to go with the photos, and conducting outreach or other action; C. Wang & Burris, 1997), community asset mapping (a strength-based approach to visually mapping out the assets and resources located within a student’s community; D. Grif- fin & Farris, 2010), and an ecological mapping exercise (a visual diagram that depicts the internal and environmental factors that facilitate or hinder academic success; Moon, Hoffman, Novak, & Cañas, 2011).
3. School counselors would benefit from embracing a strength-based ap- proach to highlight the strengths and resilience of students, families, and communities, in addition to their specific unmet needs (Smith, 2006). Furthermore, the strength-based perspective may provide counselors with a conceptual framework for working with students from high-risk environments—one that emphasizes student empowerment and collabora- tion. According to Fusick and Bordeau (2004), when school counselors are convinced that resources are present in African American students’ families and communities, they are more likely to be optimistic about home–school–community collaborations.
4. School counselors must be culturally competent to be effective in their work. If school counselors are not culturally competent, they must be pro-
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vided with an opportunity to acquire and refine the needed skills. School counselors may benefit from continual professional development related to cross-cultural relationship building, increasing parent engagement, evidence-based counseling practices with culturally and socioeconomi- cally diverse students, urban community-based resources, urban school counseling programs, urban community-based resources, and successful urban educational practices (Holcomb-McCoy & Johnston, 2008).
5. School counselors would benefit from embracing a philosophy of partnership where power and responsibility are shared. When schools, families, and community groups work together to support learning, children tend to do better in school, stay in school longer, and like school more (Bryan & Henry, 2008). Bryan (2005), Moore-Thomas and Day-Vines (2010), and Washington (2010) provided specific models, strategies, and recommendations for school counselors to effectively work with African American students and families within school–family– community collaborations.
6. School counselors must step outside their traditional roles (providers of individual and group counseling, classroom guidance, and class scheduling for students) and embrace new roles as educational lead- ers, student advocates, and social change agents. For example, Bemak and Chung (2005) provided specific recommendations for becoming knowledgeable and empowered advocates. Likewise, D. Griffin and Steen (2010) presented action strategies to promote school success for students of color and those from low-income backgrounds.
7. School counselors are encouraged to explore the ACA Advocacy Compe- tencies: A Social Justice Framework for Counselors (Ratts, Toporek, & Lewis, 2010) handbook, an excellent resource for conceptual frameworks and microlevel and macrolevel advocacy strategies to address the needs of children in a range of settings and for varied purposes.
liMitations
There were several limitations to the present study. It is necessary to note here that qualitative research is transferable by the reader. In other words, the generalizability of the study’s findings is determined by the reader. The limitations are presented to ensure full disclosure to readers considering transferring these findings to their students. First, the study included a small number of participants from one midwestern state; therefore, the results may not have implications for other populations. Similarly, student participants’ voices may not be representative of African American students not attending or not interested in attending an HBCU, which further limits the generaliz- ability of the results. Also, participants were college students reporting on the K–12 process and, therefore, were reflecting on past experience rather than being in K–12 during data collection. For these reasons, it is important to examine other populations for the purpose of comparison. Second, like any
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self-report method, the interview approach relied on participants being able and willing to give accurate and complete answers to questions. Also, data generated from qualitative research can be difficult to analyze and compare (Strauss & Corbin, 1997). Finally, our study was vulnerable to examiner bias because we developed the questions; recruited participants; analyzed the data; and developed the findings, recommendations, and conclusions. These limita- tions serve as a starting point for future research. More research is needed to identify and understand the protective factors and processes that contribute to the academic success of African American students at risk of school failure in multiple settings (i.e., rural, suburban, multiracial, and affluent settings). Similarly, future studies might examine the protective factors that operate in the daily lives of students currently in K–12 settings. Likewise, there is a need to investigate counseling approaches, practices, and services that foster educational resilience among students at risk of school failure. Another op- tion for future studies might be to conduct a study that is more longitudinal in nature. For instance, a longitudinal research design that follows urban ninth graders through 12th-grade graduation would be informative. Other types of research could use a larger number of participants. A larger study would produce more information and might yield greater generalizability.
conclusion Our study suggests that African American college students from low-income urban backgrounds possess unique knowledge and insight into the individual and contextual factors that affect their academic performance. It is important for counselors and other educational stakeholders to allow students to tell their stories of educational resilience to gain a deeper understanding of how and why students succeed in school despite adversity. Such an understanding can meaningfully inform school policies, programs, and counseling practices aimed at promoting student resilience and achievement. Similarly, school counselors must work collaboratively, at an intersystem level, to promote the academic success of poor urban African American students and other students in similar circumstances. K. Griffin and Allen (2006) noted that “for many African American students, especially those from urban or inner-city schools, academic success is contingent upon their ability to demonstrate resilience in the face of adversity” (p. 481). Recognition of the resilient efforts of these students may fall under the auspices of school and community agency person- nel. We hope that this study provides a forum for student voices to be heard.
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