U.S. DIPLOMATIC HISTORY

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In order to clarify the discussion in Chapter V, the sections concerned with foreign policy, both in the final text of the Farewell Address and in its various drafts, are printed below. The documents are reproduced in the form in which they have been published by Victor Hugo Paltsits, Washington's Farewell Address, New York 1935, but Paltsits' work indicates corrections, deletions, passages written in the margin, etc.; these details have been left out here.

A. Washington's First Draft for an Address Enclosed in his letter of May 15, 1796 to Hamilton

[After Washington had presented the draft which Madison had made for him in 1792, he added: ] Had the situation of our public affairs continued to wear the same aspect they assumed at the time the aforegoing address was drawn I should not have taken the liberty of troubling you--my fellow citizens with any new sentiments or with a repition [sic for repetition], more in detail, of those which are therein contained; but considerable changes having taken place both at home and abroad, I shall ask your indulgence while I express with more lively sensibility, the following most ardent wishes of my heart[.] That party disputes, among all the friends and lovers of their country may subside, or, as the wisdom of Providence hath ordained that men, on the same subjects, shall not always think alike, that charity and benevolence when they happen to differ may so far shed their benign influence as to banish those invectives which proceed from illiberal prejudices and jealousy.-- That as the allwise dispensor of human blessings has favored no Nation of the Earth with more abundant, and substantial means of happiness than United America, that we may not be so ungrateful to our Creator--so wanting to Page 138

APPENDIX ourselves--and so regardless of Posterity--as to dash the cup of beneficence which is thus bountifully offered to our acceptance.

That we may fulfil with the greatest exactitude all our engagements: foreign and domestic, to the utmost of our abilities whensoever, and in whatsoever manner they are pledged: for in public, as in private life, I am persuaded that honesty will forever be found to be the best policy[.]

That we may avoid connecting ourselves with the Politics of any Nation, farther than shall be found necessary to regulate our own trade; in order that commerce may be placed upon a stable footing--our merchants know their rights- -and the government the ground on which those rights are to be supported.-

That every citizen would take pride in the name of an American, and act as if he felt the importance of the character by considering that we ourselves are now a distinct Nation the dignity of which will be absorbed, if not annihilated, if we enlist ourselves (further than" our obligations may require) under the banners of any other Nation whatsoever.--And moreover, that we would guard against the Intriegues of any and every foreign Nation who shall endeavor to intermingle (however covertly and indirectly) in the internal concerns of our country--or who shall attempt to prescribe rules for our policy with any other power, if their be no infraction of our engagements with themselves, as one of the greatest evils that can befal us as a people; for whatever may be their professions, be assured fellow Citizens and the event will (as it always has) invariably prove, that Nations as well as individuals, act for their own benefit, and not for the benefit of others, unless both interests happen to be assimilated (and when that is the case there requires no contract to bind them together )--That all their interferences are calculated to promote the former; and in proportion as they succeed, will render us less independant.--In a word, nothing is more certain than that, if we receive favors, we must grant favors; and it is not easy to

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APPENDIX decide beforehand under such circumstances as we are, on which side the balance will ultimately terminate--but easy indeed is it to foresee that it may involve us indisputes and finally in War, to fulfil political alliances.Whereas, if there be no engagements on our part, we shall be unembarrassed, and at liberty at all times, to act from circumstances, and the dictates of Justice--sound policy--and our essential Interests.--

That we may be always prepared for War, but never unsheath the sword except in self defence so long as Justice and our essential rights, and national respectibility can be preserved without it--for without the spirit of divination, it may safely be pronounced, that if this country can remain in peace 20 years longer--and I devoutly pray that it may do so to the end of time--such in all probability will be its population, riches and resources, when combined with its peculiarly happy and remote Situation from the other quarters of the globe--as to bid defiance, in a just cause, to any earthly power whatsoever.--

That whensoever, and so long as we profess to be Neutral, let our public conduct whatever our private affections may be, accord therewith; without suffering partialities on one hand, or prejudices on the other to controul our Actions.- - A contrary practice is not only incompatible with our declarations, but is pregnant with mischief--embarrassing to the Administration--tending to divide us into parties-- and ultimately productive of all those evils and horrors which proceed from faction--and above all. That our Union may be lasting as time.--for While we are encircled in one band we shall possess the strength of a Giant and there will be none who can make us affraid--Divide, and we shall become weak; a prey to foreign Intriegues and internal discord :--and shall be as miserable and contemptible as we are now enviable and happy------ And lastly--

That the several departments of Government may be preserved in their utmost Constitutional purity, without any Page 140

APPENDIX attempt of the one to encroach on the rights or priviledges of another--that the Gen [note 1]l and State governmts may move in their propr Orbits--And that the authorities of our own constituting may be respected by ourselves as the most certain means of having them respected by foreigners.--In expressing these sentiments it will readily be perceived that I can have no view now--whatever malevolence might have ascribed to it before--than such as result from a perfect conviction of the utility of the measure. If public servants, in the exercise of their official duties are found incompetent or pursuing wrong courses discontinue them.--If they are guilty of mal-practices in office, let them be more ex[em]plarily punished--in both cases the Constitution and Laws have made provision, but do not withdraw your confidence from them--the best incentive to a faithful discharge of their duty without just cause; nor infer, because measures of a complicated nature--which, time, opportunity and close investigation alone can penetrate, and for these reasons are not easily comprehended by those who do not possess the means, that it necessarily follows they must be wrong;--This would not only be doing injustice to your Trustees, but be counteracting your own essential interests -- rendering those Trustees (if not contemptable in the eyes of the world) little better at least than cyphers in the Administration of the government and the Constitution of your own chusing would reproach you for such conduct. [Washington continued with three paragraphs defending the record of his administration.]

B. Hamilton's Abstract of Point' to form an Address Undated, but before July 5, 1796

[The "points" referring to foreign affairs are the following: ]

XIV Cherish Good Faith Justice and Peace with other Nations-- 1. Because Religion and morality dictate it 2. Because Policy dictates it

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If there could exist a nation invariably honest and fait[h]ful the benefits would be immense But avoid national antipathies or national attachments display the Evilss--fertil source of Wars--winstrument of ambitious Rulers XV Republics peculiarly exposed to foreign intrigue those sentiments lay them open to it. XVI. The greater rule of our foreign politics ought to be to have as little political connections as possible with foreign Nations establishing temporary & convenient rules that commerce may be placed on a stable footing Merchants know their rights & Commerce how to support them --not seeking favors } Cultivating Commerce with all by gentle & natural means diffusing & diversy- lying it but forcing nothing w& Cherish the sentiment of independence taking pride in the appellation of Amer[i]ca

XVII--Or separation from Europe renders standing alliances inexpedient--subjecting our peace & interest to the primary to the primary [sic] & complicated relations of European interests-- { Keeping constantly in view to place ourselves upon a respectable defensive and if forced into Controversy trusting to Connections of the Occasion-- XVIII Our Attitude imposing and rendering this policy safe But this must be with the exception of existing engagements to be preserved but not extended--

XIX It is not expected-that these admonitions can controul the course of the human passions but if they only moderate them in some instances and now and then excite the reflections of virtue [in] men heated by party spirit my endeavor is rewarded

XX How far in the administration of my present Ofloce my conduct has conformed to these principle[s] records

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APPENDIX must witness--My conscience assures me that I believed myself to be guided by them--

XXI Particularly in relation to the Present War. The Proclamation of the 22 of April 1793 is the key to my plan-- Approved [by] your Voice and that of your Representatives in Congress the spirit of that measure Touch sentiments with regard to conduct of belligerent Powers a wish that France may establish good Government-- Time everything. } has continually guided me uninfluenced by&regardless of the Complaints&attempts of any [of] the powers at war or their partizans to change them--

I thought our Country had a right under all the circumstances to take this ground and I was resolved as far as depended on me to maintain it firmly—

C. Hamilton's Original Major Draft for an Address called

"Copy considerably amended"

This draft is undated but was sent by Hamilton to Washington on July 30, 1796. [The section concerned with foreign policy and reproduced below forms less than one-eighth of the full text.] Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another, leads to see danger only on one side and serves to viel [sic for veil] and second the arts of influence on the other - - - Real Patriots who resist the intrigues of the favorite become suspected and odious--Its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to betray their interests-- The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign Nations ought to be to have as little political connection with them as possible--So far as we have already formed engagements let them be fulfilled--with circumspection indeed but with perfect good faith. Here let us stop Europe has a set of primary interests which have none or a very remote relation to us--Hence she must be involved

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in frequent contests the causes of which will be essentially foreign to us - - - - Hence therefore it must necessarily be unwise on our part to implicate ourselves by an artificial connection in the ordinary vicissitudes of European politics—in the combination, and collisions of her friendships or enmities--

Our detached and distant situation invites us to a different course and enables us to pursue it If we remain a united people under an efficient Government the period is not distant when we may defy material injury from external annoyance--when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we shall at any time resolve to observe to be violated with caution--when it will be the interest of belligerent nations under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us to be very careful how either forced us to throw our weight into the opposite scale--when we may choose peace or war as our interest guided by justice shall dictate.

Why should we forego the advantages of so felicitous a situation? Why quit our own ground to stand upon Foreign ground? Why by interweavi[n]g our destiny with any part of Europe should we intangle our prosperity and peace in the nets of European Ambition rivalship interest or Caprice?

Permanent alliance, intimate connection with any part of the foreign world is to be avoided- - - so far (I mean ) as we are now at liberty to do it:- - - for let me never be understood as patronising infidelity to pre-existing engagements-- These must be observed in their true and genuine sensemBut tis not necessary nor will it be prudent to extend them-- Tis our true policy as a general principle to avoid permanent or close alliance[s]--Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments in a respectably defensive posture we may safely trust to occasional alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony liberal intercourse and commerce with all na- tionsmare recommended by justice humanity and interestm But even our commercial policy should hold an equal hand neither seeking nor granting exclusive favours or preferences

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APPENDIX ---consulting the natural course of things---diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of Commerce but forcing nothing--establishing with powers so disposed in order to give to Trade a stable course, to define the rights of our Merchants, and enable the Government to support them -- conventional rules of intercourse the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion of interest will permit but temporary--and liable to be abandoned [sic] or varied as time experience and future circumstances may dictate---re- membering alway that tis folly in one nation to expect disinterested favour in another--that to accept any thing under that character is to part with a portion of its independence-- and that it may--find itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours and of being reproached with ingratitude in the bargain. There can be no greater error in national policy than to desire expect or calculate upon real favours--Tis an illusion that experience must cure, that a just pride ought to discard - - - -

In offering to you My Countrymen! these counsels of an old and affectionate friend--counsels suggested by laborious reflection and matured by a various experience - - - I dare not hope that they will make the strong and lasting impressions I wish---that they will controu! the current of the passions or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of all nationsmBut I may flatter myself that ff they even produce some partial benefit, some occasional good- - that they sometimes recur to moderate the violence of party spirit - - - to warn against the evils of foreign intrigue - - - to guard against the impositions of pretended patriotism - - - the having offered them must always afford me a precious consolation--

D. Washington's Final Manuscript of the Farewell Address Dated September 19, 1796

Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see

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APPENDIX danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other.wReal Patriots, who may resist the intriegues of the favourffe, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp file applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.--

The Great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign Nations is in extending our commercial relations to have with them as little political connection as possible.--So far as we have already formed engagements let them be fulfilled, with perfect good faith.--Here let us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation.--Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns.--Hence therefore it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artitlcial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships, or enmities:--

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course.--If we remain one People, under an etcient government, the period is not far o, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance;-- when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected;when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation;--when we may choose peace or war, as our interest guided by justice shall counsel.--

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? --Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground?--Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, Rivalship, Interest, Humour or Caprice?--

'Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances, with any portion of the foreign worldwso far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it--for let me not be understood as Page 146

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capable of patronising infidility to existing engagements, (I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy)--I repeat it therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.u

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectably defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.--

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity and interest.--But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand:--neither seeking nor granting exclusive favours or preferences;uconsulting the natural course of things;-- diffusing and deversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing:--establishing with Powers so disposed--in order to give to trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the Government to support themmconventional rules of intercourse; the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another--that it must pay with a portion of its Independence for whatever it may accept under that character--that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more.There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favours from Nation to Nation.--'Tis an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my Countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression, I could wish that they will controul the usual current of the passions, or prevent our

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APPENDIX Nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the Destiny of Nations:--But ff I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good;--that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign Intriegue, to guard against the Impostures of pretended patriotism--this hope will be a full recompence for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.