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Applieddissertation.pdf

Teachers’ Navigating Emotions and Communication Exchanges in Teacher-Student

Conflicts at a Black Urban All-Girls Middle School

by

Damia C. Thomas

An Applied Dissertation Submitted to the

Abraham S. Fischler College of Education

and School of Criminal Justice in Partial

Fulfillment of the Requirements for the

Degree of Doctor of Education

Nova Southeastern University

2021

ii

Approval Page

This applied dissertation was submitted by Damia C. Thomas under the direction of the

persons listed below. It was submitted to the Abraham S. Fischler College of Education

and School of Criminal Justice and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for

the degree of Doctor of Education at Nova Southeastern University.

Charlene Désir, EdD

Committee Chair

Anne Joslin, PhD

Committee Member

Kimberly Durham, PsyD

Dean

iii

Statement of Original Work

I declare the following:

I have read the Code of Student Conduct and Academic Responsibility as described in the

Student Handbook of Nova Southeastern University. This applied dissertation represents

my original work, except where I have acknowledged the ideas, words, or material of

other authors.

Where another author’s ideas have been presented in this applied dissertation, I have

acknowledged the author’s ideas by citing them in the required style.

Where another author’s words have been presented in this applied dissertation, I have

acknowledged the author’s words by using appropriate quotation devices and citations in

the required style.

I have obtained permission from the author or publisher—in accordance with the required

guidelines—to include any copyrighted material (e.g., tables, figures, survey instruments,

large portions of text) in this applied dissertation manuscript.

Damia C. Thomas

Name

December 3, 2021

Date

iv

Acknowledgments

The journey for my terminal degree would not have been possible without faith,

determination, and encouragement. For seven years this work has guided my thoughts

and actions through trials and tribulations and even illness that required me to stop the

process. The universe put my family, friends, partner and dissertation chair in a position

to encourage me through this journey. They each played a played a critical role in

ensuring I did not fail, and I am so grateful and appreciative for them. My daughter,

Alana Thomas, and mother, Verna Thomas, kept me on track by reminding me what I

need to accomplish and always believing I had the ability to meet this goal. The phone

calls and text messages gave me the push I needed to refocus on my goal. I thank them

for their undying love and support throughout this process.

My partner, Sterling Jones’, consistent encouragement gave me the courage to

continue when I felt like giving up. He protected my time and space from distractions so I

stayed focused. He was always willing to offer help in any way he could which helped

alleviate the stress associated with pursuing a terminal degree. He knew what to say to

make me laugh and smile when I needed it. He knew when I needed a break and should

walk away to regain the drive to keep pushing. His support and love were constant and

immeasurable, and I cannot thank him enough for helping me accomplish this goal.

My dissertation chair, Dr. Charlene Desir, pushed me to think critically about the

work and I honestly could not have completed this without her honest feedback and

encouragement. I appreciate all the brainstorming and thought partnering to guide me

through this process. Thank you so much for your insight. Dr. Anne Joslin, thank you for

your kind words to get me started on this journey.

v

Abstract

Teachers Navigating Emotions and Communication Exchanges in Teacher-Student

Conflicts at a Black Urban All-Girls Middle School. Damia C. Thomas, 2021: Applied

Dissertation, Nova Southeastern University, Abraham S. Fischler College of Education

and School of Criminal Justice. Keywords: conflict, Black girl literacies, restorative

practices, self-awareness.

This qualitative phenomenological study aimed to examine how teachers engage with

Black female middle school students to understand how Black girls’ literacies contribute

to conflict. This study examined teacher-student communication exchanges, how teachers

experience conflict, and the way teachers address Black middle school girls’ behavior.

Teachers’ awareness of their own emotions and how those emotions lead to conflict with

Black girl students enhances understanding of how teachers must be intentional when

developing positive relationships with Black female middle school students.

The researcher employed a phenomenological approach that delineated the lived

experiences of six teachers at a predominately Black, all-girls urban middle school. The

findings presented a broader understanding of teachers’ experiences with integrating EL

strategies as they resolve conflict, their strategies for regulating their emotions while

communicating during a conflict, and their experiences with processing and

acknowledging Black girls’ communication literacies during conflict. Among the

understandings provided are teacher-student communication exchanges, they ways in

which teachers experience conflict, and the methods teachers use to address Black middle

school girls’ behavior.

Data for this phenomenological study were collected through individual comprehensive

interviews with teachers at an all-girls middle school in the northeast. Information

provided by and collected from participants during in-depth interviews and conversations

produced a significant contextual understanding of experience and frustration, resulting

in four major themes: (a) conflict interacts with values and nonverbal cues, (b)

relationships with students directly impact restorative strategies, (c) self-awareness

deescalates conflict, and (d) acknowledgement of Black girl culture and literacies is

critical.

vi

Table of Contents

Page

Chapter 1: Introduction ........................................................................................................1

Statement of the Problem .........................................................................................1

Definition of Terms................................................................................................11

Purpose of Study ....................................................................................................12

Chapter 2: Literature Review .............................................................................................13

Theoretical Framework ..........................................................................................13

Urban Education Development ..............................................................................15

Urban Education Challenges ..................................................................................17

Urban Education-Charter School ...........................................................................18

EL Education Urban Charter .................................................................................20

Urban Charter All-Girls School .............................................................................21

Urban Education Black Girls and Discipline .........................................................28

Social Emotional Needs of Black Girls .................................................................30

Black Girl Literacies ..............................................................................................33

Teacher-Student Conflict .......................................................................................38

Teacher Emotional Regulation ..............................................................................41

Research Questions ................................................................................................45

Chapter 3: Methodology ....................................................................................................46

Aim of Study ..........................................................................................................46

Research Design Approach ....................................................................................46

Participants .............................................................................................................48

Data Collection Tools ............................................................................................49

Procedures ..............................................................................................................51

Data Analysis .........................................................................................................54

Ethical Considerations ...........................................................................................57

Trustworthiness ......................................................................................................58

Potential Research Bias..........................................................................................59

Limitations .............................................................................................................60

Chapter 4: Findings ............................................................................................................62

Contextual Significance .........................................................................................64

Themes ...................................................................................................................70

Conclusion ............................................................................................................ 89

Chapter 5: Discussion ........................................................................................................90

Interpreting Context and Themes...........................................................................90

Interpretation of Themes ........................................................................................93

Recommendations ................................................................................................104

Consideration for Future Studies .........................................................................105

Conclusion ...........................................................................................................106

vii

References ........................................................................................................................109

Appendices

A Interview Protocol ........................................................................................126

B Email Invitation ...........................................................................................130

1

Chapter 1: Introduction

Statement of the Problem

A teacher’s personality directly impacts the quality of their relationships with

middle school students. Masko (2018) stated that student-teacher relationships are

multilayered and complex, and students connect with teachers with a mixture of distinct

personalities and teaching styles. As such, teachers must consistently navigate several

aspects of the profession that are never included in any teacher contract. In addition to the

time required to plan and deliver curriculum, teachers must explicitly teach and model a

set of soft skills for students to grow developmentally and academically (Woodfin, 2009).

The ability to teach these skills requires teachers to be attuned to their emotional

intelligence and interpersonal skills. Teaching does not exclusively entail instilling

academic skills; rather, the profession has evolved to include a myriad of soft skills that

include character building and empathy (Ladson-Billings, 2014). The needs of middle

school girls, especially those in urban communities, will consistently change. For urban

schools to be successful, teachers cannot take a one-size-fits-all approach (Robinson and

Lewis, 2017).

Learning to traverse conflict is a necessity in the teaching profession and requires

a certain skill set (Robinson & Lewis, 2017). Teaching in an urban school necessitates a

different kind of planning and intentional interaction to mitigate teacher-student conflict.

Teaching in an urban, all-girls middle school requires an additional kind of intentionality

to reduce conflict. This work requires teachers to have strong constitutions and nurturing

practices that are both supportive and firm (Schellenberg & Grothaus, 2011). Among the

challenges is navigating conflict with students. The social and emotional needs of

2

students in low-income, urban school districts surpass those of students in more affluent,

urban school districts (Masko, 2018). Teachers must consistently hone and depend on

both interpersonal and intrapersonal skills to positively navigate conflict in a way that

acknowledges fault and vulnerability (Ladson-Billings, 2014). The ability to use these

skills include navigating how well teachers understand and know the students they teach.

Furthermore, the intentional use of these skills enables teachers to connect with students

culturally, allowing them to effectively address and reduce teacher-student conflict. The

ability to understand and relate to the individual inner workings of children is critical

(Robinson & Lewis, 2017). The cultural lens through which teachers operate shapes their

experiences and their perceptions of conflict with students.

Göksoy and Argon (2016) characterized conflicts in schools as occurrences that

hinder the accomplishment of school goals and harm teachers and students, thereby

negatively impacting schools. If schools are unable to address conflict effectively, both

students and teachers lose. Teachers who experience repeated conflict and feel there is no

resolution begin to feel uneasy, frustrated, sorrowful, insensitive, tense, and disappointed,

which can lead to indifference (Zimmermann, 2018). This indifference breeds conflict as

teachers begin to feel routinely disconnected from students. The cyclical relationship of

conflict between teacher and student poses barrier to learning, which negatively impacts

students of all ages and grades. As Ozgan (2016) stated:

The fact that teachers do not have enough information about their students and the

insufficient communications between teachers and students are contributing to

conflicts between teachers and students. The teachers negatively affect their

3

students’ psychology as well as their academic achievement and social

relationships. (p. 151)

The delicate balance between the teacher-student relationship is compounded by the ever-

present challenges of adolescence. Middle school tends to be a tumultuous time for

adolescents as they are learning to navigate their own identities and relationships.

The development of middle school students is constantly guiding how adolescents

react to their environments and people. Typically, the greatest set of challenges and

growth for early adolescents involves social development, which includes forming and

maintaining healthy relationships with peers and developing a unique personality apart

from family (Frydman & Mayor, 2017). Among the many inevitable challenges

adolescents experience, learning to navigate a convoluted social world while adjusting to

changes adds another layer of growing pains that guides adolescent decision-making

about the intentions of the outside world (van Duijvenvoorde & Crone, 2013). These

difficulties reveal a need for teachers and students to have clear and meaningful

interactions rooted in honesty, vulnerability, and willingness to listen and learn.

For Black adolescent girls, meaningful interactions with teachers require the

teacher to not only understand their physiological changes but also to understand how

Black girls communicate. Murphy et al. (2013) posited that Black girls receive clear

messages that communicating loudly is bad and that gender norms contribute to

controlling the Black female voice. Learning how to positively manage socialized

environments is a continuous task requiring a skill that develops over time. The

additional burden of low-income stressors contributes to the way Black girls

communicate and has been negatively viewed by teachers; however, if teachers want to

4

develop caring relationships with students as Masko (2018) suggested, they must

understand how Black girls communicate. Teachers’ inability to understand how and why

Black girls respond in their own unique ways leads to conflict.

Phenomenon of Interest

Several factors have been shown to contribute to how teachers and Black girls in

middle school engage in and develop relationships in a school setting (Murphy et al.,

2013). In urban settings, external factors contribute to how students function in school.

Family and community dynamics influence how Black girls behave and engage with the

world around them, including with teachers at school. This combination of influences can

manifest through the robust voices of the Black girl, which is problematic for teachers

and creates conflict. Within the last decade, understanding the interactions between Black

female students and teachers has been given greater attention (The NAACP Legal

Defense and Educational Fund and The National Women’s Law Center, 2014).

There is a significant disparity in the amount and type of discipline Black girls

endure compared to their White counterparts (Koonce, 2012). Black girl students,

especially in urban school districts, tend to be treated with harsher consequences for

minor infractions. Policymakers have begun to establish guidelines that limit teachers’

use of exclusionary discipline in response to minor offenses in middle school (Freedberg

& Frey, 2012). These policies require teachers to rethink how they interact with and

discipline students, eliminating their ability to remove students from class. The evidence

of this teacher-student dynamic leads to questions about the quality of those relationships

and how teachers experience and resolve conflict with Black girls in middle school.

While there is evidence of inequity in how Black girls are penalized and criminalized for

5

their behavior (Annamma et al., 2019; Morris, 2016; Musu-Gillette et al., 2016) as well

as conflict between teachers and students (Ozgan, 2016; Rovenpor et al., 2017), there is

little research on how Black girls’ literacies are perceived as aggression and create

conflict in the classroom.

Background and Justification

Conflict is a complex function of communication that requires several crucial

understandings. Conflict can arise from frustration when a need is unmet, and teachers

must be aware of the social constructs in which they operate to communicate effectively

with colleagues and students when frustration occurs (Rovenpor et al., 2017). Conflict in

an urban school environment looks different when teachers and students possess different

cultural backgrounds and values (Gaikhorst et al., 2017). Teachers’ ability to address

conflict through a cultural lens is complex and requires vulnerability, honest reflection,

and a commitment to adjusting the lens used to engage with Black middle school girls

(Irvine, 2010). This social phenomenon can occur for several reasons and can evoke

confusion and negative feelings. However, the ability to resolve conflict within the school

context is critical for the success of both teacher and student.

The plight of Black girls and discipline in urban middle schools has gained

traction in the past decade and has forced educators to begin acknowledging that this

disparity exists. Conflict between Black middle school girls and teachers has been on the

rise, and data has indicated that Black girls receive referrals and suspensions for simply

“talking with an attitude” (Koonce, 2012, p. 30). While authoritative figures tend to react

punitively when Black female students use their voices, Koonce (2012) noted that the

6

way in which adolescent females speak is their way of exercising their autonomy in a

restrictive setting. Conflict between teachers and students arises, then, when

Teachers are not necessarily remarking on the volume of the girls’ speech

instead, they are incensed at the girls’ attitudes of defiance. Teachers are

frustrated because they feel that their authority is undermined by skillful speakers

who know how to speak their mind and rebel against what they perceive as an unfair

use of the teachers’ authority. Again, the use of talking with an attitude is positive,

in that the girls used it to maintain their cultural integrity. (p. 32)

The conflict between teachers and Black adolescent female students exists over the

expectation that these girls behave in a “ladylike” manner and avoid being loud or

speaking with an attitude (Walker, 2020).

For Black middle school girls in urban communities, navigating the constraints of

society means feeling the effects of the triple identity: Black, female, and American

(Koonce, 2012). This conflict is so prevalent that many Black females tend to internalize

it and question cultural practices at the risk of losing them in formalized settings. Black

adolescent girls’ development of their identities can be supported when teachers respect

their ways of knowing and when they are able to educate teachers about their literacies

(Ives, 2012). Muhammad and Haddix (2016) examined several didactic approaches that

center Black girls’ literacies and discovered six characteristic components thereof: (a)

multiple, (b) tied to identities, (c) historical, (d) collaborative, (e) intellectual, and (f)

political/critical. Black girls’ literacies embody levels of reading, writing, discussion, and

performance. Furthermore, they involve developing their individual and cultural

identities through relationships (Muhammad & Haddix, 2016). Critical awareness and

7

social action are Black girls’ literacies. Addressing conflict means that teachers must

learn these cultural differences in order to validate Black girls in middle school’s cultural

expressions (Sleeter, 2011).

At the proposed research site, the all-girls urban middle school, halls are

brimming with Black girls who are learning their identities and vocalizing their thoughts

and feelings in vibrant ways. Each girl expresses herself in a unique way, and teachers

must learn how to understand each unique need. In addition to being one of two all-girls

schools in this urban district, this middle school is considered a part of the Expeditionary

(EL) Education network. An EL Education school, formerly known as Expeditionary

Learning Schools, has a framework that places character and culture building as one of its

five core practices and one of three dimensions of student achievement

(https://eleducation.org). The EL network describes claims to promote self-discovery,

collaboration and competition, service and compassion, and ownership of learning

(Ikpeze, 2013). Expeditionary learning education takes an experiential approach to

teaching and learning with a considerable focus on character building. Since each EL

school is unique, the staff at each institution develops a unique character-building

curriculum to address their specific needs. The urban, all-girls middle school, which

opened in 2015, used six character traits, both relational and moral, that they believed

embodied what each student should possess, dubbing them the habits of mind

expectations (H.O.M.E.). In addition to the H.O.M.E. targets, teachers developed a set of

consequences for specific infractions at the school. Even with a character curriculum and

the consequences in place, teachers still met with what they defined as defiance and

disrespect from students, who are predominantly Black. The purpose of this study is to

8

examine how teachers engage with Black female middle school students to gain an

understanding of how Black girls’ literacies contribute to conflict. This study examines

teacher-student communication exchanges, how teachers experience conflict, and the way

teachers address Black middle school girls’ behavior.

Deficiencies in the Evidence

There is a dearth of teacher-student conflict research that focuses on the

perspectives and experiences of Black female students at urban schools (Koonce, 2012;

Waldron, 2011; Walker, 2019). Much of the literature cites examples of conflict with

Black female students, such as instances where the teacher does not take the time to listen

to a student, does not allow a student to use the bathroom, or instance where the student

“gets smart” (Murphy et al., 2013). Research on how and why teachers experience

conflict is limited. Most of the literature has highlighted teachers’ perceptions of conflict

through the lens of conflict management (Gaikhorst et al., 2017; Göksoy & Argon, 2016;

Issacson, 2016; Koomen & Lellesma, 2015; Masko, 2018; Ozgan, 2016). There are

limited findings addressing how teachers navigate and resolve conflict with Black girls in

middle school, specifically as it relates to Black girls’ literacies.

Black girls in middle school who have experienced conflict with teachers have

their own rationales for how and why conflict exists between themselves and their

teachers. In a phenomenological study, Koonce (2012) revealed that, in addition to

navigating triple identities, the challenges adolescent Black girls face are not being heard

by teachers and navigating the teacher perception that Black girls “talk with an attitude.”

In this study, participants shared that their teachers tended to “get smart” with or ignore

them, which led to conflict. Koonce (2012) found four themes in participants’

9

experiences. The first revealed that participants felt constant exposure to a hostile school

environment. Teachers either yelled at, ignored, or removed students from class, which

made them feel unsafe and uncomfortable. These hostile environments led to feelings of

confusion and disrespect, which in turn led the students to use “talking with an attitude”

as a defense mechanism (Koonce, 2012). Findings also indicated that teachers were the

aggressors in the eyes of Black female students; as a result of that aggression, students’

initial reaction was confusion because they did not expect teachers to behave is such a

negative and aggressive way. The feeling of disrespect consumed the students, causing

them to react negatively and defensively. The conflict arose because the teachers initiated

negative responses to Black female students. Koonce (2012) concluded that teachers

would misunderstand Black girls’ communication responses as “talking with an attitude,”

which led to conflict. The proposed dissertation study adds to these findings by

investigating teachers’ experiences with Black middle school girls’ communication style

that they interpret as discord.

McGrath and van Bergen (2019) qualitatively examined why some teachers have

close relationships with disruptive students and others do not. Teachers were recorded

speaking about students, and those recording were analyzed for emotional and relational

tone to help identify disruptive students. The analysis revealed that 8 out of 51 students

were considered disruptive. To gain a deeper understanding of “complicated” students,

researchers conducted a qualitative content analysis (McGarth & van Bergen, 2019).

Results indicated a variation of closeness among students and different teachers, along

with two themes that included teachers’ perception of what caused disruptive behavior

10

and teachers’ close relationships with disruptive students exhibiting evidence of

emotional competence.

According to McGarth and van Bergen (2019), complicated relationships are

characterized by statements that demonstrate explicit reflection on the causes of the

students’ behavior. In their study, teachers often used external factors to explain

disruptive behavior such as living in a single parent home, hyperactivity, and personality.

Teachers’ perceptions of disruptive behavior informed their emotional experience. The

second theme distinctively illustrated evidence of teachers’ emotional competencies;

complicated relationships more often than not indicated that the teachers were able to

emotionally perceive the students’ feelings to better understand them. As noted in the

study, more research is needed on the interventions intended to improve student-teacher

relationships, address other aspects of teachers’ emotional competence such as emotional

regulation, and address teachers’ acknowledgment of student disruptive behavior.

Audience

Teachers, administrators, school social workers, and family members who engage

with adolescent girls in urban middle schools are the target audience. Teachers are asked

to reflect on how to better communicate with adolescent Black girls with a specific focus

on listening to prevent conflict. Teachers must acknowledge that Black girls’ literacies

influence how they engage with the world and develop practices that accept how Black

girls communicate. This researcher could offer administrators better insight into how to

devise and implement character curriculums that consider the sociocultural needs of

adolescent Black girls. In addition to using this research to become better communicators

with adolescent Black girls, school social workers can also use it to support teachers and

11

family strengthen relationships by developing an understanding of the Black girl’s social-

emotional needs. Family members can benefit by realizing their need to be more aware of

their bias and to begin thinking about adjusting their interactions with Black adolescent

girls. The goal is for teachers, administrators, and school social workers to be intentional

about acknowledging, hearing, and promoting the voices of female students in urban

middle schools to reduce conflict.

Definition of Terms

The terms below are defined in terms of their use in this study.

EL Education

Formerly called Expeditionary Learning, EL Education is a school design that

incorporates curriculum with experiential learning. This design focuses strongly on

developing character and creating a sense of environmental awareness. EL schools’

literature states that they are “interested in creating good schools of a certain kind—more

humane, adventurous and rigorous than the norm” (Woodfin, 2009, p. 196).

Conflict

Ozgan (2016) defined conflict as a concept that naturally occurs and can range

from personal differences to anger or violence. It marks the ways in which people

interact. While it can be positive or negative, conflict has psychological underpinnings of

overt confrontation. It is the perceived divergence of interest in cases where the involved

parties express an incompatibility of interest.

Black Girl Literacies

“Black girls’ literacies encompass layers of reading, writing, discussing, and

performing. Black girls develop their individual and cultural identities through

12

collaboration. Black girls’ literacies also involve critical awareness and social action”

(Gordon et al., 2019, p.5).

Purpose of Study

The purpose of this phenomenology study is to examine the experiences of

teacher-student communication exchanges while navigating conflict with Black middle

school students at a majority Black, urban, all-girls school in the Northeast. It examines

how teachers engage with Black, female middle school students to gain an understanding

of how Black girls’ literacies contribute to conflict. The intersectionality of Black girls,

how they navigate the lines of their identities in school, and how teachers perceive those

behaviors are discussed. The way teachers acknowledge and address Black middle-school

girls can enhance understanding of how teachers can be intentional in developing

relationships with Black girl students as well as be aware of and acknowledge their own

emotions and how they lead to conflict with Black girl students.

13

Chapter 2: Literature Review

Teacher practices impact the success of the relationships between teachers and

adolescent Black girl students in urban classrooms. The adults must be able to connect

with the Black girls at points where their identities intersect. To effectively teach Black

girls, teachers must engage in courageous conversations about race, sex, values and belief

systems (Singleton, 2015). Without this important lens, teacher-student conflict will

prevail (Göksoy & Argon, 2016). This study examines the experiences of teachers as they

engage in these dialogues in a predominantly Black, all-girls school in the Northeast.

Research on theoretical approaches to teaching Black adolescent female students

in low-income, urban public schools must integrate the socio-political positionality of the

oppressed in public education (Freire, 1970). Present research provides lenses that now

include the teacher, the student, and education reform advocates. Black adolescent girl

students continue to be perceived through a lens that prohibits their expression and voice,

which creates conflict between Black girls and their teachers (Collie & Perry, 2019).

Teachers’ perceptions of Black girls’ behavior derives from a lack of understanding of

how to engage and support Black female students (Albright et al., 2017; Bond, 2016;

Collie & Perry, 2019; Göksoy & Argon, 2016).

Theoretical Framework

Harrison (2017) defined intersectionality theory as the social identities that

intersect so distinctively that each identity can only be defined through the intersection of

other identities. Originally coined by Crenshaw (1989), the theory of intersectionality

was developed as a result of a misperception of how the law views discrimination of

Black women. Crenshaw (1989) expounded on the theory of intersectionality by

14

describing three cases that overlooked the impact of being both Black and female. In one

case, the court decided that discrimination can be claimed under the guise of race or sex,

but not both (Crenshaw, 1989). The plaintiff, a Black female, had to choose between her

race or her sex to move forward with the discrimination case. Another case Crenshaw

(1989) described detailed how a Black female was denied the ability to represent all

women in a discrimination case because being Black disqualified her from representing

White women. The third case (Crenshaw, 1989) was a racial discrimination lawsuit in

which the court did not allow Black women to represent Black men because of gender

difference and the idea that, as women, there would be additional cause for

discrimination that men may or may not have experienced. In the sum of these cases,

Crenshaw (1989) noted the contradiction of Black women’s experiences as either too

distinct or not distinct enough:

It seems that I have to say that Black women are the same and harmed by

being treated differently, or that they are different and harmed by being

treated the same. But I cannot say both. This apparent contradiction is but

another manifestation of the conceptual limitations of the single-issue

analyses that intersectionality challenges. The point is that Black women

can experience discrimination in any number of ways and that the

contradiction arises from our assumptions that their claims of exclusion

must be unidirectional. (p. 148)

This study applies the theoretical framework of intersectionality.

Black adolescent girls’ experiences involve a complex set of unspoken behavioral

expectations that are specific to Black adolescent girls. The very nature of the Black girl

15

experience involves interweaving facets that include race, sex, and class—all of which

marginalize Black girls individually and collectively (Crenshaw, 1991). Societal

expectations do not consider the multifaceted experience of the Black girl, and the lack of

acknowledgement silences the Black girl’s voice and can manifest in schools as defiance.

As stated by Lindsay-Dennis (2015),

the experiences of Black girls are clearly intersectional and cannot be adequately

explained with an isolated emphasis on either race or gender. Black feminism and

Womanism provide a dual lens for researchers to authentically investigate the

nuances of Black girlhood. Also, Black feminism and Womanism provide a

means for examining African American girls through a strength-oriented

perspective by placing them at the center of analysis. This dual lens forces one to

examine the intersection of race, gender, class, sexuality, and socially defined

markers of identity that impact Black girls’ lives. (p. 511)

This study uses intersectionality theory to understand how Black girls communicate with

teachers and how teachers’ experiences with the behavior of Black girls influence how

they react to and treat Black girls in school.

Urban Education Development

The development of urban education has a long and rich history encompassing

several social constructs, including both demographic and economic factors (Rury, 2016).

The early structure of urban schools evolved post-Civil War to meet the need of families

who could not afford private school. Families unable to afford organized religious

schools resulted in more children in the streets, which became a public concern. The

responsibility of educating children was then owned by the public. As cities grew and

16

became more diverse, education grew to include the increasing population to train

children to become productive citizens. Population growth increased enrollment, and a

more organized structure for training children became necessary (Massey et al., 2014).

By the 19th century, educators began creating professional networks to support a growing

school system where ideas and information were shared. This sharing of information led

to a foundation for normalizing public urban education (Rury, 2016). As the

industrialized age emerged in the late 1800s, urban communities grew, and so did urban

schools. As the student population increased, one-room schoolhouses became too small

to accommodate it. Subsequently, urban middle- and upper-class families migrated to

suburban areas, which left urban areas with the poorest populations inhabiting those

schools (Massey et al., 2014).

Over decades, through World War II and The Great Depression, people continued

to move to urban cities in search of opportunities. This migration continued well into the

mid-20th century. By the 1950s and 1960s, Black people began to migrate north to urban

communities, adding to the “White flight” of middle- and upper-class families to

suburban communities (Rury, 2016). Children in these communities attended urban

schools, though local government prioritized industrialization. This resulted in an absence

of economic support for urban schools (Hanushek & Yilmaz, 2011). With inadequate

funding, urban schools became segregated, which led to blatant inequities of educational

resources and attainment (Hanushek & Yilmaz, 2011). As industrial employment began

to wane, Black families became unemployed, and an eventual crisis developed. The size

and number of poor communities spiked, which heavily impacted urban schooling.

Teachers faced not only the instructional needs of students in poor communities, but also

17

the ripple effect of such grave depravity. Attending to students’ basic human needs

became a part of a teachers’ everyday regimens to address low achievement, high student

mobility and dropout, and school failure (Sadovnik & Davidson, 2011).

Urban Education Challenges

The complexities of urban education are vast and have endured a long history of

change that has impacted both teachers and students in negative and positive ways. The

constructs under which urban public education operates has created division and inequity

(Massey et al., 2014). Schools are frequently described as urban because of the

characteristics related to the schools and the people in them (Massey et al., 2014). There

are significant differences between teachers’ and students’ experiences in urban schools.

The diversity of urban schools makes it challenging for teachers (Gaikhort et al., 2017)

for different reasons. The teaching profession requires intense planning and preparation,

which can create stressful conditions for educators. Collie and Perry (2019) referred to

this as workplace buoyancy, which is the ability to bounce back from the stressful

challenges of everyday events. The added stressors of teaching at an urban school include

a myriad of factors, such as lack of adequate funding, lack of effective teacher

preparation programs, and differences in cultural background (Gaikhort et al., 2017).

Possessing the capacity to serve students who require more time and attention is a skill

teachers require to be successful, and low-income, high-poverty, urban, public schools

tend to serve such communities.

In addition to the challenges of public, urban schools, low socioeconomic

minority communities face more challenges in public schools that significantly impact

students. From primary to high school, urban schools undergo consistent changes, and the

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social-emotional development of students unfolds throughout these changes and shapes

school climates. According to a 2013 report by Musu-Gillette et al. (2016) for the

National Center for Education Statistics, the Black-White gap in reading ranges from 26

to 32 points in grades 4, 8, and—the largest gap—12. The mathematics gap between

Black and White students ranges from 26 to 36 in grades 4, 8, and 12. In 2013, the

official poverty level for Black students was 39% compared to 10% for White students.

Poverty, race, and schooling highly correlate to location institution (Massey et al., 2014).

Individual economic conditions linked to the established formation of public ruling in the

United States leads to a very close association to location, housing, and education. These

historical factors enormously impact students’ academic ability and are overwhelmingly

present in urban school settings today.

Urban Education-Charter School

For decades, the expanding disparities between poor Black communities’ urban

schooling and their suburban counterparts continued its polarized growth, and,

eventually, the era of school reform emerged (Sadovnik & Davidson, 2011). To address

the disparities in public school, school-based education reforms introduced several foci to

improve areas such as teacher and school quality, school choice, vouchers, and charter

schools (Sadovnik & Davidson, 2011). Teacher quality required that all teachers in urban

schools had to be highly qualified. School choice reforms allowed families to select a

school outside of the addressed zone. Vouchers, which were only viable in select states,

provided public funds to low-income families as an option to attend private schools.

Charter schools also used public funds and had sovereignty over academic structure, but

they were governed by the state’s education department. The first state legislated charter

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law was passed in Minnesota in 1991 (Sadovnik & Davidson, 2011), and many have

followed since, spanning across the United States. According to the National Center for

Educational Statistics (2021),

A public charter school is a publicly funded school that is typically

governed by a group or organization under a legislative contract—a

charter—with the state, the district, or another entity. The charter exempts

the school from certain state or local rules and regulations. In return for

flexibility and autonomy, the charter school must meet the accountability

standards outlined in its charter. A school’s charter is reviewed

periodically by the entity that granted it, and can be revoked if guidelines

on curriculum and management are not followed or if the accountability

standards are not met.

Between 2001 and 2018, the percentage of public schools in the United States that were

charter schools increased from 2 to 7%, and the total number of charter schools increased

from approximately 2,000 to 7,200 (https://nces.ed.gov/programs/coe/indicator_cgb.asp).

The growth in charter schools is a direct response to the need to improve outcomes for

students who attend urban schools, which are mostly minority and low-income.

Charter schools are public schools characterized by choice. They have gained

traction in the last 10 years. Deneen and Catanese (2011) cited a study that found gains in

academic achievement for students in low-income communities. Similarly, the National

Center for Education Evaluation and Regional Assistance conducted a randomized trial

of charter school effectiveness in multiple states and different kinds of communities. All

institutions examined in this study were middle schools that had been open for at least 2

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or more years. Statewide testing data was used to measure growth. The schools that

elected to participate in the study were not the typical charter middle schools in

disadvantaged communities. The Black student population in this study was 16%, and the

free and reduced lunch rate was only 44%. Even accounting for the difference in

demographic data, the outcome revealed that, on average, there was no statistically

significant difference in achievement outcomes for students except for low-income and

low-achieving students (National Center for Education Evaluation and Regional

Assistance, 2010). This data revealed a need to approach low-income students in a

different, systemic way that addresses specific needs, particularly discipline and social-

emotional needs.

EL Education Urban Charter

The EL Education approach is based on Outward Bound, an educational approach

created by Kurt Hahn in the 1930s (Outward Bound International, n.d.). The premise of

Outward Bound was to provide students with outdoor experiences that build tenacity,

physical fitness, and compassion. The outdoor experiences were created to enhance both

technical and soft skills such as self-worth and perseverance through difficult tasks and

challenges. Outward Bound was a completely hands-on approach to experiential learning

that was widely accepted in the 1980s in the United States and abroad (Kalisch et al.,

2011; Outward Bound, n.d.-b). In 1991, Outward Bound joined with the Harvard

Graduate School of Education to create Expeditionary Learning, a new framework for

schooling (EL Education, n.d.). Through continued funding and planning, 10

Expeditionary Learning schools opened in 1993 (Weinbaum et al., 1996). In 2015, the

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name Expeditionary Learning legally changed to EL Education. Currently, 150 schools

across the nation adhere to the EL Education principles.

At an EL Education school, character and culture is one of three mandatory

dimensions of learning (https://eleducation.org). The practice requires developing a set of

tenets to fit the student population, which means that the staff and students at each EL

Education school uphold different tenets; no two EL Education schools are the same.

Beesely et al. (2010) noted that, in an EL Education school, character and education are

interconnected: students’ social outlooks and conduct can encourage or prohibit learning,

academic performance, and social relationships. These schools also intentionally

introduce and practice social skills to support developmental needs. The history and

results of EL Education captured the attention of a group of private, all-girls school

administrators in an urban city in the Northeast region of the United States. These

administrators spent 5 years creating and writing a charter that specifically included the

EL Education framework. Their intent was to help bridge the gap between teachers and

the urban middle school’s student population, which is predominantly comprised of

Black girls

Urban Charter All-Girls School

This EL Education institution is an urban, all-girls charter middle school in the

Northeast region of the United States that serves a low-income and predominately

African-American population. The school charter was written to positively impact the

educational climate of the city by creating an all-girls option for students who could not

afford private school. The school plan gradually admits students each year until it meets

the charter capacity of 350 middle school girls. The principal and executive director spent

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a year planning the school’s 2015 opening. They established all aspects of the school’s

operations, including the schedule, discipline plan, character and culture practices,

curriculum mapping, uniform color and style, class size, hiring practices, and family

engagement plan. The charter middle school has a lottery process that serves adolescent

girls from 23 different zip codes in grades 5 through 8. Located in an urban district, this

all-girls EL Education middle school is deemed a Title I school, which means it receives

additional federal funds to meet the needs of students in low-income communities. Many

of the students have additional needs and circumstances that severely impact both

academic and social emotional growth. For example, students at these institutions rarely

have productive social outlets after school hours. In a study of Colombian students in

grades 5 and 9, Hincapie (2016) found that those who attended school for longer days

showed a measurable increase in student achievement compared to those students who

did not have extended school hours. Keeping in line with such findings, this EL

Education school has a mandatory academic schedule of 8:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m. and a

voluntary schedule of 4:00 p.m. to 6:00 p.m.

As an EL Education institution, this all-girls middle school has adopted the EL

Education curriculum for English language arts. The EL Education website states that the

curriculum was

created by teachers for teachers, and based on college and career readiness

standards, the EL Education Language Arts curriculum is a comprehensive,

research-informed, core language arts programs that engages teachers and

students through compelling, real world content. (EL Education, n.d.)

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To effectively impact teaching and learning in the associated curriculum, EL Education

recommends purchasing the professional development and support in the form of a

position called the school developer. The school developer for this all-girls middle school

has been affiliated with EL Education and the intricacies of the framework’s evolution

for more than 10 years. The school developer worked closely with the school principal

and executive director to intensively plan professional development goals for the year and

create an accountability document with benchmark goals at the middle of the school year.

The planning also included work around academic and character development

curriculums, which was essential for addressing behavior and developing a positive

school climate and culture. The school developer also supported teachers with the

instructional implementation of both curriculums. The school developer worked for EL

Education, and the partnership between the all-girls middle school and EL Education

used a significant amount of the school’s budget.

This middle school has 35 staff, which includes lead content teachers, teacher’s

aides, office staff, and staff assigned to developing and supporting a positive climate and

culture. Lead content teachers are responsible for implementing EL Education grade-

level standards-based curriculum with the goal of closing skill gaps. Among the lead

content teachers is a special education team and resources teachers who teach content

such as physical education, technology, art, Spanish, drama, and leadership. Teacher’s

aides, known as instructional teaching fellows (ITFs), are responsible for supporting the

lead teacher in a variety of ways. The duties of ITFs include teaching small groups,

substituting for classes, and providing coverage for lunch and recess. They are expected

to be prepared by reviewing lead teacher lesson plans and understanding the content to

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support with instruction. The staff assigned to support climate and culture, known as the

climate team, are responsible for monitoring transitions, investigating reports that can

potentially disrupt a safe school environment, supporting staff with schoolwide practices,

providing coverage for lunch and recess, and, as a last resort, substituting for classes.

Climate staff are trained in de-escalation techniques and provide direct support to

teachers in their classrooms. They may remove a student to provide time for her to cool

down and reflect on her behavior before returning to class. The climate and culture staff

essentially maintain order in the school and provide a safe space for reflection on and

restoration of the harm that was caused.

Staff demographics were 60% African American, 37% Caucasian, .02% Islamic,

and .05% Hispanic. The school served 280 girls between 5th and 8th grade with 15% of

the population receiving special education services. Demographically, students were 98%

African American, .5% Caucasian, and 1.5% Hispanic. To create and maintain a school

climate and culture of safety and positive character development, the school only accepts

incoming 5th and 6th graders. As a result, recruitment focuses on younger students in

grades 5 and 6. The goal is to support the development of both hard skills (academic) and

soft skills (character) over time. Each year, the number of 5th through 8th graders changes

based on enrollment.

The character curriculum at the all-girls middle school was designed to highlight

the social skills that emulated those of a historical, local NAACP chapter president after

whom the school was named. As a result, active citizenship was selected as an

overarching tenet for students. The goal is for each student to develop a set of critical

skills that fosters a passion for paying attention to the surrounding world and decisively

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taking steps to address the ills of the community. To engage in active citizenship,

students must learn, practice, develop, and exhibit the remaining five tenets in no

particular order: integrity, responsibility, perseverance, collaboration, and inquiry. These

character traits are referred to as habits of mind expectations (H.O.M.E). Each H.O.M.E.

target has an overarching target known as the long-term target, which in turn has sub-

targets known as short-term targets. Each target is intended to be met by every student

and modeled by every adult in the building. The short-term targets create a path for

meeting the long-term targets, so exposure to and practice of soft skills were scaffolded

for students. The H.O.M.E targets are addressed every morning and afternoon with

teacher-created lesson plans for small groups of 8-12 girls called crew. In EL Education

schools, “We are crew, not passengers” (https://eleducation.org), meaning each person in

the crew, adults and students, are not only responsible for their individual selves, but for

each other. Adults are called crew leaders, and the entire crew, including their crew

leader, remains together for the duration of their time at the school, which is be 3 or 4

years depending on the grade the student entered. This process was established to ensure

that a bond is developed between adults and students and their families. Seider et al.

(2013) found that students who feel a strong personal connection to teachers and peers

are likely to expend more energy into schoolwork. Crew allows for students to build

stronger relationships, with the crew leader supporting all crew members. When there is

an issue with a student, staff consult with the crew leader before speaking to the parent;

in this way, the crew leader acts as a student’s “school parent.”

In addition to employing H.O.M.E. lessons during small crew, the entire school

conducts community crew Monday mornings and Friday afternoons. The goal is to begin

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the week with a specific character target and be intentional and mindful of exhibiting the

behaviors associated with that target during the week. Schonert-Reichl and Lawlor (2010)

determined that mindfulness lessons and intentional practices provide both pre-adolescent

and adolescent students an awareness of self and others, and schools are the setting where

these actions should occur to boost student competence. During Community Crew at the

conclusion of each week, the character target is reviewed, and each crew leader selects a

“Scholar of Week” who exhibited that character target. Crews are responsible for

planning community crew with the guidance and supervision of crew leaders. School

administration creates a community crew schedule for the school year so staff have time

to plan. Administration also selects a staff member of the week during community crew.

The celebratory end of the week reinforces the tenets of collaboration, responsibility,

inquiry, and perseverance as crews engage is preparation. Wiggan and Watson (2016)

found that both Black students and staff responded positively to weekly celebratory

character development events such as pep rallies. These weekly gatherings allow the

school community to encourage students to use positive social and performance skills.

In 2015–2016, the administration began to identify significant behavior

challenges. As a result, the school began to employ a conflict resolution strategy called

V.O.M.P. This provides the involved adult and student or student and student an

opportunity to vent and express how they feel; own the part they played in contributing to

the conflict; moccasins, meaning put oneself in the other person’s shoes to see how she

might feel; and, finally, to plan how and what the parties involved can do to prevent the

same conflict from repeating (Thomas & Tilden, 2015). The process allows the time and

safe space for involved parties to practice vulnerability and to develop their social-

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emotional growth. This program was initially met with reluctance by students; however,

in time, students willingly and often asked for a V.O.M.P. to settle conflict. Crew leaders

facilitated V.O.M.P.s and recorded the outcomes in the school’s internal record system,

which is accessible to all staff. Even with this process, behavior challenges continued,

and conflict was constant between some teachers and some students.

In the 2016–2017 school year, the principal hired a director of climate and culture

whose responsibilities include leading staff and students into a formal restorative practice

culture. The Director of Climate and Culture was required to train climate team

specialists to de-escalate student behaviors and support teachers conducting V.O.M.P.s.

Once per month, staff engage in professional development that focuses on the emotional

needs of students and how staff should attend to students’ needs while monitoring their

own emotional status. As the all-girls middle school grew, their behavior challenges

grew. The 2016–2017 school year yielded 38 suspensions with a population of 170

students (22%). With ongoing trainings from both the director of climate and culture and

the EL Education school developer, staff began to use improved behavior data as a

school-wide growth target. Planning around culture and school norms became more

intentional, and the school hired more staff to support the cultural shift required to set the

new tone. As Bond (2016) noted, character building and norm setting takes time to

develop and requires the tenacity of a dedicated group of adults. The staff tenacity

yielded positive suspension rates in the 2017–2018 school year, with 29 suspensions in a

student population of 196 (15%). While the data seemed to be improving with

suspensions, office referrals data were consistently high. The ability to build relationships

with Black girls in middle school required a specific skill that staff had to learn, but staff

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must have the will to do so. It was imperative that the school improve its behavior data,

especially for Black girls in middle school, to break the cycle of punitive discipline.

Urban Education, Black Girls and Discipline

The history of racism and oppression has had a negative impact on Black

students, both male and female, which manifests in a variety of ways. The discipline of

Black girls in schools has been overlooked, with more attention focused on Black males

and the school to prison pipeline. Recently, though, Black girls and discipline in schools

has received greater attention, with the body of research growing to reveal disparities in

discipline practices for Black girls in schools. Annamma et al. (2016) conducted a mixed-

method empirical study of discipline disparities in Denver public schools and found that

Black girls were more likely to experience isolated discipline consequences for subjective

reasons such as disobedience/defiance, which depended on the judgment of school staff.

Results indicated that even when referred to the office for the same behaviors as other

girls, Black girls were punished more harshly. Black girls received harsher discipline

outcomes based on staff judgement. Deeper analysis would require staff to unpack the

foundational racism that exists within the school system and how it in turn influences

staff perceptions. More qualitative studies should build on the research of Annamma et

al. (2016) to further understand the experiences of Black girls and school behavioral

systems and examine intervention and prevention measures that could address the

discipline disparity.

Similarly, Crenshaw et al. (2015) posited that more research should investigate

the interventions of discipline with Black girls specifically. Excluding Black girls from

the academic environment is problematic in because it reduces learning time and sets the

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tone for future exclusionary practices that extend beyond school, such as the school to

prison pipeline. Comparably, a qualitative study by Wun (2014) examined the

disciplinary practices of school staff with Black high school girls. The Black students

comprised only 9% of the total school population, but females accounted for 22% of the

discipline data. Centered on discussions with the Black female students possessing

behavior infractions and a year of observations, this study concluded that, “at the hands

of school staff and their peers – consciously or unconsciously – black girls are rendered

vulnerable to racialized and gendered forms of discipline and punishment” (Wun, 2014,

p. 2). School staff members who are oblivious to historical racism and how it manifests in

the lives of Black girls will consistently view their behavior as confrontational and

disruptive (Wun, 2014).

Black girls’ ways of being are regarded as confrontational. The ways in which

Black girls communicate dissatisfaction are regarded as combative, which teaches Black

girls to navigate a line of authenticity and adapt to societal norms; where these lines

intersect help teachers understand Black girls’ voices (Crenshaw, 1989). Early school

experiences expose Black girls to this dichotomy. The quest to navigate this line is an

ongoing process that requires transitioning between the authentic self and the societal

self. Koonce (2012) described this constant transitioning as the multiple identities of

Black girls and posited the need for further research on how Black girl vernacular

intersects with this balance in school settings. The preconceived notion that Black girls

are characterized by loudness, promiscuity, aggressiveness, and attitude often guide

school staff’s interaction and engagement with them (Walker, 2020). These biases lead to

punitive outcomes for Black girls and perpetuate the educational divide. Morris (2016)

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collected responses about Black girls’ attitudes from college students, which described

the mannerisms Black girls use to speak, such as eye rolling, talking with the neck, finger

snapping, and talking at a louder pitch. These traits constituted the angry Black girl,

which contrasted White femininity. The sample of responses gathered by Morris (2016)

represented a small sample of society’s general perception of Black girls. The literature,

then, shows that Black girls are treated punitively in mainstream social settings.

Social Emotional Needs of Black Girls

Adolescent Black girls navigate the complexities of adolescence just as any other

girl, but with the added pressure that solidifying their identity contributes to their social

emotional health. Black girls experience discrimination in many forms, which has

detrimental effects on their self-image and helps to shape their views and behaviors both

in and out of school. In a longitudinal study consisting of 491 adolescent students,

Richardson et al. (2015) found that adolescents who experienced discrimination were less

likely to feel positively about their racial identities. In particular, the study found that

Black girls specifically fell under a “buffering/defensive” cluster because of the

discrimination they faced. Research has shown (Muhammed & Haddix, 2016; Murphy et

al., 2013; Price-Dennis et al., 2017; Troutman, 2016;) that Black girls develop verbal and

nonverbal survival skills in response to discriminatory practices. As Black girls respond

to social experiences, defense mechanisms manifest in the classroom as behavioral

disruption. Feeling less connected to and positive about her racial identity places the

Black girl in a position of defense, which creates emotional and social methods of

engaging with people (Richardson et al., 2015).

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The education and emotional needs of Black girls are unique. The

intersectionality of the Black girl experience is lived without regard to socio-economic

status or academic aptitude and impacts their mental health and social interactions.

Anderson and Martin (2018) explored how gifted and talented Black girls experience the

duality of race and gender with the demands of an academically challenging

environment. Anderson and Martin (2018) used the social emotional units of the FFAME

model (social sacrifice, introvert, independent and self-sufficient) to examine how Black

girls in the K–12 school setting strive for perfectionism and the impact that has on their

emotional well-being. Black girls who strive for academic success become highly self-

critical, which can have a negative emotional impact that results in purposeful defeat or a

sense of indifference toward school. The pressure to continually perform well is pitted

against the negative labels of Black people and culture. This proposed dissertation

focuses on teachers’ experiences of Black girls in middle school who tend to experience

this weight and have negative emotional responses from it. Conflict arises when these

behaviors lead teachers to give them labels like “angry” or having an “attitude” (Murphy

et al., 2013). The middle school arena tends to spotlight this dissention between teachers

and Black girls. It is also magnified in urban public school settings. Teachers, regardless

of race or ethnicity, will encounter conflict with Black adolescent girls if their emotional

well-being is overlooked.

McArthur and Lane (2019) reviewed two qualitative studies that examined the

impact Black female teachers have on Black girls and how, as an intervention, they can

enable social empowerment through the intricacies of social identities. Regardless of the

shared intersectionality, cultural differences can still exist. Teachers must understand to

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view, experience, and learn that cultural differences between themselves and Black girl

students are valuable opportunities for growth. Fostering the education and emotional

well-being of Black girls requires teachers to carefully and intentionally develop and

navigate relationships as the young girls grapple with their identities. McArthur (2019)

stated that Black girls need “both physical spaces and psychological places” to best make

meaning of their everyday lives. They must decode “the messages they receive from the

world around them, contextualize and decontextualize their lived experiences, and

understand society and how and where they ft in it.” Similar findings from McArthur and

Lane (2019) and Watson (2018) documented and analyzed the experiences of Black

female teachers in an urban setting in a critical case study. The purpose was to discover

how these teachers presented politicized and spiritual care through the sociopolitical

context of Black students’ experiences. It revealed that these teachers held high

expectations for themselves and for the Black students they served because of the

multiple shared identities. The results documented a four-part approach to engaging with

Black students: “Four key components to building relationships found in this study

include vulnerability, encouragement, communication, and recognition” (Watson, 2018,

p. 374).

Creating a space and place for Black girls to communicate their realities and

lived experiences helps counteract the destructive circumstances lived in school, at home,

and in the community. Black girls receive substantially less attention to their socio-

emotional needs than others, and this lack has harmed their identities (McArthur & Lane,

2019). Black girls need to heal. Research has documented this need as a necessary step

for the Black girl to thrive by giving Black girls the authority to establish a place that

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supports the complexities of their identities (Gordon et al., 2019; Lane, 2017; Price-

Dennis et al., 2017). Lane’s (2017) critical race feminist auto-ethnography study posited

that Black girls need to intentionally delve into examining their identity, emotions, and

the role they play in society. Qualitative data gathered over two years from a girls’

empowerment program called Black Girls United resulted in positive outcomes for

participants. Given a safe space in which to engage in critical discourse on a daily basis

for two years, Black adolescent girls increased positive feelings about school and

expressed a sense of privilege about their identities and voice.

Black Girl Literacies

The multidimensional way of life that intersectionality affords Black girls has

historical underpinnings that impact socialization and education. More specifically, the

duality of Black girls’ language and behavior has historical influences and a constant

ripple effect that causes Black girls to question their identity and place in society

(Muhammed & Haddix, 2016). Black women have been able to endure and survive

mistreatment by redesigning the mistreatment to create practices and skills with which

only Black people are familiar (Muhammad & Haddix, 2016). They use the term Black

girls’ literacies to signify particular actions Black girls take as they read, write, speak,

move, and create in order to assert themselves, their world, and the complexities of young

Black girls.

Troutman (2010) qualitatively examined the perception and use of language in 15

African American women ages 17–74. They found distinct differences in how Black

women talk and noted that there are varied meanings associated with the ways in which

they speak. This research was rooted in the theory of language politeness, which was

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used to compare how African American women engage in conversation both among

themselves and with other people. Women and speech have a historical intertwining that

continues to regulate their linguistic behaviors. Until recently, societal expectations for

how and even when women communicated was regulated by the male perspective.

Women were expected to speak in “womanly” tones such as speaking softly and

submissively. Troutman (2010) expounded on the theory of language politeness as a

product of historical practice that women and society still regard as indicators of

femininity. In a survey of different communities of color, this research found that Black

women have a set of rules in the speech community with a distinct delivery of verbal

discourse that carries different meanings in different contexts. People who are not a part

of this Black community are not privy to the connotations, which leads them to regard

Black female speech as negative.

Specifically focusing on talking with an attitude, Troutman (2010) found that

participants regarded talking with an attitude a Black female practice that has been passed

down through generations. Depending on the context, talking with an attitude can have

multiple meanings that can be positive, neutral, or negative. Both verbal and non-verbal,

talking with an attitude was viewed as a strength because it means the woman is

advocating for herself. This appearance and sounds of this form of advocacy differ from

what societal norms regard as advocacy. Participants described advocating to include

different non-verbal cues such as head movement, finger snapping, eye rolling, etc.

Participants who viewed talking with an attitude as neutral expressed a need for context

to appropriately determine if the practice was negative or positive. More importantly,

though, the sentiment was, “it is just how we express ourselves.” Participants who

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regarded this talking with an attitude as positive felt it conveys a Black woman’s ability

to assert herself when needed. Regarded as showing confidence, Troutman (2010)

concluded that “Some Black women think talking with an attitude (TWA) should be

more accepted in mainstream – It is an expression of Black women – Voicing our

opinions – The norm – A form of communication” (p. 107). Some spectators viewed

talking with an attitude negatively, interpreting the form of expression as aggressive,

unsuitable, and haughty (Troutman, 2010). Negative perceptions described talking with

an attitude as having a correct time and place; when timed inappropriately, it can be

negative. However, even with this stance, participants felt that context was important in

making that determination.

Muhammed and Haddix (2016) conducted a literature review of historical,

theoretical, and empirical research on Black girl literacies. They found that Black girl

literacies are connected to how Black girls identify who they are and how they exist in

society. In the literature, the authors found that biases against Black girls required

teachers to recognize the intersection of Black girls’ stories, identities, and ways of

communicating. Among the multiliteracies that Muhammed and Haddix (2016) found to

support Black girls, language practice was cited as an integral to bridging the gap in

communication, teaching, and learning. Called African American literacies, it identified

Black girls’ speech as a way of recognizing Black girl individuality. Similar to Troutman

(2010), Muhammed and Haddix (2016) found that the language included both verbal and

non-verbal communication, such as hand gesturing and talking loudly. The research of

Muhammed and Haddix (2016) concluded by developing a Black girl literacy

framework: “In this framework, we conclude that Black girls’ literacies: Multiple 2. Tied

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to identities 5. Historical 4. Collaborative 5. Intellectual 6. Political/Critical”

(Muhammed & Haddix, p. 325).

The intersectionality of these elements consistently coexists and presents in

different ways based on context and individual participants. Black girls’ numerous

literacies consist of the ways in which reading, writing, and speaking is learned and used

both in and out of the school setting. In a school setting, the work of engaging with Black

girls is complex and requires patience, a willingness to understand and learn, an ability to

accept mistakes, and intentional planning. Price-Dennis et al. (2017) reviewed five

programs that focused on Black girls’ literacies to determine the elements of

programming that allow Black girls to safely and effectively reappropriate language.

They found that, to create deliberate and recurring opportunities for Black girls to

develop identifies that represent them culturally, the spaces must adhere to certain

criteria. For instance, they must respect the creative force of Black girls, develop an

understanding of significant learning habits and advocacy in Black girls, and nurture

comprehensive time for Black girls to develop and embrace identity as well as heal from

the negative narrative bestowed upon them.

Ives (2012) examined the importance of creating spaces in which Black girls’

voices are acknowledged and nurtured. They found that teachers’ marginalization of

student interest led to resistance, which can also be viewed as disruptive behavior. This

six-month study focused on the literacies of a middle school Black girl in a

predominantly Black school in a low-income community. Exhibiting a clear interest in

literacy, a Black girl wrote a play titled “ghetto family” that described the struggles of a

family. Mirroring her own experiences, the student used vernacular that observers would

37

describe as aggressive. The White teacher who allowed her and her female friends to

practice used it as a tool for control, and eventually they were unable to practice the play.

This created some resistance from the Black girl, who was furthered threatened with

disciplinary action. The middle school Black girl was aware of the dichotomy of talking

with an attitude. This was clear from the verbiage in her play, her use of “ghetto” in her

discourse with her mother at home, and her understanding of her mom’s need to speak

differently at work because she worked with White people. The girl’s awareness marks

the point at which intersectionality becomes a conscious construct for Black girls and

further develops why they talk with an attitude. In an effort to assert herself, she began to

protest the oppressive structures, in this case those imposed by her White teacher

(Muhammad & Haddix, 2016).

Applying the findings and suggestions in the Price-Dennis et al. (2017) study,

Gordon et al. (2019) described the establishment of an event for Black girls that would

act as a safe space for identity development and for nurturing Black girl discourse

without restrictions. Using the six components of the Black girl literacy framework

(Muhammed & Haddix, 2016) and data from 100 participants, the researcher found that

the experience was positive overall. The event ensured that activities were tied to Black

girls’ identities—that they were collaborative, historical, and intellectual. This required

intentional planning, which yielded positive responses from participants. The challenge

for teachers is to build intentionality into pedagogy so that it becomes a natural habit.

When teachers are not intentional about engaging with students and viewing interactions

from the students’ perspectives, conflict arises.

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Teacher-Student Conflict

As long as there are teachers and students, there will always be teacher-student

conflict; it is a natural part of relationships. Conflict is the perceived divergence of

interest where there is an incompatibility of interest with the parties involved (Ozgan,

2016). Adding race, gender, and class makes conflict inevitable. Studying the

relationships between teachers and students can uncover how and when conflict arises.

Murray and Zvoch (2011) studied 193 students in grades 5 through 8 and 19 African

American female teachers from three high-poverty public schools in Chicago. The school

populations consisted of over 95% low-income and 98% African American students. The

study gathered data from five child report measures that included the teacher-student

relationship, students’ self-perceptions of emotional adjustment, students’ satisfaction

with school, and a general personality characteristic measure (Murray & Zvoch, 2011).

Teacher data was gathered from four measures that included teacher perceptions of the

following areas: school adjustment, students’ level of engagement, student behavior, and

qualities of teacher-student relationships. The findings, consisting of both teacher and

student perceptions of relationships, provided further understanding of the social and

relational environment in schools. Murray and Zvoch (2011) linked adverse forms of

relationships to emotional and behavioral adjustments. Similar to the findings in

compatible research (Evans et al., 2019; McGrath & van Bergen, 2019), students and

teachers’ relationships encompass how each navigates emotions. It is important to note

that alienation was observed to be a predictor of behavior problems. Teachers’ ability and

willingness to connect with students, particularly Black students, helps determine student

39

success both developmentally and academically. How teachers view the relationships

they have with students is indicative of the conflict within that relationship.

Similar to the findings of Murray and Zvoch (2011), Evans et al. (2019) examined

how teacher relationships impact student behavior and conflict. A total of 230 teachers

from 128 British primary and secondary schools participated in this study. The

researchers measured teachers’ perceptions of challenging student behavior and teacher-

student interpersonal statements. Using multiple tools and checklists to gather data,

teachers’ perceptions were captured to reveal whether conflict existed and the role

teachers’ emotions played in the conflict (Evans et al., 2019). Results found that teachers’

negative affective responses to challenging behavior were initiated by teachers’

interpretations or perceptions of conflict. As a result of the perceived challenging

behavior, teachers negatively influenced conflict with students. This conflict was a

condition of a lack of closeness in the teacher-student relationship (Evans et al., 2019),

which is a common thread in similar studies (McGrath & van Bergen, 2019). This study

denoted the importance of having teachers be self-aware of their own emotions; beyond

this, they must intentionally work toward regulating their emotions when engaging with

students who exhibit challenging behaviors. According to Isaacson (2016), teachers at

every level should be consistent in what they ask from students and model the behavior

they want to see from them. This requires knowing how to regulate emotions in a positive

way.

The need for teachers to connect to students, especially Black students, means

closing the inequity gap. When teachers are not connected with students, students are at a

disadvantage (Zimmerman, 2018). Conflict between a teacher and student can begin a

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negative trajectory in school experiences. Split and Hughes (2015) conducted a follow-up

study on African American children and increased conflict in teacher-student

relationships in elementary school. A total of 350 boys and 307 girls across 35 schools

and 3 school districts were selected. Researchers collected data over six variables, which

included ratings of aggression cognitive ability, socioeconomic status, ethnicity, and

inhibitory control (Split & Hughes, 2015). Relationship inventories were used to measure

teacher-student conflict and the way it is resolved based on the six variables. Results

indicated that African American students who met each variable were at increased risk

for conflict with teachers. Results also found that African American students with below

average literacy skills had increased conflict with teachers (Split & Hughes, 2015). This

is important to note because negative or challenging student behaviors are exhibited

because students are expressing a need. As students engage in challenging behaviors,

teachers must take the time to stop and think about what students need to understand why

they engage in challenging behaviors. When teaching African American students, it is

also necessary for teachers to consider whether racial bias plays a role in how they

engage with students.

Subsequently, Zimmerman’s (2018) study found that teacher-student conflict

increased based on teachers’ perceptions of black girls. Using a sample of nationally

represented students across 968 schools from kindergarten through 5th grade, over 14,000

students were examined. Two sets of data were collected in two years using only two

variables: teacher-student conflict and challenging behaviors (Zimmerman, 2018).

Results indicated that teacher perceptions of teacher-student conflict was higher in Black

boys and Black girls. This indicates that racial bias plays a significant role in teachers’

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tendencies to view Black students’ behavior as challenging and the disparity of punitive

actions. Zimmerman suggested that teachers must be aware of the ways their perceptions

of Black girls are created. Zimmerman concurred with Morris (2016) and Wun (2015),

who recommended that schools pay attention to why Black girls are “defiant.” Often,

they are responding to different forms of overt and covert violence against them, such as

hostile school environments and other forms of intersectional trauma (Morris, 2016;

Wun, 2015). Schools have historically been a site of suffering for Black children in

general and Black girls in particular (Morris, 2016). Rather than punishing Black girls for

speaking or acting out on their suffering, K–12 schools need to make concrete changes to

become a more hospitable place for them (Dumas, 2014, p. 165). This work is relegated

to teachers, but it must be done with an awareness of racial bias and teacher emotional

competence.

Teacher Emotional Regulation

Acknowledging the social-emotional needs of students is not new to educators.

Scarborough (1977) reported that students, specifically middle school students, have

psychological, emotional, social, and mental needs that must be met to create the most

efficient classroom environment. The concept of social-emotional learning has altered

under different labels and approaches, including social-emotional competence,

mindfulness, responsive classroom, and restorative practice (Reppy & Larwin, 2020). In

some instances, social-emotional learning and competence have been embodied as

character curriculum because they combine the knowledge of social-emotional learning

through intentional planning for adult implementation. Fidelity of implementation is

critical to positive teacher-student relationships. Beesely et al. (2010) stated that positive

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and secure social relationships within school settings are associated with character/social

curriculum. To reduce conflict, positive social-emotion regulation is necessary for both

teachers and Black girls. Teachers’ ability to utilize emotional regulation to develop close

relationships with Black girl students is paramount to those students’ academic success

and emotional growth. The challenge of engaging with what teachers perceive as

disruptive Black girl students has led to negative teacher emotions, causing teacher

burnout and resentment for their profession (McGrath & van Bergen, 2019). This

indicates a lack of emotional competence for teaching in urban schools.

An expanding number of studies has extended the work of the collaborative for

Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning (CASEL) and has categorized social-

emotional competence in five aptitudes (Collaborative for Academic, Social, and

Emotional Learning [CASEL], 2013; Weissberg et al., 2015):

Self-awareness refers to the capacity to recognize and understand one’s emotions,

thoughts, and behaviors, and know one’s strengths and weaknesses. Self-

regulation refers to the capacity to regulate thoughts, emotions, and behaviors.

Social awareness, refers to the ability to consider others’ perspectives, understand

and follow social norms regarding behavior, and empathize and feel compassion

for others. Relationship skills, involves the capacity to initiate and maintain

positive relationships by listening effectively, communicating clearly, cooperating

well with others, and negotiating conflict in respectful ways. Finally, responsible

decision-making involves the capacity to make respectful and constructive

choices concerning one’s behavior and social interactions in different settings and

situations. (Weissberg et al., 2015, p. 702)

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Applicable to both teachers and students, these attributes require intentional and repeated

practice, as these practices do not come naturally. Schonert et al. (2010) posited that

social-emotional competence can be nurtured and behavioral challenges daunted in

students through classroom and school-based interventions. Schools have evolved to add

specific social-emotional aspects of the school day that allow both teachers and students

to engage in daily and repeated activities and processes to develop prosocial behaviors.

The idea of social awareness as defined by CASEL (2013) is not a new

understanding but rather a recycled concept. Similar to CASEL’s definition, Shen and

Zhang (2011) speculated that teachers’ emotional empathy has the power to convey

concern and take the viewpoint of the adolescent student. Furthermore, they posited that

this ability is critical to students’ emotional regulation development. Though these terms

have existed in several forms, teachers in urban schools have thus far lacked theoretical

and, more importantly, practical exposure to their ability to be intentional about social-

emotional strategies. Beltman and Poulton (2019) reported that, after 73 teachers were

exposed to a social-emotional training module and given time to implement strategies,

they were able to select strategies they found most beneficial to addressing teacher-

student conflict. These strategies included waiting, which involves being mindful of

breathing and clearing head space; reappraising the situation, which occurs when a

person attempts to understand another perspective; and, lastly, being proactive as a

preventative measure. There are clear alignments among social-emotional research

(Beesely, et al 2010; CASEL, 2013; Mc Grathe & van Bergen 2019; Reppy & Larwin,

2020; Shen & Zhang, 2011; Weissberg, et al, 2015;).

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Collie and Perry (2019) noted that a teacher’s ability to employ the

aforementioned aptitudes can create a relationship that is symbiotic with student

motivation. This raises an important point about the ways in which teachers develop

relationships with Black girl students. Specifically, it can determine whether they are

willing to deliberately engage with them, especially the perceived most challenging

students, in a way that creates meaningful, trustful relationships. It is paramount to Black

girls’ success that teachers have the will as well as the skill to transcend barriers and

develop positive relationships. A small study in Australia of McGrath and van Bergen

(2019) found that teachers’ perceptions of teacher-student conflict were amplified by

negative reflections on interactions. Teachers who did not develop strong relationships

with perceived challenging students placed blame on external factors such as poverty,

and teachers who perceived a close relationship with a disruptive student placed blame on

internal factors. Reppy and Larwin (2020) alluded to a direct correlation between

negative teacher-student relationships and student motivation: teachers intentionally

disconnecting from challenging Black girl students is detrimental and only fosters

disparity. The intentional avoidance of engagement with Black girl students is the

building block to conflict and widens the miscommunication between teacher and

student. The intent of this study is to examine the experiences of teacher-student

communication exchanges while navigating conflict with Black middle school students.

This study examines how teachers engage with Black middle school girl students to gain

an understanding of how Black girls’ literacies contribute to conflict. The way teachers

acknowledge and address Black middle school girls could enhance understanding of how

teachers’ intentionality toward developing relationships with Black girl students as well

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as their awareness and acknowledgement of their own emotions can lead to conflict with

Black girl students.

Research Questions

1. What are teachers’ experiences with integrating EL strategies as they resolve

conflict with Black middle school girls in a charter school in the Northeast?

2. What strategies do teachers integrate to regulate their emotions while

communicating with Black middle school charter school students during a

conflict?

3. What are teachers’ experiences with processing and acknowledging Black girls’

literacies of communication during conflicts?

4. What new meaning and resolution concepts do teachers integrate after resolving

conflicts with Black middle school students?

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Chapter 3: Methodology

Aim of Study

The aim of this study is to examine how teachers engage with Black female

middle school students to gain an understanding of how Black girl literacies contribute to

conflict. This study investigates teacher-student communication exchanges, how teachers

experience conflict, and the way in which teachers address Black female middle school

students’ behavior. Teachers’ awareness of their own emotions and how those emotions

lead to conflict with Black girl students can enhance understanding of the importance of

teacher intentionality in developing relationships with Black female middle school

students.

Research Design Approach

Developed by Edmund Husserl, phenomenology is a qualitative methodology

rooted in psychology along with other major methodological approaches such as the

grounded theory, discourse analysis, narrative psychology, and participatory action

research (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014). Phenomenological research is conducted to

understand a person or individuals’ lived experience of a particular phenomenon

(Creswell, 2013). According to Cooper (2014), phenomenology is suitable for bringing

awareness and understanding of specific conflict experiences that are missing from

current literature. Phenomenology can extensively describe those experiences from the

perspectives of participants. Correspondingly, this research uses a qualitative

phenomenological research approach to gather how teachers experience emotional

regulation and teacher-student communication exchanges while navigating conflict with

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Black female middle school students—paying particular attention to Black girl literacies

and how teachers experience conflict through them.

The ultimate objective of phenomenological research is to attain a thorough

understanding of the lived experience of participants. Interviewing participants allows the

researcher to gather information about a phenomenon and make meaning of the lived

experience. Discovering meanings in data requires an open and discerning approach that

allows for unexpected meanings to emerge (Giorgi, 2011). The order and delivery of

interview questions affects how participants share their experiences (Chan et al., 2013).

Interview questions in this study concentrate on the lived experiences of teachers’

emotional regulation and teacher-student communication exchanges while navigating

conflict with Black female middle school students. Consequently, this investigation takes

a phenomenological approach.

Interpretive phenomenology analysis (IPA) is a methodological framework with

for investigating how individuals make sense of their experiences (Pietkiewicz & Smith,

2014). The IPA framework musters the underlying principles of phenomenology,

hermeneutics, and idiography. It involves focusing on the ways things happen to

individuals in an experience (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014). Namely, it aims to discover the

crucial elements of phenomena or experiences that distinguish them from others. The

concept is that a comprehensive, iterative analysis of data collected by the researcher

outlined in IPA may interpret participants’ experiences in ways that they may not on their

own. The process of IPA analysis diverges from other forms of phenomenology;

however, the overarching focus on lived experience and meaning is consistent with the

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phenomenology methodology (Cooper, 2014). Using the IPA approach allows the

researcher to gather data on a shared experience of a phenomenon.

Participants

The researcher interviewed 12 teachers who currently teach at the all-girls middle

school in Maryland. Participants had a minimum of 2 years teaching experience at the

research site, and their age, race, ethnicity, teaching certification, and teaching experience

varied. All participants had experiences with middle school Black girls that include

addressing behaviors, redirecting girls, engaging in social-emotional practices that

develop the girls’ soft skill of recognizing and acknowledging how emotions and actions

are linked, communicating with female middle school students and their families, and

communicating with colleagues around best practices to address behaviors.

A purposive sampling strategy was used to recruit participants to examine their

lived experiences of teacher-student conflict. Purposeful sampling was used to select

teachers that only teach academic content. Resource teachers are outsourced and do not

possess state certifications. As a result, resource teachers were excluded from this study.

Content teachers, who have been formally trained, have theory and practical experience

addressing student behaviors.

Prior to approval from the Institutional Review Boards (IRB) of Nova

Southeastern University, the researcher contacted the executive director and principal of

the all-girls middle school to request access to the school’s internal behavior referral

system and permission to recruit participants by obtaining a list of teachers who met the

criteria. With permission from the executive director and principal, the researcher

gathered internal behavior referral data and sent participant invitations to teachers via

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email explaining the study and its intended purpose. Having established an

understanding, the researcher sent an email confirming the conversation with a link to a

consent form to participate in this research study. This interview allowed the researcher

to gather lived experiences of teachers’ interactions with Black girls in middle school,

particularly around conflict and how their experiences with Black girls’ communicative

style.

Data Collection Tools

The data source was collected from one-on-one interviews in which participants

responded to 15 open-ended questions that included some responses to scenarios. Created

by this researcher, the questionnaire was informed by another study, which indicated the

need to further understand how Black girl literacies intersect with conflict (Gordon et al.,

2019; Muhammed & Haddix, 2016; Price-Dennis et al., 2017; Troutman, 2010).

Interviews lasted approximately 60 minutes and were conducted via virtual video

conferencing using Zoom. Participants were presented open-ended questions and

scenarios to elicit responses describing conflict experiences with Black female middle

school students.

The Referral Collection

As Black girls respond to social experiences, defense mechanisms manifest in the

classroom as behavioral disruption. Feeling less connected to and positive about racial

identity research (Muhammed & Haddix, 2016; Price-Dennis et al., 2017; Murphy,

Acosta & Kennedy-Lewis, 2013; Richardson et al., 2015; Troutman, 2016) places the

Black girl in a position of defense, which creates emotional and social ways of engaging

with others. Using the literature, words, terms, and phrases were extrapolated to identify

50

behaviors in Black female students that are considered confrontational, aggressive,

defiant, non-compliant, and oppositional. The researcher reviewed anecdotal and

numerical data from the school’s internal behavior referral system to identify terms

outlined in the literature. These data from school years 2015–2020 were gathered from

internal reports. The researcher sorted and filtered them to identify the following words,

terms, and phrases as Black girl literacies: eye rolling, yelling, being loud, being

disruptive, being disrespectful, being aggressive. Once these terms were identified, the

researcher read each teachers’ anecdotes to better understand the described scenario. The

researcher created interview questions and scenarios based on the data from the internal

behavior referral system.

The Interview Protocol

The research site uses an internal behavior referral system to document students’

behavior. The referral system is a way for staff to communicate for the sole purpose of

providing support and intervention. The researcher created the interview protocol

questions based on data from the internal behavior referral system and research. Fifteen

interview questions were used to gather information about participants’ specific

experiences with teacher-student conflict, teacher emotional regulation, and teacher-

student communication—with a specific focus on Black girl literacies. Muhammad and

Haddix (2016) used the term Black girls’ literacies to signify the particular ways Black

girls read, write, speak, move, and create to assert themselves, their world, and the

complexities of young Black girls. Troutman (2010) found that talking with an attitude is

a Black female practice that has been passed down through generations. Verbal and non-

verbal speech uttered with an attitude were both viewed as strengths because they meant

51

the female was advocating for herself. Advocating can include different non-verbal cues

such as head movement, finger snapping, and eye rolling. The interview protocol (see

Appendix A) was used for this study. Prior to each interview, the researcher reshared the

study overview and reminded participants of their rights. Using an online platform that

allows recording, participants were again asked for permission to record the interview.

The researcher saved all recordings on a personal laptop, and they can only be retrieved

with a password.

Following the process of validation and trustworthiness, the researcher solicited

the assistance of an expert to review the questionnaire to identify alignment in the

purpose statement and the research and interview questions. The researcher revised the

interview protocol following the expert’s suggestions.

Procedures

The researcher began the study after receiving approval from the Institutional

Review Board (IRB) of Nova Southeastern University. With permission to obtain internal

behavior records and contact teachers, the researcher began recruiting prospective

participants. An invitation letter was emailed to volunteers who decided to participate in

the interview phase (see Appendix B). Once volunteers agreed to participate, the

researcher described the study in detail and presented the confidentiality agreement and

consent form granting permission to the researcher to use virtual video conferencing to

record interviews. The consent form also included the option for volunteers to withdraw

at any time throughout the process.

After consent forms were signed, the researcher scheduled individual time with

participants to conduct 60-minute interviews using virtual video conferencing. The

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interview protocol questions solicited teachers’ experiences with conflict, specifically

with Black female middle school students and Black girl literacies. Participants explained

how they engage with Black female middle school students, how they experience conflict

with them, and how they address Black female middle school students’ behavior. The

interview protocol was intended to enable communication with the participants and

obtain detailed and descriptive data about their experiences. The researcher emailed the

interview protocol instrument to the participants prior to the interview to familiarize them

with the questions and scenarios. During the interview, participants described their lived

experiences related to teacher-student conflict, communication, and the addressing of

behaviors. The interviews were recorded using a computer application, transcribed, and

sent to the participants for review and verification.

First, introductory emails were sent to staff describing the purpose of the study,

and then the researcher received email confirmation of volunteer interest. Following these

steps, the researcher emailed a letter with additional information about the study that

included a link to a consent form. The researcher emailed a consent form asking

permission to record the interview using a virtual video-conferencing platform. Once

interviews were concluded, the researcher engaged in member checking by sharing the

literal transcriptions of the interviews to ensure that the researcher captured each

participant’s experience to fidelity. Participants were asked to review the transcriptions

for accuracy and provide the researcher any corrections within 2 weeks.

Interview Protocol

An interview protocol (see Appendix A) was employed for uniformity in data

collection. The researcher explained the study to participants, including their rights, prior

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to commencing the interview. The interview protocol included fifteen questions intended

to gain knowledge of participants’ specific lived experiences with teacher-student

conflict, specifically regarding communication and how they address behaviors.

Interviews were conducted through a virtual video conferencing platform that permits

recording. All recordings were saved on the researcher’s personal computer, which can

only be accessed with a password. The researcher interviewed teachers at a Black, all-

girls middle school to explore the mutuality of lived experiences in the way they engage

with students and in their awareness of their own emotions and how those emotions lead

to conflict with Black girl students.

The following is the timeline of this study’s implementation following IRB

approval:

1) Month 1 – The researcher contacted the principal to obtain teacher contact

information. The researcher emailed teachers at the research site to determine interest in

sharing experiences. Invitation letters were distributed via email. The first 10 qualified

participants for interviews based on inclusion criteria were chosen.

2) Month 1–2 – The researcher emailed the consent form to participants after they

expressed interest in the study. As soon as the signed consent forms were received, the

researcher scheduled interviews with each participant using Sign Up Genius. The

researcher collected data by performing the interviews, which were recorded.

3) Month 2–3 – The researcher transcribed recorded interviews and sent

transcriptions to participants for member checking and verification.

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Data Analysis

Data analysis for this study focused on developing a deeper understanding of

teachers’ engagement with Black female middle school students and how Black girls’

literacies contribute to conflict. The data also examined teacher-student communication

exchanges, how teachers experience conflict, and the way teachers address Black middle

school girls’ behavior. The researcher employed the steps of IPA to analyze the data.

Smith and Osborne (2003) posited that the IPA approach allows researchers to deeply

explore how participants make sense of their personal and social worlds. The cyclical

process of participants making sense of their experience allows the researcher to in turn

make sense of the participants’ experience through iterative means; this process was

referred to as double hermeneutic by Noon and Hallam (2018). For this study, the

researcher collected data through individual structured interviews. Participants’ responses

were coded by the researcher and then analyzed for patterns, categories, or themes related

to the phenomenon under exploration.

The interview is a necessary component of the data collection process.

Interpretive phenomenological analysis requires a set of steps be taken to thoroughly

analyze and interpret participants’ responses. Phenomenological interview data

underwent detailed analysis consisting of the following six steps: 1) multiple readings, 2)

note making, 3) transformation of notes into emerging themes, 4) search for connections

between emerging themes, 5) a move to the next case, and 6) a clustering of themes by

search for patterns in all cases (Noon, 2018; Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014). The researcher

used the IPA data analysis and interpretation process, beginning by describing the

analysis process for each of the cases presented in the investigation.

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IPA Step One

To become completely familiar with the raw data, the researcher read the initial

transcript multiple times (Noon, 2018). The researcher began by conducting an initial

read to clean up and then continued by rereading notes while viewing video interviews a

minimum of two times. Each reading and viewing provided the researcher new insights

into the data (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014). Furthermore, they allowed the researcher to

organize and structure the data to allow for a more comprehensive analysis (Pietkiewicz

& Smith, 2014). Using the transcribed interviews, the researcher noted the interpretations

in a reflection journal to obtain a thorough awareness of each participant's experiences

(Smith & Osborn, 2003).

IPA Step Two

The researcher analyzed the interview transcription in detail to annotate what is

interesting or significant along the margin (Smith & Osborn, 2003). This entails

inspecting the content, language used, and delivery of content on a rudimentary level

(Smith & Osborn, 2003). This step allowed the investigator to become familiar with the

transcripts and increase their awareness of the participants’ views on the phenomenon

(Smith & Osborn, 2003) of teachers’ lived experiences of engaging with Black female

middle school students and how Black girls’ literacies contribute to conflict.

IPA Step Three

At this step, the researcher worked more closely with the annotated notes than the

transcript to develop emerging themes (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014). When exploring

themes, the researcher analyzed the data and extrapolated and documented valuable

information applicable to the study (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014). Using clear and concise

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statements, the researcher then identified themes within the notes. These were conveyed

as broad and theoretical idioms that represented the participants’ authentic words and

thoughts and the researcher's elucidations (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014).

IPA Step Four

During this step, the researcher grouped the preliminary themes together

according to conceptual similarities (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014). These theme clusters

received descriptive labels and were analyzed to determine if they warranted subthemes

(Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014). Clusters of themes were initially placed in sequential order.

Upon further analysis, the researcher placed the themes in theoretical order based on the

connections among themes (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014).

IPA Step Five

The researcher used the video recordings and notes gathered from the interview of

the next participant to repeat the process of steps 1 through 4 as described above (Smith

& Osborn, 2003). The researcher concurrently bracketed merging concepts that arose

from the next set of data and repeated this process for each participant, adding more

information to each set of themes (Noon, 2018). In this step, the researcher considered

that other factors, including the richness of certain information that underscored themes

and how the themes helped illuminate other aspects of the participant’s experience (Smith

& Osborn, 2003).

IPA Step Six

The final step required the researcher to code and identify patterns across cases

and then identify themes found in the data (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014). The researcher

examined how themes, quotes, and conclusions in each transcript related to determine the

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best way to depict the data. The data was then described in a report highlighting all

uncovered themes, quotes, and conclusions (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014).

Ethical Considerations

It is the role and responsibility of the researcher to ensure intentional ethical

considerations throughout the research process to safeguard participants from discomfort

or unease. According to Creswell (2013), “Ethical issues in qualitative research can be

described as occurring prior to conducting the study, at the beginning of the study, during

the data collection, in data analysis, in reporting the data, and in publishing a study” (p

57).

At the beginning of the study, the researcher shared a statement with each

participant that expressed appreciation for their voluntary participation, reminded them

that they could stop at any time if they felt uncomfortable, and verbally described the

interview and post-interview data analysis processes. Participants were treated with

respect in each phase of the research. The study provided researcher an opportunity to

reflect on how communication with Black adolescent girls leads to conflict. Participants

became cognizant of how Black girls’ literacies influence their engagement with the

world and developed practices that accept how Black girls communicate.

During the data collection, participants’ names were changed to protect identities.

The interview process included open-ended questions with additional questions to

support responses. In phenomenological research, the research questions follow

participant cues (Chen et al., 2013). Along with using aliases to protect participants, the

researcher ensured that recordings were password-protected and reminded participants

that the researcher is the only person with access to the data. Accessible only to the

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researcher, data was kept on a password-protected laptop. Furthermore, all data was

stored and protected in a locked cabinet also only accessible to the researcher. After three

years, all documentation will be discarded.

Trustworthiness

Qualitative studies require researchers to establish credibility of the data gathered;

this is referred to as trustworthiness (Cooper, 2014). Participants and study analysis are

the primary foci of qualitative studies (Korstjens & Moser, 2018). According to Stahl and

King (2020), Lincoln and Guba’s (1985) organizational scheme of trustworthiness

provided the foundation upon which researchers have since built. Trustworthiness of

research is one of those shared experiences, whereas readers and writers may find

commonality in their constructive process. Four factors contribute to the reliability of a

study: credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability (Stahl & King, 2020).

Establishing credibility and trustworthiness in this study involved member checking. The

researcher established trustworthiness through member checking by asking participants to

check the accuracy of the transcribed gathered data. Creswell (2013) explained several

validity strategies for assessing the accuracy of interpretations: the lens of the

researchers, the lens of the study participants, the lens of the readers, and report

reviewers. Credibility refers to the believability of the study through the eyes of the

participants (Korstjens & Moser, 2018). The researcher created trustworthiness through

the aforementioned process of member checking, which is a significant practice for

confirming study validity (Amankwaa, 2016). Member checking between the researcher

and the participants occurred after the initial interviews. The researcher sent transcribed

interviews to each participant and scheduled discussions with each to verify their content.

59

The researcher had one expert review the interview protocol to further ensure

trustworthiness.

Additionally, the original questionnaire was emailed to two experts to determine

the validity and integrity of the instrument; according to Creswell (2013) and Stahl and

King (2020), this step is essential in qualitative research. An expert review is an

examination process intended to determine a questionnaire’s validity (Muda et al., 2020).

The expert review process devotes attention to the questionnaire by identifying

challenges in and recommendations for improving it. During this process, experts also

assessed whether each question was clear and addressed the research topic. Experts

reported their suggestions to the researcher to improve the questionnaire and ensure

trustworthiness.

Study transferability is exhibited in the comprehensive descriptions of the

experiences of the participants interviewed (Creswell, 2013; Korstjens & Moser, 2018).

An investigation is considered sound when the study can be reproduced and has findings

that are consistent with previously validated studies on the same topic (Korstjens &

Moser, 2018). Validation is achieved by documenting how the researcher remained

impartial at each stage of the study (Korstjens & Moser, 2018). The purpose of researcher

reflection is to identify potential behavior that may affect a study’s the outcome.

Potential Research Bias

Chenail et al. (2010) stated that, in order to better identify bias, a researcher must

be able to share his or her experience and knowledge to avoid skewing data analysis. As a

Black female, the researcher experienced conflict with both adults and peers in

educational settings. Having attended, graduated, and taught in low-income, urban

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schools throughout her educational career, the researcher has first-hand experience with

the conditions that impact teacher-student conflict and interaction. At the all-girls

research site, conflict has increased each year, and the researcher believes it is due to a

discrepancy between how Black girls communicate and how teachers’ understanding the

way Black girls express themselves. As a former employee of the research site, the

researcher has herself experienced conflict with Black middle school girls. As such, the

researcher was able to experience teacher and student frustrations as they related to

conflict and student referrals for behavior. The increase of referrals prompted further

review of school reports. The review of referrals revealed that many students were being

reprimanded for speaking and behaving in a manner deemed oppositional to teachers but

that abided by cultural norms for Black girls. Given the extent to which the researcher has

engaged with staff and students, and in accordance with Copper (2014), the researcher

will use the bracketing process to set aside the biases and partisan ideas of the researcher

regarding the phenomenon under study through a reflective journaling process.

Limitations

This dissertation study focused on the experiences of teachers’ engagement with

Black female middle school students to understanding how Black girls’ literacies

contribute to conflict. The intersectionality of Black girls, how they navigate the lines of

their identities in school, and how teachers perceive those behaviors were discussed. The

way teachers acknowledge and address Black middle school girls enhance understanding

of how teachers must be intentional in developing relationships with Black girl students

as well as be aware of and acknowledge their own emotions and how those emotions lead

to conflict with Black girl students. The first limitation of the study is the small sample

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size. Furthermore, “the degree of similarity or variation that can be contained in the

analysis of the phenomenon” (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014, p 5) can serve as a limiting

factor, causing a teacher to relive their negative experience with student conflict. Another

limitation is that the data was collected from one school program, meaning it cannot be

representative of all Black middle school girls and their teachers’ experiences. A third

limitation is that due to COVID-19 safety precautions, all interviews will be conducted

virtually. The inability to meet with participants face-to-face eliminates the possibility of

more personable connections.

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Chapter 4: Findings

This chapter highlights the findings from the data analysis process described in

Chapter 3. The researcher employed a phenomenological approach that delineated the

lived experiences of six teachers at a predominately Black, all-girls urban middle school.

The findings presented a broader understanding of teachers’ experiences with integrating

EL strategies as they resolve conflict, of the strategies teachers integrate to regulate their

emotions when communicating during a conflict, and of teachers’ experiences with

processing and acknowledging Black girls’ communication literacies during conflicts.

Among the understandings were teacher-student communication exchanges, how teachers

experience conflict, and the way teachers address Black middle school girls’ behavior.

Data for this phenomenological study were collected through individual

comprehensive interviews with teachers at an all-girls middle school in the northeast

region of the United States. Information provided by and collected from the participants

during in-depth interviews and conversations produced a significant contextual

understanding of experience and frustration, resulting in four major themes: (a) conflict

interacts with values and nonverbal cues, (b) relationships with students directly impact

restorative strategies, (c) self-awareness deescalates conflict, and (d) it is critical to

acknowledge Black girl culture and literacies.

Participant Backgrounds

A phenomenological approach was chosen to investigate teachers’ lived

experiences of conflict with middle school students at an all-girls school in the Northeast.

The researcher conducted individual interviews using Zoom, a web-based conferencing

tool. Participants included six teachers who had been employed at a predominantly Black,

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all-girls urban middle school in the Northeast of the U.S. for at least two years. The

identity of participants was protected by applying pseudonyms.

Lilah. Lilah was born and raised in the Northeast. She attended public schools

from kindergarten through 12th grade and attended undergraduate and graduate school in

Northeast as well. She began her teaching career in 2007, taught in an urban school for 14

years, and classified herself as an African American. She is one of the founding teachers

at the all-girls middle school and began by teaching English Language Arts at the site in

2015. She has served in several roles in addition to teaching; they have helped shape

many of the systems and practices in the school. She knows all the staff and serves as a

mentor to new teachers.

Lisa. Lisa was born and raised in Northeast and attended both public and private

schools in Northeast. She received an undergraduate degree and then a graduate degree

through a teacher program in special education in the Northeast. Lisa racially classified

herself as Other but visibly looks like a Black woman. She has been teaching for 7 years,

always at urban schools. She began teaching at the all-girls middle school site in 2017

and currently works as a special education teacher.

Lelani. Lelani was born and raised in the Northeast and attended both public and

private schools from kindergarten through twelfth grades in that region. Lelani earned her

undergraduate degree from a Northeast university and is currently finishing her master’s

degree at a historically Black university in the Northeast. She classified herself as Black

with strong African roots. Lelani has been teaching for 9 years, all of which have been

spent in urban schools. She began teaching at the all-girls middle school in 2016 and

currently teaches life skills as well as other duties.

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Leslie. Leslie was born and raised in Northeast and attended public school from

kindergarten through twelfth grades in Northeast. Leslie recently earned an

undergraduate degree from a Northeast historically Black university and is pursuing a

masters in the near future and classified herself as an African American woman. Leslie

has been teaching for 5 years, always at urban schools. She began teaching at the all-girls

middle school site in 2016 as a science teacher.

Lillian. Lillian was born and raised in the Northeast and attended public schools

from kindergarten through 12th grade in the Northeast. Lillian has undergraduate and

graduate degrees from Northeast universities. She racially classified herself as Other and

looks like a White woman. She has been teaching for 14 years, with all 14 spent in urban

schools. She began teaching at the all-girls middle school site in 2017 as an English

Language Arts teacher.

Lily. Lily was born and raised in the Northeast. Though her mother taught in the

urban school district, she attended private schools from kindergarten through 12th grade.

Lily obtained both undergraduate and graduate degrees from Northeast universities and

classified herself as a White woman. She began teaching 13 years ago, 7 of which she has

spent in an urban school. Lily is a founding teacher at the all-girls middle school and

began teaching in 2015 as an English Language Arts teacher. She has served in several

roles in addition to teaching, which have helped shaped many of the systems and

practices in the school. She knows all the staff and serves as a mentor to alumnae in high

school.

Contextual Significance

This section addresses how teachers spoke about the process of implementing

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restorative practices and how it helps them build strategies for communicating with

students to de-escalate conflict. Administrators and the four founding teachers planned

how they would address inappropriate behaviors and developed a systematic process for

how teachers would engage with students during conflict. The school embraced the

partnered support of EL Education (formerly known as Expeditionary Learning),

choosing to use restorative practices to help develop students’ ability to own emotions

and responsibility during conflict. Teacher input identified frustration even with the

prescribed practices in place, which resulted in significant behavior challenges in year

one. Teacher frustrations led to conflict, which helped develop the restorative practices.

Two participants indicated that moments of frustration agitated conflict, explaining that it

served as an emotional trigger. This was depicted by Leslie in the following way: “I'm

thinking about the time that that has happened to me. I literally have to call for help, and

I'll call another teacher, like, I legit need to step out because this is not looking well.”

Lily tearfully expressed her frustration as

"One class in particular that I had, it was so hard to follow up on things because

there were like, seven firecrackers in there who were just like, pow-pow-pow-

pow-pow-pow-pow, and to even keep track of what had just happened to me, or to

all of us after that hour and then to follow up with them…”

By year two, teacher frustration led the school to employ a restorative strategy called

V.O.M.P. (vent, own moccasins, plan), in which the adult and student or student and

student had an opportunity to do the following: vent and express how their feelings; own

the part they played in the conflict; moccasins, meaning to put oneself in another person’s

shoes to see how they might feel; and, finally, to plan how and what the parties involved

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can do to prevent the same conflict. During the second year of V.O.M.P., staff realized an

important part of restorative practice was missing: how to address conflict when it

impacted the community.

All participants engaged in at least 2 to 3 years of professional development on

restorative processes with hands-on support from non-instructional staff. Participants

have been at the middle school location for between 4 and 6 years, with two participants

being founding teachers. After the data analysis, four general themes were identified;

however, two significant contextual learnings that surfaced must also be discussed

because they relate to restorative practices. The experiences of each participant led to

some common understandings around restorative practices and how their implementation

helped teachers create strategies for communicating during conflict with students. These

findings are essential, as they overlap some of the general themes and enhance

understanding of how participants employ strategies during conflict. It also provides

insight into how participants have been able to regulate emotions in heightened moments

of conflict.

Restorative Practices are Necessary to Reduce Conflict

Five of the six participants fully engaged in restorative practices to reduce conflict

and found the practice effective. Lilah expressed it as follows:

If some harm has been done…because we have to restore what's going on. So my

biggest thing is making sure that we are both able to say from our perspective

what we feel happen and try to figure out what we can do so that it doesn't happen

in this manner.” “But being in the restorative school, you're able to see how much

having conversations and, initially structured conversations, about harm and

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things like that, how it really plays the benefit. It teaches them how to interact

socially.

Lilah continued to express this sentiment about how restorative conversations have

prevented conflict from escalating:

Sometimes having that conversation with the two people in a closed space, it

allows them to really speak about what's happening and things like, kind of like a

mini VOMP that way. But if it's me, I don't believe in allowing a person to re-

enter the space until our conversation has had.

Lelani shared her experience as

The expectation for handling conflict in our location is that it's ultimately

restorative. Getting away from the days and times when the intent was to punish,

realizing that the root of discipline is to learn.

Leslie’s described using restorative conversations with students to prevent conflict or

even closing the loop to a prior confrontation with a student:

I always make sure because this actually happened, like last week. I always make

sure. When is that child’s time to come to my class before they enter the building.

We have that conversation before they come in, before they get settled, before

they put their books down.

Lisa expressed satisfaction with the restorative approach’s ability to reduce conflict,

saying,

“One of the things I think is really effective is not matching the student energy.

And I think that it's the natural thing.”

Here, she was alluding to how natural it is to yell at someone when being yelled at.

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However, she added,

“restorative practices force teachers to engage differently.”

Lily described the effectiveness of restorative practices as follows:

“So to have those conversations in crew or in class, or wherever else when

everybody is okay and everything is fine, could be helpful. I think it has to be hit

again and again and again and then to say when the conflict happens, ‘Okay, how

are you feeling?’”

One participant admitted that if restorative practices were not at the middle school, she

would not engage in the practice. She did, however, express that “Yes. I think that that

could work. It does. But for me, I'm using what I've learned prior, and that's why it's

working.”

Lillian shared that,

“However, at this particular school, if you're going to buy in, you got to buy in all

the way. So, you know, at other schools would I have done that? Probably not.”

In the absence of restorative practice, this participant would not engage in the necessary

restorative conversations that help strengthen relations between teachers and students.

Experience Helps Build a Teachers’ Toolbox to Deal with Conflict

In combination, teachers’ experiences with conflict and use of iterations of the

restorative process to reduce conflict mark an ongoing learning experience. More

experience as a teacher exposed participants to a variety of conflict scenarios. These

experiences taught participants how to engage with students during conflict and were

often referred to as a strategic process. This was best discussed by four out the six

participants. Lilah shared the following:

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So for me, it's kind of like, and I had to learn this, in the moment when something

happens, my first reaction, if it's something that's being said, sometimes you just

need to check them.” “I no longer do the toe-to-toe...like, I don't want to do a

show down. Like, I'm not in that stage anymore.

Lilah’s growth as a teacher was illuminated when she said, “Most of the time, I feel like

I try to conduct myself in a way where I'm not agitating the situation.” She indicated an

understanding of how time and experience altered how she engages with students.

Lelani expressed that

“I think that I'm learning. We're all learning. How I would react in year six is not

how I react year one.” “So I think…so what I would have said, like, you know,

you learn and grow over time. So things that would have said…” “It's a constant

practice and a constant process. It's still being wrong, but just committing to

growing and to learning more about the why behind it.”

Lillian noted that

“I mean, year 14 things don't get to me as much as they used to, you know.” How

this participant used experience as a strategy, “But year 14, I'm like, okay. Can

you please step into the hallway? I did that with a scholar this year. “

Lily added the following: “But it took me a while to get there because I think when I first

started teaching, it would be like…immediately yell at them, make an example. And now

it's more like, let me show you my humanity.” She also added, “That's another thing that

I've sort of grown to be okay with. Are you a stander? Fine. You stand, like we got other

stuff to do.” The participants echoed the idea that learning to “pick your battles” comes

with time and exposure to different types of conflict. Participants described how they

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have learned to overlook issues that they once would have addressed as long as the

student is on task. This is important to note as themes are discussed, as there is a line

between ignoring behavior and accepting behavior when addressing conflict.

Themes

The researcher identified four overall themes from data analysis: (a) conflict

interacts with values and nonverbal cues, (b) relationships with students directly impact

restorative strategies, (c) self-awareness deescalates conflict, and (d) acknowledging

Black girl culture and literacies. The subsequent section will discuss the themes

accompanied by direct quotes from the participants.

Theme 1 – Conflict Interacts with Values and Nonverbal Cues

Each participant felt they knew and accepted the fact that, because of the nature of

their work, conflict is inevitable. All participants expressed experiencing conflict with

students that resulted from direct opposition to a request. Participants noted that conflict

between a student and teacher can arise not only through non-verbal and verbal

interactions but through a struggle between power and understanding values. It is both a

visible and emotional difference of opinions and values. Further analysis of participants’

statements indicated that conflict arose when they felt student behaviors, including non-

verbal behaviors, marked a direct offense to their personal values. While some

participants shared certain values, others felt the violation of values slightly differently.

These participants’ values included emotions, beliefs, power, and relationships. Teachers

with more experience had clearer boundaries for conflict. The sentiment of a violation of

values was shared by Lelani. She expressed this sentiment in several statements,

revealing that feelings of insignificance are her trigger for conflict: “I felt disrespected

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when you, you know, when I say good morning and you stared me in my face, and they

kept walking.” Additionally, she stated,

Things like that feel disrespectful because it feels like it…it feels like…I'm

insignificant, I guess and all I want to do is help and so a lot of that was rooted in

my own, like I said the feelings of, like, significance and value.

Lelani also admitted that her idea of what a classroom should look like is important to

her; when those notions do not exist, conflict arises. She shared that "preconceived

notions that I might come into a classroom with about, like, how a lesson should be

taught, how students should behave.” She added that “And so coming into a classroom

with 25 different personalities and it not going the way that I planned is something that

would cause friction” and “I'm still divorcing myself from those ideas of like, you're

doing things, you're making unwise decisions, and I don't really see an effort to…to fix

it.”

Another of Lelani’s triggers is activated when there is a lack of appreciation for the effort

she expended when planning a lesson or activity:

I'm pouring my all into this lesson and I'm getting a very like flat affect in return,

or just nonchalant, or you're doing enough just to get it done, or just not paying

attention, maybe talking with each other or otherwise unfocused.

Lily shared the same sentiment:

I guess if someone told me that I wasn't helpful…if that were to happen…I'm

pretty helpful. That would really hurt me. If they got to the core of what…like I've

definitely been told like, you don't know how to explain things. Those things, I

think cut the deepest…like where whatever effort, like, this is my main effort. My

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main effort is for you to learn, for me to teach you. And if you cut at that and

make a comment about that, this thing that I'm trying to do, that I'm pouring all of

my heart into, that is the most disrespectful.

Lillian described a similar experience, saying, “I guess it's just the non-compliance kind

of behavior. But the non-compliance kind of behavior in terms of. Hey, you're here. I'm

trying to help you. And you're not accepting the help. And for me, I get agitated.” Some

participants felt that this value included students who are not being kind or nice in both

actions and words. It was clear that these behaviors triggered some teachers, as Lily

expressed “I guess in a very general way, being mean to other people, whether that's me

or one another. So verbally, usually calling someone a name or saying something about

someone. Yeah. Mean comments.” Lisa similarly noted that “I've had students talk about

my physical appearance. So, like, I find that disrespectful.”

Boundaries also emerged from participants’ statements in different ways. For

example, Lilah felt that conflict begins when physical boundaries are violated, which is

indicative of her value of personal space. She noted that

…other experience I've had with, like, personal space. Like, where students like,

if you're trying to ask them to do something, they would, like brush past you and

bump into you intentionally. That rattles me because you just don't do that type of

thing.

Leslie also values personal space, while the opposite is true for Lilah. Leslie described

feeling conflict when students oppose her nurturing approach. She expressed it when she

said,

When she touched her on the back and she yelled, don't touch me, that was one

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way, one area of conflict for me. This may be a personal thing because I'm a

nurturer. And so that would have been something that I would have done, and I

think that her responding in that way would have been rude to me or…because I

guess it's personal.

The role of power and how it manifests in the classroom determines how conflict

is created and addressed. Participants’ notion of setting boundaries for behavior and

students’ lack of adherence to those boundaries creates conflict. When the adult is no

longer able to control student behavior, language, or attitude, conflict arises. According to

the participants, this could be exhibited through non-compliance, verbal aggression, or

walking out of the room. Lillian expanded on this area, saying, “Some things I would

consider be disrespectful would be the eye rolling, the not coming in… after boundaries

have been set. Like, I set my boundaries” and “the back and forth talking, the rolling the

eyes, not following directions.” She also noted that “someone who isn't willing to work

with me or work within the parameters that we've set as a class, I think is disrespectful.”

Lilah expressed this lack of adherence to expectations as “…and they're still like, ‘I don't

give a damn. I’m gonna do whatever I want to do.’ That creates conflict for me.”

Lily defined conflict as nonverbal, noting that

…a student doing something that something really oppositional or defiant where a

request has been given or I gave a direction or a request and it's completely

reasonable and in her set of abilities, and she won't do it, walks out of the room

and

Because I just feel like there's something I must have done just based on the way

that you put your head down, you refuse to work, you won't pull up your mask.

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And just the way you talk to me or like, roll your eyes when I ask something.

Leslie expressed the same sentiment, stating, “The conflict actually begins when I am in

redirection mode, and so possibly trying to get them to do something different or react in

a different way or addressing the behavior, then the conflict arises.” Furthermore, she

observed that “Possibly using a disrespectful tone when talking to when students are

talking to me.” Lisa defined the power dynamic of conflict as an acknowledgement of

mutually agreed inappropriate behaviors that, once addressed, are ignored. She indicated

this in the following statement: “So I feel like disrespectful behavior is any behavior that

you're engaging in and when somebody has acknowledged the fact that your behavior is a

problem.”

All participants expressed feelings of frustration when conflict between teacher

and students occurred, citing specific student behaviors, including language, behavior,

and attitude. While some participants, four out of six, appeared to be unbothered by

nonverbal behaviors that equate to having attitude, such as rolling of the eyes. Two White

participants stated feeling agitated or finding it disrespectful when students roll their

eyes. It is important to note that one of the White participants indicated a potential

cultural misunderstanding. Lillian stated that, “The rolling of the eyes usually gets me. I

don't know. The older I get, the more I can't stand the rolling of the eyes.” The

contrasting statements by Black teachers noted that “…the rolling of the eyes because

people do that all the time. And I think that was something small…”. Another participant

shared that,

So for me, I think that, I mean, well, the rolling of the eyes…I think it would

depend on whether that was a typical or a typical behavior. So depending on how

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well, you know the student, because a lot of the students that I would tell the

teacher, a lot of the students are a reflection of the home environment that they

come from. So this is considered to be like, if the student receives this and sees

this and imitate this, I wouldn’t necessarily take it as like, they’re being purposely

trying to create conflict with you. They’re just expressing their emotion in the

way that they’ve been taught to express their emotion.

Another participant, who identified at Black, remarked that “I wouldn't say so much to,

like rolling of the eyes and stuff, because that's…that was just a reaction to the conflict,

not the conflict itself.” The data revealed that how teachers feel about behaviors can be

based on their cultural understanding and experience. Feelings of insignificance, feelings

of unappreciation, and displays of meanness resulting from both nonverbal and verbal

interactions with students were found to trigger teacher-student conflict.

Theme 2 – Relationships with Students Directly Impact Restorative Strategies

Successful restorative strategies are built on relationships between and among

students and teachers. The school site uses restorative practices to address conflict and

has undergone several revisions. However, one component that remained constant was

the teachers’ responsibility for establishing positive, trusting relationships with students.

This requires adults teaching and modeling to express emotions positively and exhibit

empathy for others to take ownership of the role they played in contributing to conflict.

The participants expressed varying levels of engagement with students. The stronger the

relationships between teacher and students, the better the outcome of applied school

strategies, which are all based on communication. The depth of the relationship also

showed to regulate when and how often teachers collaborated on a strategy

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implementation. Two of the Black participants used familial approaches to engage with

students, which resulted in strong relationships with them. These two teachers have the

lowest number of behavioral challenges on record. One Black participant wanted to use a

familial approach but expressed uncertainty. The fourth Black participant described using

the school’s system for addressing behaviors and not initiating relationships. The two

White participants noted using a more hands-off approach, tending to avoid direct

communication when conflict is present. Even with systemic processes for addressing

conflict, the presence of positive relationships with students sets the stage for how

effective those processes are at resolving conflict. Interview results indicated that the

restorative process allows teachers to engage in steps, but that time, empathy, and teacher

experience lead to connections with students. For example, Leslie described how she uses

self-awareness:

I may ask them; how would you feel if I use that tone with you when I'm talking

to you for asking you questions to you? Do you see that I'm being disrespectful to

you? Then why would you think that it's okay to be disrespectful to me?

All participants agreed that strategies to address conflict must be deliberate in nature

meaning all conflict must be addressed with conversations. Participants also stated that

strategies to address conflict must be restorative and process-oriented. For instance,

Leslie shared that “I always go back and follow up with a conversation to see to see what

happened or to have a restorative conversation on my own.” Lily explained that she uses

questioning to connect with students:

Maybe something happened last class and you don't even know that you upset her

and you might have, or she must be going through something else. Maybe

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something happened in the hallway, and it would probably go a long way for the

rest of your hour if you pulled her aside and asked what was happening because

you're concerned, she's not usually like this or whatever make it up.

However, when asked about following up with a scholar she had conflict with, Lily

shared, “I would say if it got better, probably not,” which is counter to restorative

practices. Lilah described using an empathetic approach and establishing respect in the

relationship to deepen connections with students:

I think it's just the rapport I had with the students. I feel like I try to consider

myself a warm demander or like, they know I have high expectations for them,

but they also know that I care and pay attention to them. So oftentimes when that

happens, the interaction exchange happens, I can roll them back like, is this how

we interact? Like, do you have this relationship with me and they're like, no. And

then you can break it down and get into it. I think a lot of these children really buy

into relationships.

She further expounded on this idea, saying, “I mean, you're just going to really

understand it. So really put the time in after you get to know and see and understand who

the child is before you label them to describe them in a certain way.” She additionally

mentioned, “But I think for me what has worked best is just the kids understanding that I

see them, I notice them. I care about them, and they know that there's a connection

outside.” Lillian found a way to connect that shows care to strengthen student

relationships, but it is important to note that this did not require a conversation:

I found out she didn't live that far away from me, so I would drop off things, send

her letters, things that we didn't have to be face to face to, but she could see that

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she's thinking about me. So I dropped off some books, I dropped off some letters,

dropped off a gift on her birthday. So using our love languages when we weren't

together, and this year, our relationship is so much better because we dealt with it

outside of school.

Lisa also discussed her understanding of the need to create relationship with students,

saying,

I mean, I think there are definitely scholars right that you have better relationships

with. And there's also scholars that like, you know…I like the difficult scholars. I

really do. I really like the difficult scholars. I mean, it's great to have a scholar that

just gonna love you because you're a teacher, and that's what it is. But it's nice to

sometimes forge that relationship with that difficult scholar.

Her process for addressing conflict appeared punitive. Lelani noted that

And so I talked to the girls like, I would talk to kids if I had them. And so, you

know, with the pet names. So good morning, baby. Good morning, honey. A

touch on their shoulder, a high five, a corny joke. So it's just making that effort to

know them. Finding out what they're interested in and working into conversation

or attending the things that they do outside of school. Like all that stuff. I think it

was a building, an emotional bank account that you can then draw from when

things are hard and get back to center quickly.

Participants shared how they process emotions in heightened situations of conflict to

explain their use us of empathy as a strategy with students. Empathy drives reflective

processing to remove the sense of being attacked during student conflict. Some

participants described building relationship with students using empathy:

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Only because I know that when I'm upset about something, I need a second. And

so I try to put myself in their shoes, like, maybe they need a second to kind of

regroup themselves so that the conversation can go smoothly, and it can be

restorative and not like a battle back and forth.

She also noted that “I mean, because I was one of those girls too, you know, it's like they

don't really think about that” and “So the ways in which I want to be talked to and

handled and treated are the same ways that they do, they just may be too young and

experienced to verbalize that.” All participants expressed the importance of deescalating

conflict with students maintain a peaceful environment that is conducive to learning. This

acts as a driver to implement restorative strategies that require participants and students

to engage in conversations fueled by empathy and reflective questions. Participants

indicated that they had improved in the area of regulating emotions when addressing

conflict and acknowledged it as a process with distinct steps to follow. One of these steps

is having a conversation. Teachers can effectively use conversations to address conflict;

in this study, participants described using conversations to model emotion self-regulation.

While the school has processes in place to address challenging behavior, there is a need

to garner support from colleagues to respond to conflict. As Lillian described,

There were people in place that were scaffolding each of these steps for you.

There were people that would teach you how to VOMP, not people who'd been

there a year now teaching other people how to VOMP. Right. So people taught

you. Or you had a crew partner, a human partner who would explain and show

you the way of how to model these steps, which made it easier for the scholars

also learning. Right. It's not just the teacher learning the way it's the scholar

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learning the way. I feel that if the school has a procedure in place, and not only

they're not doing it, showing it and they're modeling it for students. Yes. I think

that that could work. It does. But for me, I'm using what I've learned prior, and

that's why it's working.

Out of the six participants, the two White participants shared examples of strategies not

directed toward developing stronger relationships with students. Some of their

approaches involved direct avoidance of behavior with no follow-up conversation. Lillian

described her use of avoidance as a strategy as “There were definitely some scholars that

I did not know how to engage with,” adding that “I think conversations are really hard for

me.” For the questions about following up with students after a conflict, Lily stated, “I

would say if it got better, probably not.”

Theme 3 – Self-Awareness Deescalates Conflict

All participants shared that, over time and with exposure to more conflict

scenarios, they developed a personal preventative strategy to help them monitor their own

emotions before engaging with students. One strategy common for all participants was

breathing to calm or regulate emotion before engaging with students during conflict.

These strategies overlap with the next theme of self-awareness and how teachers monitor

their emotions when in heightened states. Participants’ statements indicated that, the

more teachers engage with conflict, the more they learn their triggers and understand how

they feel as they respond to conflict. This meta-awareness helps reduce conflict during

and after engagement. Participants expressed that they feel a physiological change that

can be a potential flag for conflict. Leslie described it as

Normally when I know that I'm about to react, there's something that happens

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with my voice that it becomes very shaky and I know in that moment that no

longer am I doing this the way that I probably need to remove myself.

Lily understands her triggers, which allows her to process conflict and understand the

cause of behaviors, which facilitates reflective processing. Knowledge of triggers also

allows her to remove herself when needed. Lily stated that

So those type of situations that are high stress, I sweat, I get super-hot, my face

feels hot, my body feels hot. And I just start walking around really fast and

talking really fast and trying to do anything. So just push whatever's happening

forward. But some of the actions that I'm doing are not even really helpful. It's

just that I need to keep moving.

Lilah shared a similar sentiment: “I get very warm when I'm upset. I feel my heart

beating, or sometimes, like, my face will read, like, like, what is happening?” Self-

awareness is critical to identifying emotions. The ability to identify emotions can

deescalate or agitate conflict. Lillian described the two extremes as “...but I think that

sometimes myself is the conflict if that makes sense. Sometimes it’s my inner feelings

that I have to check.” She added that

And so once I started to realize, my brain started to realize, okay, this is what it's

like when you're calm and then I can feel the difference between anxiety and then

being calm. I can now start to think okay, you're getting heightened right now.

You need to step out. And, of course, I will step out of the room.

Participants were aware of triggers, their physiological reactions, and what they needed to

do to calm their emotions. Awareness of power is crucial in emotional regulation. Lisa

described her own process as follows:

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So like knowing…being able to see the steps when I myself am becoming

emotionally just regulated so that I can break that cycle. So, like, a lot of times,

like, my stomach is feeling, like, tight or I'm feeling warm in my face for me,

that's beginning, right, the early signs of a panic attack or, like, losing my mind.

Lelani described hers as well:

I get really quiet, I think, because, like I said, if I say something, it's not going to

be the right something. I try my best or like, I try my best to remove myself. If

I’m in a situation where I can't, I'm like, you know, I feel like what comes out in

the moment is woefully insignificant because I'm trying not to overreact.

Knowing triggers allows teacher to pause before escalating conflict, allows them to

perform reflective processing, and provides time to readdress the student.

Theme 4 – It is Critical to Acknowledge Black Girl Culture and Literacies

Participants were aware of and acknowledged Black girl culture with varied

understandings and approaches to engaging with it. Participants’ responses indicated that,

over the years and through their careers, they learned that Black girls have a unique and

consistent manner of interacting with each other, through both language and nonverbal

expression. There is an understanding that Black girl communication as a literacy and

unique form of expression exists, and each participant described distinctive experiences

with it (Muhammad & Haddix, 2016). Participants expressed a range of sentiments—

from completely embracing and engaging with Black girl literacies to feeling that they

are inappropriate at school. Two Black teachers shared that they engaged with Black

students by actively employing this unique form of communication on a consistent basis.

One Black teacher acknowledged and was familiar with the use of Black girl literacies

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and that form of communication because she has engaged in it herself but did not do so at

school. This teacher described feeling a level of discomfort with communicating with

students in this way. The fourth Black participant acknowledged Black girl literacies as a

unique form of communication, realizing that, while it can appear as aggressive, it is not

violent; nonetheless, she does not engage in Black girl literacies. The two White teachers

both acknowledged Black girl literacy as a form of communication but expressed

apprehension with using it in school due to its aggressive nature. Neither of the two

White participants engaged in Black girl literacies.

Lilah explained how the way Black girls communicate can be misunderstood:

I think a lot of the times teachers get their feelings hurt when children say things

in a certain way, so that could initiate a conflict. I mean, to be honest, a lot of

them gossip or they play fight. They do things that if you don't know about the

culture, you assume that it's negative. Like you assume they're really fighting or

they're really arguing because they're calling each other the B word, but that's just

communicate. That's how they communicate.

Lilah explained that she uses a familial approach to communicate that follows Black

family culture, in which the matriarch uses specific phrases or nonverbal cues to

communicate as a redirection or correction. For example, she shared that “So it’s not like

I'm going to yell back at them. I just like, okay, usually the whole ‘Who are you talking

to?’ brings them back to…I’m not talking. Never mind.” The nonverbal communication

that is very familiar in Black culture is “the look,” which is a stare that communicates

correction. Lilah expressed it as, “I make eye contact with them. Sometimes that works.”

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Lilah also acknowledged embracing Black girl culture by seeing herself in her students.

She shared that

The first thing people see is they are black, they are girls. Oh, they must be mad

about something if they found out they are…you know, they talk too loud. They

get smart. And honestly, I mean, because I was one of those girls too, you know,

it's like they don't really think about that. These girls are not loud.

Lilah continued, saying,

They are passionate. They are just talking about whatever it is that they feel in a

way that maybe it is not socially acceptable for you. That's just because you didn't

come up in that culture. I think that a lot of it is just about judgment and privilege

and things that we bring into certain places.

Leslie felt that Black girl voices need to be heard and described how she honors her

students’ voices:

And this year I said in my class, I want them to know even if no one else thinks

so…your thoughts and your voice are very valid, whether we agree, whether we

disagree, they are valid and they deserve to be heard. And then we can work out

the kinks. We can work out whether it makes sense or doesn't make sense. And so

really having people really understand that just because black girls are loud, it

doesn't mean they're not smart, or they can't do, or they can't be…so just really

pushing that.

She further described a connection to Black girl culture:

And I tell them every day, I love your blackness. And so we're that big old bush. I

love it. Like embrace those things because I think so many times, we make them

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feel like they have to fit into this perfect piece when who made this perfect piece?

Like this perfect piece is perfect in your eyes, but they may not be perfect in

theirs. And just giving them a chance to be themselves is what I'm really pushing

for.

Another Black participant, Lelani, acknowledged Black girl literacies in a different way:

But just like, some things I feel like, are just very black girl like, things that work

their way to our speech. Or you might say someone's acting like someone's

mommy, mother, or auntie, because there's just those ways of being.

Expanding on this, she stated, “…the talking loud and I was thinking about how that may

be interpreted as the classroom being chaotic, or it’s just a bunch of black girls working

together and, you know, all sharing ideas.”

Lelani uses common terms of endearment in Black culture, such as “And so I talked to

the girls like, I would talk to kids if I had them. And so, you know, with the pet names.

So good morning, baby. Good morning, honey.” However, Lelani expressed a discomfort

with engaging with students in a familial way. She shared, “So like when she said that to

me, my immediate reaction was, ‘who do you think you're talking to?’ And was like wait,

I can't respond that way.”

She added that, “I know. I even said that. Like, I will say, “Y’all are sitting right next to

each other. Why are you yelling? Like, she's like, there’, but they're not angry.” When

Lisa, the fourth Black participant, was asked about Black girl literacies, she responded,

So this takes me to the statistics about suspension rates and how black girls are

suspended, often for subjective behaviors. You were being disrespectful and

subordinate. So for me, I honestly think it's the way that they express themselves,

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is it the way that I would like you to be expressing yourself? No, it's not the way

that I would like you to be expressing yourself. I spend time talking to students a

lot of times that it's not about what you say, it's about how you say it So if you say

something in a way that you don't put people on the defensive, right. That it's not

going to be received, even though what you're saying may be true and maybe

right. So me myself, no, I'm not easily offended by behavior. I just think that this

is them…they’re repeating things that they've seen and heard, or even playing

into, like what is expected or the stereotypes and what is expected of them.

Leslie acknowledged the cultural aspects of Black girl literacies and how Black girls

engage in communication. Leslie described ideas about student exposure in the home

environment and how it may contribute to how Black girls communicate: “And so really

having people really understand that just because black girls are loud, it doesn't mean

they're not smart, or they can't do, or they can't be…so just really pushing that.”

Expanding on this, she noted,

…because I think about some girls are not used to those types of interactions. And

even if they are young Black women because they don’t see it in their household,

they don’t see it in the neighborhood, they are not used to all that loud, fussing

kind of conversation. But then there are some girls that is their second language.

That is how they communicate at home. and so they used to so it could cause

some type of conflict, because if a girl is not used to being talked to in that way,

then that can cause a conflict between them two.

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One White participate acknowledged that there are cultural aspects to Black girls’

communication and admitted that she had unknowingly stifled Black girls’ language. Lily

explained that

I used to be such a grammar stickler and correct speech and correct every little

mistake in a paper because I couldn't even help it, which I'm not saying is an

excuse. But it's just like how I was set up with my Catholic school grammar,

psycho upbringing, and I thought I was being helpful. And I now understand that

really my job is to help our girls be better communicators. And you the general,

you and you the White woman you can stifle their communication by correcting

them.

Even with acknowledgement of Black girl literacies, Lily felt that Black girl language is

aggressive described it in one scenario as “…jumping down your throat.” She also

acknowledged her growth and the need to not engage in Black girl literacies as

I think I have gotten better, and I still have a long way to go, but I think I've

gotten better at…I don't want to say that I'm trying to talk like the girls because I

can't and I would just look like an idiot and it wouldn't work. And I'd be doing,

like, cultural appropriation or whatever. But, I'm accepting them where they are

and trying to understand our girls better, because sometimes the way they say

things might not make sense to me and vice versa.

Lillian, the other White teacher, expressed a need for Black students to feel comfortable

being authentic in how they communicate and engage with her and other students in her

classroom:

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And I think being your authentic self and then knowing that and not trying to play

a certain way so that you feel more comfortable in the situation, because I

shouldn't be the one that should feel comfortable all the time. They should.

She added that “Sometimes I do think they may have encountered a lot of white people

that that just didn't understand them or maybe didn't show them the respect that they felt

that they deserved.”

Even though Lillian classified herself as Other, she referred to herself as a White teacher

when she referred to how Black girls communicate:

I feel that as a White teacher, if a scholar feels comfortable enough to be their

Black, authentic self, then you're in the right space, like, they're comfortable

enough that they're not being told. Oh, you don't say that, or you don't…put your

hands down when you're talking those types of things. I don't really…I understand

them, and I don't correct it. I don't know. I want to say they bother me…that's not

what I mean to say. It's just it's a natural thing that happens in the classroom, and

it doesn't stop me from teaching. It doesn't stop them from learning. It doesn't

change my perspective of them and vice versa. So I don't know.

Lillian shared another example:

I hate to say that word. I don't mean it to sound like that. But, you know, as you

said, like, if another race saw them talking a certain way, they wouldn't know how

to take it or handle it. And I'm not…I'm not saying like, I'm accepting it because

it's not something to accept. It’s who they are…, again, it's just being comfortable

in the space. But then those are the spaces I feel comfortable in. I don't think if

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you were to interview another White woman, they've had the same experiences as

me.

Conclusion

This chapter outlined the experiences of teachers at a predominately Black, all-

girls middle school, showing how they use strategies to resolve conflict, regulate their

emotions when communicating during a conflict, and how they process and acknowledge

Black girls’ literacies during conflicts. Specifically, these participants shared their

experiences with the school’s conflict strategies and the skill set they developed to

resolve conflict—describing how Black girl literacies are recognized in the process. The

chapter began with a summary of the participants’ backgrounds. The findings illustrated

the participants’ unique experiences and revealed four general themes: (a) conflict

interacts with values and nonverbal cues, (b) relationships with students directly impact

restorative strategies, (c) self-awareness deescalates conflict, and (d) it is critical to

acknowledge black girl culture and literacies.

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Chapter 5: Discussion

This chapter introduces an interpretation of the results described in Chapter 4,

overviewing the study, the implications of emerged themes, the limitations of the

research, and recommendations to districts, school leaders, teachers, and other

educational institutions across the United States. The themes provided a better

understanding of the lived experiences of six teachers at an all-girls urban middle school

and how they resolve conflict. They also showcased the strategies teachers integrate to

regulate their emotions while communicating during a conflict and teachers’ experience

with processing and acknowledging Black girls’ communication literacies during

conflicts. Based on the findings of this study, the researcher determined several

recommendations for future research.

Interpreting Context and Themes

This phenomenological qualitative study aimed to address four research questions

focusing on teacher strategies for engaging with students, new meanings acquired based

on how conflict is resolved, teachers’ experiences of Black girl literacies during conflict,

and teachers’ regulation of emotions during conflict with students. Two contextual

findings and four overall themes were uncovered and are addressed in the next two

sections. These findings are essential because they provide insight into teacher-student

communication exchanges, how teachers experience conflict, and the ways in which

teachers address Black middle school girls’ behavior.

Restorative Practices are Necessary to Reduce Conflict

Schools are increasingly accepting restorative practices as an alternative and more

productive approach to responding to conflict and behavior challenges (Weber &

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Vereenooghe, 2020). The all-girls’ middle school employs restorative practices for

addressing conflict between and among students and teachers. One of the major goals of

restorative practices is not only to address conflict and heal those whom conflict has

harmed but also to prevent future conflict. The intent behind implementing restorative

practice for the all-girls middle school is to teach the girls how to have restorative

conversations independent of adults, which serves as a proactive measure for conflict.

The use of conversations in a scripted format allows adults to engage with students and

practice vulnerability, honesty, and empathy. Schumacher (2014) found that safety

existed among students when restorative practices were employed at an urban girls’ high

school. Students felt safe when structured practices similar to those employed through

V.O.M.P. were used to guide conversations. The long-term impact of those structured

processes helped students develop empathy for one another. Lilah described this as, “But

being in the restorative school, you're able to see how much having conversations and,

initially structured conversations, about harm and things like that, how it really plays the

benefit. It teaches them how to interact socially.” The social-emotional conversations that

occur in restorative practices develop empathy, and the very nature of empathy prevents

conflict, as students learn to think about and understand how others feel when in conflict.

Teachers understand the importance of connecting with students to prevent conflict

escalation and to prevent conflict from becoming an ongoing challenge to the learning

environment.

Data revealed an understanding for the need to remove punitive measures when

addressing conflict with girls, as stated by Lelani: “Getting away from the days and times

when the intent was to punish, realizing that the root of discipline is to learn.” Moreover,

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Lilah remarked that accepting the restorative practices improves the culture and climate

of the school:

If the buy-in is mutual between the student and the teacher, it can be effective.

And if it's done in the right way, and if it's done consistently and not just picking

and choosing when you want to follow this restorative approach, but always

following it, it can be effective, yes.

It is critical to maintain consistency in practice to proactively prevent conflict. According

to Hulvershorn and Mulholland, (2018) restorative practices require initial training,

preparation, and execution. All involve a time commitment, but the advantage they bring

is less time spent navigating conflict. The success of restorative practices at the school

are directly impacted by the stability of implementation and the strength of the

relationships between teachers and students. Research has concluded that the proactive

strategies of restorative practices act as preventative measures for conflict when

implemented to fidelity (Hulvershorn & Mulholland, 2018; Kervick et al., 2020; Lustick

et al., 2020; Silverman & Mee, 2018).

Experience Expands a Teachers’ Toolbox for Dealing with Conflict

Four out of six participants stated that their years of experience as a teacher had

aided their ability to engage with students during conflict. The data gathered indicated

that, even apart from employing restorative practices, teachers relied heavily on their past

experiences with student conflict. One skill participants developed over time was the

ability to become more self-aware of emotions. They used this awareness to react

appropriately during conflict. In response to the question about being aware of emotions

in the moment to avoid escalating conflict, Lilah responded, “I don't think I always have

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been. I think now more so, yes, because I think it just comes with time and experience.”

Some research has found that more experienced teachers have more positive interactions

with students than less experienced teachers. Elliott et al. (2011) surveyed both novice

and experienced teachers to ascertain strategies for instruction, including some questions

about behavioral approaches. They found that experienced teachers had more

interpersonal relations skills than novice teachers. One participant from this study, Lily,

exemplified the importance of teaching experience when she expressed her knowledge of

reducing conflict: “But it took me a while to get there because I think when I first started

teaching, it would be like…immediately yell at them, make an example. And now it's

more like, let me show you my humanity.” Similar to Elliott et al. (2011), Thurlings et

al.’s (2015) literature review of innovative teacher behaviors revealed that the most

experienced teachers have the capacity to accept a particular course of action with a high

level of interpersonal competence. They are also better able to regulate their behavior

according to the dynamic nature of a situation, including student behaviors.

Interpretation of Themes

Conflict Interacts with Values and Nonverbal Cues

While acknowledging that conflict with students is inevitable, participants also

understood that their own personal values and beliefs directly related to conflict.

Summers et al. (2017) researched teacher beliefs as a predictor of teacher-student

relationships, discovering that

Teachers' beliefs form a type of subjective reality in the classroom; what they

believe is experienced as real and true. Their beliefs guide their decision-making,

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behavior, and interactions with students and, in turn, create an objective reality in

the classroom, what students experience as real and true. (p. 18)

Teacher subjectivity in the classroom impacts how they experience conflict.

When students’ behavior was viewed as a violation of teacher beliefs, conflict emerged.

Some participants, specifically the White teachers, viewed students rolling their eyes as

confrontational, whereas the Black teachers viewed it as form of student expression. The

latter even stated that the act of rolling eyes is not the point of conflict but rather a

student’s reaction to conflict. There was a clear cultural difference in how eye rolling was

received and interpreted, as identified by the contrasting statements from Lillian—“The

rolling of the eyes usually gets me. I don't know. The older I get, the more I can't stand

the rolling of the eyes”—and Lisa—“They're just expressing their emotion in the way

that they've been taught to express their emotion.”

Bullough (2017) reviewed 10 articles on how teachers’ beliefs and values emerge

in classrooms and found that conflicts in values, norms, and beliefs permeate teaching.

Bullough also noted that the structure of teaching and power can create competing

interests for teachers and students. Time and experience can allow teachers to develop an

understanding and respond to students in non-confrontational ways (Thurlings et al.,

2015). Upon reflection, some participants shared that, over time, they learned to pick

their battles but that they still experience conflict when they feel students are being

unkind.

Lily, Lelani and Lisa were particularly expressive regarding what they considered

to be displays of unkindness from students. Unkindness manifested as both nonverbal and

verbal acts, such as damaging property or ignoring a greeting or redirection. Lily

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described it as “We are using computers in class, and you're popping off the keys one by

one. That's extremely disrespectful. And mostly because it's like, why?” Lisa expounded

on unkindness as well: “I've had students talk about my physical appearance. So, like, I

find that disrespectful.” Lelani used the idea of unkindness to describe a nonverbal act

that made her feel insignificant: “I felt disrespected when you, you know, when I say

good morning and you stared me in my face and they kept walking.” She added that

Things like that feel disrespectful because it feels like it…it feels like…I'm

insignificant, I guess and all I want to do is help and so a lot of that was rooted in

my own, like I said the feelings of, like, significance and value.

Unkindness also appeared as an unappreciation for the time and effort participants

expended into planning and preparing for teaching. Teachers felt conflict when students’

behavior conveyed a lack of desire to receive help from the teacher, when students did

not receive the lesson well and thus did not pay attention, or when a teacher spoke to a

student and the students ignored the greeting or redirection. It was clear that all

participants felt that feeling relevant, needed, and appreciated by students was important.

Okeke and Mtyuda (2017) found that people tend to be motivated by internalized

emotions such as anger, beliefs, and a need for acceptance and appreciation. Teachers

have an innate need to be helpful and supportive, so when students push against that,

conflict arises between teacher and student. Lillian shared her frustration with this, noting

that “I guess it's just the noncompliance kind of behavior. But the noncompliance kind of

behavior in terms of. Hey, you're here. I'm trying to help you. And you're not accepting

the help.” Lelani expressed the same sentiment, adding, “Don't you see I’m here to like,

help you grow?” The nonverbal acts of students conveyed a message of disinterest and an

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unappreciation for the teacher’s time and efforts, which created conflict. Lily felt that this

kind of behavior

could actually make me cry. Like I worked so hard and like, I killed myself doing

it. I would do it all day. It was my whole life. And I just tried so hard to make it

work and to make it good for them. And I always wanted to help them be better.

That's what you set out to do if you have a soul and you go into education.

Relationships with Students Directly Impact Restorative Strategies

Relationships are born through are a dynamic process informed by the values of

both students and teachers (Brady, 2011). There is no denying that teaching involves

developing relationships with students. The connection between teacher and student

determines how students react when conflict exists and is a condition of the lack of

closeness in the teacher-student relationship (Evans et al., 2019; Murray & Kvoch, 2011).

Previous research has noted that the climate of a school is dependent upon the

relationships between and among students and teachers and serves as a natural effect of

restorative practices. As a schoolwide process, restorative practices focus on relationships

as opposed to rules (Camacho et al., 2018; Erb & Erb, 2018). They work to provide a safe

space for students to share emotions and reflect on actions with the sole purpose of

eliciting feelings of empathy. Participants shared that their students’ experiences outside

of school force them to be in a fight or flight mode, so learning to trust is a challenging

concept. Lilah remarked that

Those are the ones that want the most because they probably had to be grown in

order to survive. They need to understand that they can be children. They don't

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have to survive in here. They can thrive like, they're just children. All that stuff,

they can leave outside.

Each participant clearly articulated a need to develop relationships with students

in order to establish trust. Gregory et al. (2016) found that 29 high school classrooms

performing restorative practices had improved relationships with teachers. They

explained this by noting that improved relationships and distrust may be reduced between

teachers and students with the implementation of restorative practices. Lillian expressed a

similar sentiment, saying, “Anything that I can kind of to make a safe space for them

after we've had those conflicts. Like, hey, I know we've had those conflicts, but we can

still move forward with the relationship.” Participants understood that, for restorative

practice to be effective, relationships must be established. However, all relationships with

students are not the same.

For example, Lily stated that “I think there are definitely scholars, right, that you

have better relationships with. And there's also scholars that like, you know.” Here, she

was alluding to the students she does not have a good relationship with. Lisa continued to

share that, even though she does not feel as close to some students, she will deliberately

try to bond with them as a proactive strategy to prevent conflict. “Then,” she added, “the

next time I see them, I try to compliment something about them.” Even with systemic

processes for addressing conflict, the presence of positive relationships with students

impacts how effective those processes are. The restorative process allows teachers to

engage in conflict resolution steps, but time, empathy, and teacher experience open the

path to connecting with students.

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Self-Awareness Deescalates Conflict

The ability to manage negative emotions is essential for emotion regulation,

emotional intelligence, coping, and mindfulness (Beltman & Poulton, 2019). Participants

observed that time and experience have helped them learn individual triggers and have

taught them how to ask for help from colleagues. Each participant conveyed this learning

differently. Lilah stated that, “And for me, when I feel that emotion, I know sometimes I

need a second. So I will, I think a lot of people think of it as ignoring something.” She

said this in reference to her choice not to respond to a scholar who was being

oppositional. Lilah further described what she feels physically when she is becoming

agitated: “I get very warm when I'm upset. I feel my heart beating, or sometimes, like,

my face will read, like, like, what is happening?” In these instances, she would say,

“You're not ready to have this conversation,” with the intent of returning to the student

when both she and the student are calmer. A teacher’s capacity to acknowledge and

verbalize emotions and to apologize when needed models the expectation for the school

and its students.

According to CASEL (2013), if self-awareness involves the ability to recognize

and label emotions, then all participants had developed that skill. Additionally,

participants noted that they are able to regulate emotions by noticing their physiological

reactions and taking a deep breath to remain calm. Beltman and Poulton (2019) found

that breathing strategies are the most widely used tactic for immediate management of

heightened emotions. They also shared that the ability to engage in the strategy develops

over time, which coincides with the participants’ experience of reduced conflict through

the course of their teaching careers. Lillian described her awareness, observing that “I

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have to remind myself to breath, step back and remember that their children.” McGrath

and van Bergen (2019) “found evidence of teachers’ awareness of their own emotional

responses, their use of emotion regulation to foster positive classroom experiences and

their use of perspective taking to better understand student emotions” (p. 349). Lisa

described her own awareness as follows:

I try to counter that (emotion) with really calm, really intentional steps. Right. So

I just becoming more in tune with what I'm doing, thinking, like, listening to what

I'm saying. Concentrating on like, the physical environment around me, just

usually, like, being aware of my space, to kind of, like, focus on other things so

that I kind of disrupt that cycle.

It is Critical to Acknowledging Black Girl Culture and Literacies

The cultural form of communication between and among Black girls permeates

their lives both in and out of school. Participants were aware of the ways in which Black

girls communicate and shared varying levels of acceptance of this cultural norm. Lilah

expressed an awareness that she “was one of those little Black girls,” indicating an

understanding of why girls speak and engage with one another the way they do.

I think it depends for me specifically because I am raised African American, and

the girls are raised African American as well. If you are over-talking me or loud

talking, yelling and things like that, I feel like disrespectful but sometimes I do

understand that they do it out of frustration.

Murphy et al. (2013) found that this sense of understanding is due to the students’ need to

be heard and to empower themselves to advocate for what they believe is right.

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Lilah described often engaging with students in a familial way, such as by giving

students the “look” or by asking them, “Who are you talking to?”. In Black culture, this

means the someone is about to be sternly corrected. Case’s (1997) research on

‘othermothering’ found that Black female teachers employing cultural, maternal lessons

in the classroom helps them connect with students. Coupled with trust and care, this

practice can be effective at resolving conflict. As a Black woman and educator, I have

employed this familial approach when engaging with students and have found it to be

very effective. There is something to be said about the comfort of knowing that your

teacher can relate to you.

Lelani expressed some apprehension around using familial approaches when

engaging with students. While she used terms of endearment such as “honey,”

“sweetheart,” or “baby,” she struggled to communicate with students in the way she

communicates at home. For example, when asked how she reacted to a student she

thought was being disrespectful, Lelani stated that, “So like when she said that to me, my

immediate reaction was, ‘who do you think you're talking to?’ And [I] was like wait, I

can't respond that way.” There was clear and distinct difference between Lilah and

Lelani’s approaches, and it is clearly influenced by their level of comfort with expressing

authenticity in the school setting. This appeared to denote the depth of their relationships

with students. Research has consistently found that developing positive and sincere

relationships with students is a critical component of conflict resolution (Masko, 2018;

Reppy & Larwin, 2020; Seider et al., 2013; Spilt & Hughes, 2015).

Another Black participant acknowledged Black girl literacies but also observed

that she attempts to gently correct the language by providing students alternatives or

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examples of acceptable language. Lisa, who demographically considered herself as

Other, grew up in a predominately suburban community and was not exposed to authentic

Black girl literacies before she began working in urban schools. She felt the need to

address Black girls’ communicative style:

So for me, I honestly think it's the way that they express themselves, is it the way

that I would like you to be expressing yourself? No, it's not the way that I would

like you to be expressing yourself. I spend time talking to students a lot of times

that it's not about what you say, it's about how you say it. So if you say something

in a way that you don't leave…you put people on the defensive, right.

Walker (2020) found that teaching Black girls how to match language and

behaviors based on environment requires teachers to develop meaningful relationships

with students. Lisa clearly accepted Black girl literacies as a norm for students but used

restorative structures to model alternative approaches to language.

I do…sometimes funnily play it out for them. Right. Should you do it like this or

should you do it like that? Right. They can sometimes see the difference. Like,

model because honestly, I think a lot of times we expect girls to do better, but

we've never even taught them how to do better. So how do I actually do better if

I've never seen any model, but the one that I'm displaying before you?

Understanding the need to develop the skill of code-switching, which must be

consistently taught, must be balanced with care or else students can perceive it as

oppressive (Koonce, 2012).

One White participant, Lillian, acknowledged but seemed to struggle with the

question about how Black girl literacies live in her classroom:

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I don't really…I understand them, and I don't correct it. I don't know. I want to

say they bother me. That's not what I mean to say. It's just it's a natural thing that

happens in the classroom, and it doesn't stop me from teaching.

Murphy et al. (2013) found that some teachers tend to think Black girls’ discourse is

aggressive and can create conflict. Indeed, Lillian admitted that she does not understand

the mannerisms of Black girl language, but she also viewed it as a natural phenomenon.

When asked to clarify what she meant by the word “bother,” she responded,

I don't know what I'm trying to say. I guess for me, it's just another classroom

teaching kids. Those things are normal to me. They don't stop them from learning.

You don't give a lower grade for…I don't know. I understand what you're asking.

I just don't know how to answer it, because for me, it's ...it's normal, right? I don't

know. I'm sorry. I can just think of, like, when you when I have the girls, and then

they go to another White teacher’s classroom and I say that they'll come back and

they're really frustrated and they're like, they just didn't understand me.

It was apparent that this participant grappled with racial identity as she

demographically described herself as Other but referred to herself as White throughout

the interview. Matais (2012) found that White people who avoid seeing how their

Whiteness radiates will select another identifier, which would explain Lillian’s

contradiction. During discussion around Black girl literacies, Lillian was unsure of her

words, which indicates a level of discomfort with discussing race.

The second White participant acknowledged and admitted to contributing to the

alienating behaviors of teachers to Black female students. When asked how Black girl

literacies live in her classroom, Lily stated that, in the past, she would correct the Black

103

students’ grammar all the time. Ives (2012) found that Black girls perceive stifling

corrections to their language as unacceptance. Over time, she learned that this created a

wedge:

Why would they want to talk to me if I'm going to correct what they're saying?

And then why would they want to talk to the next person who they don't know or

who is an English teacher who is a white woman? How does it show up? I think I

have gotten better, and I still have a long way to go, but I think I've gotten better

at…I don't want to say that I'm trying to talk like the girls because I can’t, and I

would just look like an idiot and it wouldn't work. And I'd be doing, like, cultural

appropriation or whatever. But I'm accepting them where they are and trying to

understand our girls better, because sometimes the way they say things might not

make sense to me and vice versa.

This statement illustrates a willingness to work with Black girl students in a way that

promotes their language (Troutman, 2010).

However, it is important to note that, given a scenario, Lily referred to a Black

female student as “jumping down her throat.” In this statement, “her” referred to the

teacher, which makes the remark a judgement based on the student’s form of

communication. Acknowledging and receiving Black girl literacies looks different from

acknowledging literacies from other groups. Lily clearly acknowledged that Black girl

literacies exist; however, admittingly, receiving and accepting Black girl literacies

without judgment remains an area of growth.

104

Recommendations

Based on the qualitative data, this section discusses two recommendations

following this study. Teachers of Black girls must take the initiative to learn what Black

girl literacies entail and how they manifest in the school environment. Knowledge of the

language, mannerisms, tones, and rhythms of Black girl literacies can enable teachers to

make better decisions when engaging with those students. Mahatmya et al. (2016) found

that teachers with a higher cultural awareness of students, particularly low-income

students, resulted in both students and teachers expressing a connectedness to school.

When all teachers, regardless of race or cultural identifier, understand how Black girl

literacies live in school, they must then identify if these manifestations offend their

personal values. Anderson (2020) found that it is critical for teachers to engage in

significant reflection of their perceptions of negative student behaviors and to further

reflect on the potential for those beliefs to be the result of perpetual mainstream

stereotypes of Black girls and women. Teachers experience conflict when personal values

are violated, and there appears to be no recourse for the violation; however, a practice of

deeper reflection could identify if the conflict is really about the violation of teacher

values rather than the advocacy of Black girls against oppressive acts.

Though cultivating positive, authentic relationships is critical for reducing

conflict, school-wide restorative practices must support teachers and students through a

system of consistency and elevation. Hulvershorn and Mulholland (2018) found that

effective practitioners of restorative practices engage in traits that include viewing

conflict as a practice that addresses a human need rather than one that breaks a rule. They

also observed that effective restorative practices provide students choices and that adults

105

must trust that they will make the one that is right for them. Restorative practices

additionally require adults to model accountability by admitting when wrong and that

they always make time for conversations with students.

Based on the teachers’ experiences, it is clear that this all-girls middle school has

these components in place; however, there is a need for teachers to receive continued

support through professional development. Kervick et al. (2020) found that supporting

teachers through effective implementation of restorative practices required building

community by creating opportunities for students to learn about one another in positive

ways and by moving teachers along a progression of retroactive practices based on tiers.

The consistency of these steps would help engage teachers and students in authentic

ways, which would in turn lead to understanding and guidance on how to repair harm.

The evolution of restorative practices requires natural consequences, which should be

established by students and teachers (Gregory et al., 2016). That said, to reduce conflict,

the systems for prevention, such as circles, must also be present.

Consideration for Future Studies

Participants’ lack of awareness regarding the term Black girl literacies speaks to

the need to unpack it on a micro level to foster a cultural awareness of the students they

teach. Ample research on Black girl literacies has defined the term, how it lives in

schools, and how teachers’ actions can stifle it and thus Black girl authenticity as well

(Gordon et al. 2019; Koonce, 2012; Morris, 2007; Muhammad & Haddix, 2016; Murphy

et al., 2013; Price-Dennis et al. 2017; Troutman 2010; Waldron 2010; Walker, 2020).

However, further research must examine how teachers employ cultural awareness to

connect with students. Carpenter Ford (2013) investigated how a White teacher

106

effectively used verbal call and response structures to engage and connect with Black

students. More research should explore how teachers are becoming culturally responsible

to provide exemplars for those who want to learn but do not know where to start. As a

form of communication, Black girl literacies need further investigation to ascertain the

points at which teachers feel they become a miscommunication.

Researchers must also examine urban schools that are implementing restorative

practices by collecting data about its effectiveness from students, staff, families, the

community at-large, and discipline data. While restorative practices are becoming more

popular (Silverman & Mee, 2018) as education moves into an age of social-emotional

and trauma-informed learning, research must endeavor to understand how full

implementation impacts teacher and student relationships and reduces conflict. Teachers

feel conflict when they lack an ability to resolve it and when they lack a personal locus of

control (Camacho et al., 2018). The implementation of restorative practices has the

potential to assist teachers by providing them structure for reflective conversations to

build emotional awareness. However, additional evidence from more robust research

models is needed to understand its use as an intervention for reducing conflict.

Conclusion

The researcher was particularly interested in learning about the lived experiences

of teachers at a predominately Black, all-girls urban middle school to understand how

they integrate restorative strategies as they resolve conflict. The data from this study

indicated that staff have learned to more readily accept behaviors using conversations and

structures for restorative practice. While there are structures for fostering positive

student-teacher relationships, the authenticity of those relationships, or the lack thereof,

107

were felt by both the student and the teacher. The teachers more connected to students

were deliberate in their confrontations with conflict and were able to address conflict

more effectively. Students are keenly aware of teachers’ sincerity, which makes it

imperative for teachers to unpack the negative feelings they bring to the classroom.

Teachers’ experiences with processing and acknowledging Black girls’ literacies

included an understanding of how teacher-student communication exchanges create

conflict. The cultural expressions of Black girls are unique and may be viewed as

aggressive to non-Blacks. One teacher described the way a Black student responded to a

teacher as “jump[ing] down her throat.” This response indicates that considerable work

must be done to unpacking the bias teachers bring to the classroom. Culturally, Black

behavior is conditioned to appease the comfort of White people in both academic and

non-academic settings. Teachers must be aware of the ways they address Black middle

school girls’ behavior and be intentional about expanding the language skills they

develop within their homes and communities. A student’s eyeroll when a teacher corrects

a behavior should not be viewed as disrespectful but as a display of self-expression.

Conflict arises when the teacher reacts in a confrontational manner.

As a Black woman, I understand the culture of the banter and the tendency to talk

loudly and use gestures with my body to convey messages. I also know that it makes non-

Black people uncomfortable; that is disconcerting because I grapple with the lack of

liberty that this discomfort presents. I understand the concept of not asking for help and

how that is ingrained in our thinking; however, I also understand that, as an educator, the

desire to feel needed gives teachers a sense of purpose. When that purpose is not being

108

fulfilled, teacher conflict brews. Intentional, honest reflection is necessary for teachers to

discern if teaching Black girls is causing more harm than good.

109

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Appendix A

Interview Questions

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Interview Questions

Date________________________________________

Interviewee__________________________________

Interviewer: _________________________________

Role________________________________________

Grades Taught________________________________

Purpose of Study: The purpose of this study will be to examine how teachers engage

with Black middle school girl students to gain an understanding of how Black girls’

literacies contribute to conflict. The intersectionality of Black girls; how they navigate

the lines of their identities in school; and how teachers perceive those behaviors will be

discussed. The way teachers acknowledge and address Black middle school girls will

lead to an understanding of how teachers must be intentional in developing relationships

with Black, girl students as well as be aware of and acknowledge their own emotions and

how those emotions lead to conflict with Black girl students.

Demographic Questions:

The gender you most identify with:

o Female

o Male

o Choose not to say

o Different Gender Identity: ____________________

Are you of Hispanic, Latino, or of Spanish origin?

o Yes

o No

How would you describe yourself? (Check all that apply)

o American Indian or Alaska Native

o Asian

o Black or African American so

o Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander

o White

o Other (please specify):___________________________

How long have you been teaching?

o 0-5 years

o 5-10 years

o 10-15 years

o 20+ years

How long have you taught in an urban school environment?

o 0-5 years

o 5-10 years

o 10-15 years

o 20+ years

128

Please check each school year you taught at LMCJ.

o 2014-2015

o 2015-2016

o 2016-2017

o 2017-2018

o 2018-2019

o 2019-2020

What is/was your role at the site?

Is/Was your role:

o Full-time

o Part-time

Interview Script:

Thank you for taking the time to share your experiences with conflict and Black, middle

school girls in the educational setting. Since your participation in this interview is

voluntary, you are free to stop your participation at any time. Due to the nature of the

topic, if there is a question that makes you feel uneasy at any time, you do not need to

answer it. In order to gather accurate transcription of this interview, I will need to record

it. Please know that the recording will be used to accurately describe your experience for

analysis. Do I have permission to record this interview? Once the recording is

transcribed, I will send you a transcript of your responses for you to review. You may add

or delete to make corrections to the transcript at that time. Your identity will always be

protected.

1. What behaviors in the classroom do you think create conflict between you and a

student?

2. What do you consider disrespectful behavior? Why?

3. What is your initial reaction to conflict in your classroom? How do you address

behaviors that create conflict in your classroom?

4. Please describe how you might handle this scenario: Today Student A refused to

shake my hand as she entered class. She had to restart several times, rolling her

eyes and refusing to engage in the everyday handshake. She then was asked to get

out her homework. I told her she did not complete it all the way, and she got up

and tried to throw it into the wrong bin, announcing to the class that she was

going to throw it in the trash. She refused to sit down when I asked her to, so was

told to go to the Vacation Spot. She stood up at the Vacation Spot and refused to

sit down and complete a reflection form, so was sent to another teacher’s room.

She returned to my Vacation Spot after a few minutes and had a hard time then

transitioning back to class. By the end of class, however, she was able to complete

the assignment given.

a. What behaviors in this scenario present as conflict? Why do you consider

these behaviors as conflict?

129

b. What advice would you give this teacher?

5. What specific strategies do you use when conflict arises in your classroom?

6. How do you follow through or follow up with a student when you have

experienced conflict with that students?

7. Please describe how you might handle this scenario: Today during class, Student

A was coloring during instructions, causing me to stand by her as a "proximity

reminder" to put her tools away. When reviewing the directions, Student A

dramatically rolled her eyes and continued coloring on her paper. When she was

supposed to be paying attention to her partner in fishbowl, Student A continued

coloring, so I set my hand on her back and told her to stop and pay attention. She

loudly said, "Don't touch me, get away from me!" while the fishbowl was

happening. Three times I asked her to step out into the hall, and she refused until

Support Staff spoke to get her. in the hall. When she returned to class, she joined

a conversation I was having with Student B, telling me to leave her alone. I told

Student A not to speak, and she rebutted with something defiant. I told her once

again to step out so I could talk to her, and she refused. I told her she would have

Recess Academy to reflect on the choices she made if she wasn't going to speak to

me. When Student A was in the circle, she did not participate. She didn't have the

text with her, and even though Support Staff coached her beforehand on how she

could add to the discussion, she chose not to.

a. What behaviors in this scenario present as conflict? Why do you consider

these behaviors as conflict?

b. What advice would you give this teacher?

8. Describe the process or expectation for handling conflict with students? Is this

process effective? Why or why not? Role relationships play?

9. Are there similarities or differences in how you would deal with conflict and the

school’s expectation for dealing with conflict? Please explain.

10. What is your understanding of Black girl literacies?

11. How do you think Black girl literacies manifest in your classroom?

12. Explain how you regulate your emotions in heightened situations of conflict in

your classroom? How do you know when you are in a reactionary response

mode?

13. What role does communication play in conflict in classrooms?

14. Describe how you communicate with middle school girls to prevent conflict? Is

this form of communicating unique to girls? Black girls? Why, or why not?

15. Are there any extra steps you take to communicate with your students in addition

to the school’s expectation?

This concludes our interview. Thank you again for taking the time to talk with me. If you

are interested in learning more about results of the study, please let me know I will be

happy to provide a summary of the findings.

130

Appendix B

Email Invitation

131

Email Invitation

Greetings Amazing XXXXX Staff,

My name is Damia Thomas and I am conducting research on how teachers engage with

Black middle school girl students to gain an understanding of how Black girls’ literacies

contribute to conflict. This study will examine teacher-student communication

exchanges, how teachers experience conflict, and the way teachers address Black middle

school girls’ behavior. My dissertation title is, Teachers’ Navigating Emotions and

Communication Exchanges in Teacher-Student Conflicts at a Black Urban All-Girls

Middle School.

This email is to humbly request your volunteer participation in this study.

Participation includes reading and signing a consent form (link consent form here) to

participate; signing up for an interview; engaging in a recorded 60 minute virtual

conference interview; and reviewing literal notes for corrections after the interview. Each

step of this process is completely voluntary. For example, if you choose to interview and

decide not to review the literal notes, that is at your discretion. Your identity will be

protected with pseudonyms and all data collected from interviews is confidential.

Interview data will be secured in a password protected laptop which will be deleted after

3 years.

Your unique experience can provide valuable data in understanding how Black girl

literacies contribute to student-teacher conflict and provide suggestions on how teachers

can address conflict with Black, middle school girls.

Please reply to this email indicating an interest to participate. My intention is to begin

interviews in July 2021.

Please reach out with any questions or would like more information about this study. I

can be reached at XXX-XXX-XXXX or [email protected].

Looking forward to a favorable response.

Sincerely,