Module 2: Community Program Design (((Human Trafficking))

“One Size Does Not Fit All:” A Proposed Ecological Model for Human Trafficking Intervention John R. Barnera, David Okechb, and Meghan A. Campa

aCarl Vinson Institute of Government, University of Georgia, Athens, GA, USA; bSchool of Social Work, University of Georgia, Athens, GA, USA

ABSTRACT The problem of human trafficking continues to be one of the vilest human rights abuse and manifestation of social injustice around the world. A lot of antitrafficking efforts have been put in place. However, there is still a lot of emphasis on the criminal aspect of the problem. This has meant that human and practical aspects of the problem have not received sufficient attention, including assessing the pro- blem, victims, and perpetrators in their environments. The ecological perspective helps practitioners, researchers, and policy makers to better understand the problem. This article uses the main concepts in this theory to frame the problem. Discussions are directed toward understanding the different aspects of the problem from an ecologi- cal perspective.

KEYWORDS Ecological theory; human trafficking; person in the environment; vulnerable persons

Introduction

Human trafficking represents one of the greatest violations of human rights today. It is estimated that as many as 27 million men, women, and children around the world are victims of what has been referred to as the contemporary slave trade (US State Department, 2012). Each year, an estimated 600,000 to 800,000 people are trafficked across national borders, while two million to four million are trafficked within their own countries (US Department of State, 2006; United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime [UNODC], 2006). Of the 600,000 to 800,000 internationally trafficked victims, 80% are women and adolescent girls, while up to 50% are children (United States Aid for International Development [USAID], 2006). Since many cases are unreported, these estimates may be far lower than the actual number of victims (Davis, 2007; Potocky, 2010).

Human trafficking is generally defined as the recruitment, harboring, transportation, provision, or obtaining of a person for labor or services, through the use of force, fraud, or coercion for the purpose of subjection to involuntary servitude, peonage, debt bondage, or slavery (United Nations, 2000).To address the problem of trafficking, the United States enacted the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) as part of the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA), Public Law 106–386 (US Department of State, 2017). The TVPA is the centerpiece of US antitrafficking efforts.

In its conception of trafficking, the TVPA distinguished sex trafficking from other forms of human trafficking to address heinous acts inflicted upon especially vulnerable populations. Trafficking in which a commercial sex act is induced by force, fraud, or

CONTACT John R. Barner [email protected] Carl Vinson Institute of Government, University of Georgia, Athens, GA, USA

JOURNAL OF EVIDENCE-INFORMED SOCIAL WORK 2018, VOL. 15, NO. 2, 137–150 https://doi.org/10.1080/23761407.2017.1420514

© 2018 Taylor & Francis

coercion, or in which the person induced to perform such act(s) has not attained 18 years of age, is defined by the TVPA as sex trafficking. After its enactment in 2000, the TVPA was reauthorized in 2003, 2005, 2008, and most recently in March of 2013 (Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act of 2013).

While such division and specialization of human trafficking aids law enforcement entities in the United States and abroad, attention must still be paid to the impacts that exist outside the judicial and procedural definitions that define the crime to address the full range of victims (Lusk & Lucas, 2009; Okech, Morreau, & Benson, 2012). A holistic understanding of the problem of trafficking is critical in providing effective services to the broadest cross-section of families and individuals affected by the issue. Such an under- standing provides practitioners with a framework for prevention, intervention, and pro- gram design as well as policy advocacy. A macrolevel understanding of the victims’ circumstances as well as perpetrators’ motivations is necessary to provide care and services to impacted families as well as the enforcement of criminal law, both domestic and international.

Accordingly, this article provides a holistic framework for working with individuals and families impacted by human trafficking. This framework is based upon ecological theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1981) and the strategies developed by antitrafficking programs around the world. The article is divided into four main sections. Section 1 describes the extent of human trafficking worldwide. Section 2 introduces the ecological framework and its theoretical and conceptual links that have direct application to addressing trafficking. Section 3 provides specific applications of the ecological framework to the problem of trafficking, drawn from a selection of international antitrafficking efforts and their best practices. Section 4 concludes with recommendations drawn from services for creating environments that empower those individuals at risk of trafficking, their families, as well as those working within the milieus of treatment, prevention, and policy reform.

Understanding human trafficking

Trafficking lends itself to a number of micro-, mezzo-, and macrofactors. It is often exacerbated by socioeconomic dislocations, military conflicts, and natural disasters that force people to seek work far from their homes or families to survive (Sigmon, 2008). Jones and colleagues (2007) as well as Barner and colleagues (2014) observed that trafficking reflects the darker side of globalization as many people now seek employment outside their countries, thus rendering themselves susceptible to deception. The rising number of poor and vulnerable families around the world enables traffickers to identify and target victims (Fosu, 2017; Joshi, 2002). Corruption among law enforcement officials and the existence of criminal networks also provide protection to traffickers (Jones et al., 2007). The United States Agency for International Development (2006) stated that gender- based violence and the commoditization of women can create psychological and emo- tional harm that enables traffickers to lure their victims into servitude. Traffickers reg- ularly target orphans and those with physical disabilities and many persons who lack economic stability due to their circumstances (Hughes, 2004).

As of 2017, according to the International Labour Organization, 62% of persons trafficked are victimized in Asia and the Pacific (2017). Japan, Thailand, the Philippines, and Burma are known for large sex tourism industries (International Labour

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Organization, 2017), a context that provides a setting for trafficking to thrive. Eastern Europe is the second largest provider of sex trafficking victims, mostly trafficked to Western Europe or the United States (International Labour Organization, 2017). The same report detailed that the previous regions are followed by Latin America, the Middle East, and Africa in the number of victims trafficked.

Trafficking is a growing issue in Africa, where approximately 50,000 people are trafficked from the continent each year (Obuah, 2006). Commercial sexual exploitation of children and domestic minor labor trafficking are also prevalent in Africa (Sertich & Heemskerk, 2011). Girls from Northern Ghana, for instance, are regularly recruited to act as domestic workers and head porters (street peddlers) in metropolitan areas like Accra. Once the girls arrive at their destinations, they are not compensated as promised and are often forced to exchange sexual services for shelter (Sertich & Heemskerk, 2011). Human trafficking in this form is often underpinning poverty (Fosu, 2010).

Human trafficking has emerged in Ghana partly due to the abuse of indigenous cultural practices by some family members (Atuguba & Raymond, 2005; Sertich & Heemskerk, 2011). Traditionally, parents send their children to live with extended family members to strengthen family ties or enhance their children’s skills, education, and life prospects (Atuguba & Raymond, 2005). As Baumann (2007) observed, it is common practice for parents to send their children to reside with relatives [in bigger cities] in the hopes that they will “have a better chance somewhere else” (p. 1).

Unfortunately, some young children living with relatives are now being exploited for labor, sex, and domestic services. Some 70% of trafficked girls in Ghana are handed over to traffickers by their parents in exchange for money or a gift (Atuguba & Raymond, 2005). The abuse of this cultural practice offers a new way of understanding trafficking, i.e., the use of culturally sanctioned informal structures to abuse vulnerable children. It also illustrates the financial desperation that compels many family members to sell and traffic their children to survive economically.

Addressing human trafficking

Efforts to combat trafficking are found across the globe (Barner et al., 2014). These efforts have been criticized, however, for not focusing resources on the most critical priorities (Goodey, 2008; Potocky, 2010). Krieg (2009) contends that the EU’s efforts are hampered by defining trafficking within a narrow criminal context, much to the chagrin of the UN and other agencies that propose a human rights-based definition. Krieg warns that antitrafficking efforts will fail if the EU’s foci do not extend beyond immigration fears in Europe. For example, Spain treats trafficking solely as a crime, leaving human rights and service provision aspects to nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Spain imposes harsh punishments on traffickers but provides little support to victims, such as resources for social integration (De Leon, 2010).

Japan has initiated successful institutional antitrafficking reforms, including crack- downs and prosecutions. Still, trafficking continues to thrive underground as traffickers find more sophisticated means of acquiring and exploiting their victims (Yokoyama, 2010). In Burma [Myanmar], efforts to combat trafficking have been hampered by ethnic tensions, political instability, corruption, and a failure by state agencies to protect women and children (Pimoljinda & Thianthong, 2010).

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Australia passed strong antitrafficking legislation in 1999, 2003, and 2005, but the efforts have been criticized for assisting only trafficked persons who agree to cooperate with investigations and prosecutions (Kotnik, Czymoniewicz-Klippel, & Hoban, 2007). India has passed legislation to combat the practice; however, a report by Hameed and colleagues (2010) suggested that more work in India is needed, including protection and rehabilitation of rescued victims, involvement of NGOs, and sensitization of rural com- munities in accepting trafficking victims with dignity.

Green (2008) argued that US antitrafficking efforts, i.e., prevention of trafficking and prosecution of perpetrators, have taken priority over the more practical and human components of the guiding legislation, such as protection of victims. Also, Okech and colleagues (2012) called for more support in identifying victims of trafficking in the United States as well as providing holistic services to them. They noted that some social workers in the United States were assisting domestic violence victims, not knowing that these clients were actually victims of human trafficking. Such oversights highlight the need for a holistic framework to help inform practitioners’ understanding of trafficking while highlighting possible interventions.

An ecological understanding of human trafficking

Ecological theory may provide a framework for understanding the individual, relational, social, and environmental impacts of phenomena like trafficking (Bronfenbrenner, 1981). Ecological theory is a holistic perspective that emphasizes individuals’ interactions with their environments. People are understood to be engaged in multiple environments (e.g., immediate environment, cultural environment, national environment, and global envir- onment) simultaneously.

This holistic, multilevel framework has direct application to trafficking. As Rafferty (2008) noted, an “ecological perspective. . .is a possible framework to conceptualize risk factors associated with . . .trafficking because it emphasizes the relationship between people and their environment, rather than examining the characteristics of either in isolation” (p. 13). An ecological perspective offers a method to understand the complex, multilevel social, and economic factors that facilitate trafficking (McDonald & Timoshkina, 2004; Molland, 2005).

Take, for instance, what are commonly referred to as the “pull” and “push” factors (Jones et al., 2007). Push factors refer to entities, such as poverty, which drive people away from certain environments. Pull factors refer to entities, such as the perception of increased economic opportunities, which entice people toward other environments. Traffickers use this pull/push dynamic to promise increased opportunities for their victims (Jones et al., 2007).

This pull/push dynamic is congruent with an ecological approach, which emphasizes understanding people and the problems they experience within their micro-, mezzo-, macro-, and even global environments. Persons living in poorer environments experience life stressors, such as economic strain, and in order to adapt and cope, they may seek to move to new environments that promise a better livelihood (Barner et al., 2014). Finally, they are lured or coerced by traffickers who acquire and exploit them (Gozdziak & Collett, 2005). Ecological theory provides a framework for understanding the interplay between these systems.

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The ecological perspective also suggests other important implications. Traditional understandings of trafficking may unwittingly imply that the risk of trafficking is linked solely with victimization within the highest poverty concentrations. Molland (2005), however, has noted that this is not necessarily the case. Indeed, other reports also indicate that trafficking seems to occur irrespective of economic wealth, especially in lowland contexts of Laos and Thailand (Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare & UNICEF, 2004). These findings underscore the complex, multifaceted nature of the trafficking problem.

While a number of countries have policies to curb human trafficking, the notions of human rights and social justice are not strongly inculcated as guiding principles in their antitrafficking efforts (Barner et al., 2014; Desyllas, 2007; Engstrom & Okamura, 2007; Jones et al., 2007; Reid, 2012; Roby, 2005). Not surprisingly, more emphasis is placed upon the criminal aspect of trafficking (Herzog, 2008; Jani, 2010). An ecological perspective suggests the necessity of a more integrated approach in victim identification, service provision, and the prosecution and punishment of perpetrators as a way to enhance the rights of trafficking victims and promote social justice (Okech et al., 2012).

There has been some recognition of the need for a more holistic ecological approach to trafficking that deals with the health, dignity, justice, and human rights of trafficked persons (Heise, 1998; Hickman, Christoffersen, Sami, & Trivedi, 2009). The increased involvement of law enforcement agencies in the fight against human trafficking has necessitated fundamentally different conceptual models than those in jurisprudence. Included among these are models dealing with public health, social welfare, and human ecology (Brückner, 2008; Gushulak & MacPherson, 2000; Rafferty, 2008; Williamson & Folaron, 2003). These models enable scholars and service providers to move beyond the legal context by framing trafficking as a phenomena that involves economics, politics of state sovereignty, labor and migration, gender and age discrimination, injustice, human rights, and personal well-being (Desyllas, 2007; Engstrom & Okamura, 2007; Jani, 2010; Jones et al., 2007; Roby, 2005; Wells & Mitchell, 2007). The increasing recognition of the complex multifaceted nature of trafficking implicitly lays the philosophical foundation of an ecological understanding of trafficking.

A proposed ecological model of human trafficking intervention

An ecological perspective is person centered. It views trafficking not only as a crime in a legal or juridical sense, but also as unjust oppression that violates the fundamental rights of vulnerable, and mostly unsuspecting, individuals and families. In keeping with the tenets of social justice, the ecological perspective looks beyond the perpetrator/victim dichotomy to the qualities that empower individuals and groups as survivors and advo- cates. This particular strength has contributed to the adoption of the ecological perspective in many disciplines engaged in research, practice, and discourse on issues related to human rights and international development (Gitterman & Germain, 2008; Nag, 2002; Rafferty, 2008; Reid, 2012).

Earlier ecological studies of violence against women, such as those by Heise and colleagues (1999), began from a perpetrator-centric position, in a manner similar to the policy stance advocated by the VAWA (Heise, 1998). These ecological studies encapsulate those relational, social, and communitarian aspects that exacerbate a problem like

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trafficking. In 2014, the authors found that link between income inequality and globaliza- tion had an established link to the prevalence of human trafficking. As such, these studies represent an important contribution to the literature. They also provide an important precedent for applying the ecological model to the wider issue of trafficking.

The crucial aspect of utilizing the ecological perspective, as Hickman and colleagues (2009) noted, is at the level of locating one’s own perspective (as advocate, practitioner, educator, or researcher) within the multiple levels of impact. From this vantage point, services can be coordinated to address the phenomenon of trafficking and its victims. But perhaps more importantly, the vantage point suggests prevention strategies and interven- tions specifically tailored toward the unique constellations of contextual factors at play within a given family, geographic area, nation, or population. This is so that service provision to survivors is not “one size fits all,” but predicated upon exo-, macro-, mezzo-, and microneeds relevant to their rehabilitation.

Figure 1 articulates the key concepts of the ecological model in practitioner-level discourse on trafficking and reimagines them as a five-sphere concentric conceptual model, as opposed to the traditionally four-sphere ecological model. While corresponding with Bronfenbrenner’s (1981) conceptual framework of micro-, meso-, exo-, and macro- system influences upon the individual, the five-sphere ecological frame developed here conceptualizes specific examples of antitrafficking interventions and traces their systematic influence upon the trafficking victim. These concepts include: (1) fit between person and environment; (2) habitats, networks, and niches; (3) power and privilege; (4) stress and resilience; and (5) the life course. For example, a microlevel intervention effort found at Sphere 1, in which person and environment may involve reunion efforts of the trafficked individual with her or his family. A complementary mesolevel intervention effort may be connecting the recently reunited individual and family with resources, such as job training and education, and so on through the concentric spheres with a goal of harmonizing the ecological frameworks in such a way as to shape interventions throughout the life course. The conceptual figure, along with examples of sphere-specific interventions, is

Figure 1. Ecological model of human trafficking intervention.

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complemented by Table 1 which describes some of the agencies around the world and the range of such intervention efforts currently being designed and applied to address the problem of trafficking throughout the world.

As Figure 1 illustrates, the proposed ecological model begins with individuals, their families or kinship systems, and their direct environment. The model then radiates out- ward through the ecological systems that directly correspond with the elements that are impacted by the phenomenon of trafficking, including habitats, networks, and niches (e.g., dislocations of home or work), power and privilege (e.g., gender relations, sexual and romantic relationships, and child rearing), and stress and resilience (e.g. health, mental health, wellness, and economic relations). The final layer, not often included in ecological models, is related to the life course in keeping with the fact that human trafficking can be intergenerational (Reid, 2012) and impacts survivors throughout the life span.

Table 1 enhances ecological thinking on human trafficking by delineating service-level practices and interventions that correspond to associated ecological perspectives. Within the five-sphere model, each radiating “layer” of the ecological “map” is designed to correspond to the existing best practices and policy efforts in keeping with the ecological perspective that informs the model. Each ecological layer or level and its links to policy and practice are described in more detail in the next five sections.

Fit between person and environment

Antitrafficking practice efforts within the social sciences that involve prevention and advocacy are often centered on victims, or adjudication of the perpetrator. While this does comport well with the person centeredness of the ecological perspective, Herzog (2008) noted that significant attitudinal disparities existed among the general public. Specifically, some members of the public may view victims of trafficking as complicit in the crime. This may be especially true for victims of sex trafficking (Barner et al., 2014; Herzog, 2008).

A true fit between person and environment within the discourse on trafficking would take the holistic approach adopted by Hickman and colleagues (2009) and apply it to all aspects of the phenomenon. For instance, motivations for initial migration, age, gender, sex roles, poverty in the family, agency, and individual decision-making are all factors that contribute to the risk, incidence, prevalence, and growth of trafficking (Barner et al., 2014; Brückner, 2008; Hodge & Lietz, 2007; Lusk & Lucas, 2009; Rafferty, 2008; Reid, 2012; Roby, 2005). Particular attention should be brought to persons identifying as a part of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Trans (LGBT) community, as they are more likely to experi- ence violence and less likely to report instances of abuse (Moore & Barner, 2017). In a manner analogous to understanding the premigratory contexts of recent immigrants (Healy, 2008), social workers should also be aware of the past circumstances within and around victims’ environments that might have contributed to their being trafficked.

Habitats, networks, and niches

The ecological model puts significant emphasis on the contexts of place, space, and community (Bronfenbrenner, 1981). A means to ensure that practices are maintained, laws and accords are enforced, and public education on the issue encouraged is through

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Table 1. International antihuman trafficking programs, alphabetical by country. Country(ies) or region Organization and website Services provided

Australia Project Respect http://projectrespect. org.au/

Outreach to brothels in Victoria, emergency accommodation and continued support for women who have been trafficked, preventative work with young and vulnerable women, intensive case management

Bangladesh Rights Jessore www.rightsjessore.org/ Legal services, shelter, hotline, counseling, advocacy, healthcare referrals, vocational training, employment

Belgium Samila Foundation http://www.samilia foundation.org/

Prevention services, outreach services

Cambodia Legal Support for Children and Women (LSCW) http://www.lscw.org/

Legal services, legal training for local authorities, provides information on legal rights and safe migration to potential migrants

Cambodian Women’s Crisis Center www.cwcc.org.kh/

Shelter, literacy and vocational skills training, reintegration, legal assistance

Agape International Missions agapewebsite.org/

Christian based, health care, psychosocial services, education, vocational training, spiritual guidance

Village Focus International http://www. villagefocus.org

Legal advocacy, health care and counseling, training and job placement

Rapha House http://www.raphahouse. org/

Safe house, rehabilitation, and reintegration programs

China Action for Reach Out (AFRO) www.afro. org.hk/EN/

Skills training, drug rehabilitation, hotline, referrals for support services, health screening, peer education

France Committee Against Modern Slavery http://www.esclavagemoderne.org/

Legal aid, health services, rehabilitation facility

Esclavage Tolerance Zero http://www. esclavage-stop.org/

Residential rehabilitation program

Greece and Ukraine

A21 Campaign http://www.thea21cam paign.org/

Awareness campaigns, safe houses, rehabilitation program, skills training, legal aid, policy advocacy

Ghana Lifeline Foundation International http:// lifelinefoundationinternational.com/

Peer education, vocational training, outreach, HIV/AIDS education, community health education

India Manav Seva Sansthan (Seva) http:// www.mssseva.org/

Awareness raising and mobilization, networking and coordination, advocacy, augmenting informed mobility, rights- based repatriation

Project Aasara http://www.humanright sinitiative.org/

Identification of trafficking organizers, loans to sex workers for self employment

Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq

International Rescue Committeehttp:// www.rescue.org/where/middle_east

Refugee work, policy advocacy, residential program, counseling services

Nepal Shakti Samuha www.shaktisamuha.org. np/

Adolescent girls’ groups, outreach, skill building courses, income-generating programs, counseling and peer support, advocacy and lobbying

Maiti Nepal http://www.maitinepal.org/ index.php

Shelters, education, vocational training, medical care, hospice

Netherlands La Strada International http://lastradain ternational.org/

Policy advocacy, intensive case management

Nigeria Girls’ Power Initiative http://www.gpini geria.org/

Counseling and psychosocial services, skills training, outreach

Philippines Visayan Form Foundation http://www. visayanforum.org/

Antitrafficking task forces, halfway houses, legal services, assessment, policy advocacy

Tanzania Kiwohede www.kiwohede.org Psychosocial counseling, life skills training, crisis shelter, reproductive health education, family reunification

Thailand Sanayar-Thi-Pan Women’s Center [no website]

Health care, counseling, outreach, employment assistance

Hotline Center Foundation http://www. Hotline.or.th

Counseling, shelter, HIV/AIDS hotline and clinic, outreach

Thailand and Burma

Life Impact International http://www. lifeimpactintl.org/

Prevention programs, intensive management, legal aid

(Continued)

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the use of existent networks and niches. As Roby (2005) stated, “participatory models involving the [victims], their families, and community leaders as key players are helpful. The installation of an ombudsman office in each country to oversee governmental pro- gress in applying international conventions would be a step forward” in antitrafficking efforts (p. 145).

Advocacy and consciousness-raising efforts that are tailored to the specific needs of a geographic area are often more successful in addressing the needs of victims, acquiring public support, and influencing public policy than untried external top–down approaches (Herzog, 2008; McDonald & Timoshkina, 2004; Okolski, 2000; USAID, 2003). For exam- ple, from Table 1, the organization Manav Seva Sansthan in India promotes the creation of family-based self-help groups for women and children to promote consciousness raising and community outreach.

Power and privilege

Gitterman (1991) noted that power dynamics result in the oppression of vulnerable populations. Within the discourse on trafficking, corruption and abuse of power among public officials are the most difficult obstacles for social workers to traverse (Jones et al., 2007; Molland, 2005). The challenges presented by these elements of power and privilege are often within the public domain. Accordingly, they can be relatively easy to bring to the attention of the community and the media.

Another challenge is the intersection of child labor, child work, and labor laws. For instance, Hickman and colleagues (2009) demonstrated a policy challenge in India, where laws originally aimed at combating child trafficking, in fact, exacerbated the problem. In a 2001 constitutional amendment, primary education up to age 14 was made compulsory in India. However, laws already in force allowed for the employment of minor children in nonindustrial labor. The result was that poorer children were often trafficked for the purposes of serving as laborers, simultaneously breaking a constitutional law while enga- ging in a practice that had legal protection (Hickman et al., 2009).

Table 1 lists several organizations that provide direct outreach within their respective legal and political structures. In Cambodia, the Legal Support for Children and Women and Village Focus Foundation provide legal services and outreach to victims and their families.

Table 1. (Continued).

Country(ies) or region Organization and website Services provided

United Kingdom

Anti-Slavery International http://www. antislavery.org/english/

Skills training, mental health services, policy advocacy

Helen Bamber Foundation http://www. helenbamber.org/

Policy advocacy, legal aid, rehabilitation services

United States

International Justice Missionhttp://www. ijm.org/

Legal aid, rehabilitation services

Not For Sale http://www.notforsalecam paign.org/

Prevention services, rehabilitation services, awareness campaign

Made In A Free World http://madeina freeworld.com/

Skills training, awareness campaign

Free The Slaves http://www.freethe slaves.net/

Legal services and policy advocacy.

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Similar models of outreach are found in the Philippines (through the Visayan Form Foundation) and Bangladesh (through Rights Jessore).

Stress and resilience

A compelling argument for the application of the proposed ecological model and per- spective in trafficking discourse are the related concepts of stress and resilience that victims experience (see Figure 1). The application of these concepts translates to awareness and consciousness-raising efforts along all stages of involvement in prevention and intervention. For this to succeed, the involvement of different agencies including service providers; the public; policy makers; law enforcement; NGOs; and international, national, and local government agents is necessary (Logan, Walker, & Hunt, 2009). In addition, inspiration and encouragement for victims and survivors that builds their strengths and resilience is vital (Gozdziak & Collett, 2005). At Lifeline —a residential program in Accra, Ghana, that provides formal education, shelter, food, medical care, and employable skills training for girls rescued from trafficking—some of the program tutors are survivors and former graduates of the institution who inspire the girls, thereby demonstrating a strong sense of resilience with which the survivors and victims can easily identify.

Trafficking and the life course

Several scholars have stated that the very young are the most vulnerable to being traffick- ing (Barner et al., 2014; Gozdziak & Collett, 2005; Hodge & Lietz, 2007; Leichentritt & Davidson-Arad, 2004; Rafferty, 2008; Reid, 2012; Roby, 2005; Wells & Mitchell, 2007). As Reid (2012) noted, there are a number of developmental variables directly related to trafficking victimization, including age-related aspects (e.g., agency, social control, deci- sion-making, and onset of delinquency), gender-based exploitation of adolescents, and migration-specific factors. Many organizations unknowingly neglect matters of sexual orientation, and it is important to make sure that programs do not neglect LGBT populations (Thompson, 2016). LGBT youth are often ignored due to stigma and bias and those who are homeless are more vulnerable to sex trafficking than other homeless youths (Martinez & Kelle, 2013). As with any prevention or intervention programs, close attention must be paid to the sociodemographics related to the client system, as well as consideration of age when compiling statistics related to incidence and prevalence of trafficking (Gozdziak & Collett, 2005; Rafferty, 2008). In Australia, practitioners in Project Respect provide life course informed outreach; the same types of outreach are also provided by the Sanayar-Thi-Pan Women’s Center in Thailand (see Table 1).

Implications for policy and practice

The proposed ecological model highlights the individual, family, local, and global contexts of trafficking. While attention to the prosecution and punishment of trafficking perpe- trators is key in reducing the problem, it is also important that practice and policy efforts focus on the welfare of trafficking victims and their families (Clawson & Dutch, 2008). Several implications for policy are useful in dealing with trafficking in a more compre- hensive manner.

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First, there is need for collaboration and coordination among the various stakeholders and policy makers in the local and international arenas. Lusk and Lucas (2009) noted that nearly all major cities in the United States have “Anti-Human Trafficking Task Forces.” These task forces are further said to be replicated worldwide, particularly in Western Europe. There is little evidence, however, to show that they are actively collaborating at a cross-national level (International Labour Organization, 2017).

Potocky (2010) has criticized both how the TVPA was formulated and how it is being used locally and internationally to coordinate antitrafficking efforts. She noted that the policy focuses more on sex trafficking than labor trafficking, a bifurcation that she contended was a compromise due to pressures from US business groups that lobbied against the inclusion of labor as a form of trafficking. This dichotomized definition, she argued, panders to interest groups rather than serving any useful purpose and leaves out provision for victims of labor trafficking.

The issue of limited collaboration is also evident at the level of the various antitrafficking agencies mentioned in Table 1. One way to improve the effectiveness of programs working together internationally is to learn from others who may possess more effective and efficient ways of achieving stated outcomes. The international sharing of lessons learned and best practices may strengthen antitrafficking agencies’ performance, given that trafficking is indeed a global issue. In short, a critical need exists for strong collaborations or partnerships between agencies/stakeholders both locally and internationally (Heilemann & Santhiveeran, 2011; Van Hook et al., 2006), as well as the need for a multidisciplinary team approach (Hodge & Lietz, 2007; Roby, 2005; Van Hook et al., 2006).

From an ecological perspective, practice approaches addressing trafficking must span the practice continuum. They must consider not only victims of trafficking but their communities as well. Emphasis should be placed on challenging cultural traditions that are oppressive (Roby, 2005; Sossou & Yogtiba, 2009); modeling shifts in behavior and language use related to youth involvement in the sex trade (Kotrla, 2010); and addressing community attitudes as potential barriers to successful reentry of victims (Van Hook et al., 2006).

There is also need for public education, awareness, and prevention efforts (Kotrla, 2010; Lusk & Lucas, 2009; Van Hook et al., 2006). In addition, community development models in the interest of promoting economic justice and capacity building, creating employment options, and focusing on outreach and education for women are also crucial (Sloan & Wahab, 2000; Van Hook et al., 2006). Clearly, these broad recommendations should be operationalized contextually, taking cognizance of the different structures in various cultures that enhance the trafficking of persons.

Conclusion

Global interconnectedness and complexity is an increasingly recognized reality. Accordingly, narrow prevention or intervention approaches may not be effective when dealing with complex problems like trafficking. There are many factors that contribute to the intricate circumstances of how persons who are trafficked become entrapped in slavery, such as social inequality, economic insecurity, and poverty. Ecological theory offers a framework for under- standing the problem of trafficking within its various contexts. As such, it offers practitioners a unique approach to address the contemporary slave trade with perspective on flexible prevention and intervention techniques that push back against methods that only address

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partial factors that contribute to persons being vulnerable to trafficking. This model for confronting human trafficking allows for improvement upon existing techniques in antitraf- ficking initiatives that will let distinctive communities craft sustainable programs.

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