Viewing Your Topic From an Ecological Perspective

Affilia Volume 27, Issue 4, November 2012, Pages 381-390 © 2012 SAGE Publications, Article Reuse Guidelines https://doi.org/10.1177/0886109912464474

Article

An Ecological Understanding of the Risk Factors Associated With Stalking Behavior: Implications for Social Work Practice

Hyunkag Cho1, Jun Sung Hong2, and TK Logan3

Abstract In this article, we review the literature on the risk factors that are associated with stalking victimization and perpetration using Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory. More specifically, we identified individual-level (sociodemographic), interpersonal-level (the relationship between the perpetrators and victims), societal-level (policies), and cultural-level (gender role socialization and social norms) factors that are associated with stalking behavior. We then draw implications from our review for assessment, prevention, and intervention strategies for social workers who are working with victims and perpetrators of stalking.

Keywords ecological systems theory, gender, intimate partner violence, social work, stalking

Stalking has been the focus of many research studies over the past two decades. A recent report found that approximately 1 in 6 women (16.2%) and 1 in 19 men (5.2%) in the United States had experienced stalking at some point during their lifetimes (Black et al., 2011). The Bureau of Justice Statistics of the Department of Justice also reported that 3.4 million persons, aged 18 and older, were victims of stalking (Baum, Catalano, & Rand, 2009). Stalking is characterized as persistent harassment through unwanted communication or contact (Mullen, Pathé, & Purcell, 2001;

1School of Social Work, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA 2School of Social Work, University of Illinois, Urbana Champaign, Urbana, IL, USA 3Department of Behavioral Science, University of Kentucky, Lexington, KY, USA

Corresponding author(s): Hyunkag Cho, School of Social Work, Michigan State University, 230 Baker Hall, East Lansing, MI 48824, USA Email: [email protected]

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Rosenfeld, 2000; Westrup & Fremouw, 1998). According to the National Institute of Justice (2007), stalking behavior refers to following a victim relentlessly through repeated behaviors (such as sending gifts, writing letters, and waiting outside the victim’s workplace), which would not constitute criminal activity on their own. However, when these actions are combined with the intent to inflict fear or harm, they may constitute illegal activities.

Stalking is detrimental to victims’ physical, psychological, and social functioning, irrespective of whether the victims are physically assaulted (McEwan, Mullen, & Purcell, 2007), and most stalking victims experience symptoms of traumatic stress and other forms of social and psychological damages (Abrams & Robinson, 1998; Davis, Coker, & Sanderson, 2002; Sheridan, Blaauw, & Davies, 2003). Given the severity of stalking and the negative outcomes associated with this behavior, a number of studies on the risk factors for stalking victimization and perpetration have been conducted. These studies have significantly enhanced the understanding of this behavior, especially with regard to individual-level factors for stalking victimization and perpetration, such as the gender of the victims and the psychiatric problems of the perpetrators and victims. For instance, it has been found that men are more likely than women to stalk (Basile, Swahn, Chen, & Saltzman, 2006; Melton, 2007; Rosenfeld & Harmon, 2003) and that perpetrators of stalking are more likely than nonperpetrators to be diagnosed with psychiatric problems, such as schizophrenia and obsessive–compulsive disorders (Douglas & Dutton, 2001; Rosenfeld & Harmon, 2003).

However, given that not all men with psychiatric symptoms engage in stalking, placing a sole emphasis on individual factors can overlook salient broad-level correlates, such as societal and cultural factors, that are indirectly related to stalking behavior. These broad-level correlates may influence individual factors, so that some individuals are likely to stalk or be stalked while others are not. Thus, a better understanding of and approaches to stalking can be obtained when individual and direct-level risk factors are examined in the context of broad-level factors. To explicate the various levels of influences on stalking, this article uses ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1977) to review the findings from empirical studies on the risk factors for stalking victimization and perpetration, which is then followed by a discussion of implications for social work practice.

Ecological Systems Framework

Studies have indicated that there are multiple levels of correlates of stalking behavior. Ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1977) provides a useful theoretical framework for understanding the configuration of the risk factors associated with stalking behavior. This theory facilitates a broader understanding of a social phenomenon, which can enhance the understanding of risk factors for stalking victimization and perpetration. According to Bronfenbrenner’s (1977) ecological systems framework, stalking is a phenomenon that has been established and perpetuated over time as a result of the interrelationships between inter- and intraindividual factors. The ecological

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framework is based on evidence that no single factor can explicate why some individuals or group of individuals are at a higher risk of stalking victimization or have a greater propensity for the perpetration of stalking than are others. This framework treats stalking as the outcome of interactions among multiple-level factors, namely, the individual, interpersonal, societal, and cultural. Because there are multiple levels of influences on behavior, it is imperative that the interrelationships between the individual (the stalking victim and perpetrator) and his or her environment are understood.

We first review individual-level factors (sociodemographic characteristics) that are mainly associated with the stalking behavior, then interpersonal factors (the relationship between the perpetrators and victims), societal (policies), and cultural factors (gender role socialization), which provide broader contexts within which stalking occurs.

Individual-Level Factors Gender. Studies have consistently found that men are more likely than women to engage in stalking (Basile et al., 2006; Melton, 2007; Phillips, Quirk, Rosenfeld, & O’Connor, 2004; Rosenfeld & Harmon, 2003), although researchers have recognized that stalking by women is not uncommon (Meloy, Mohandie, & Greene, 2011; Purcell, Pathé, & Mullen, 2001, 2002). In the broader context of interpersonal violence among adults, including intimate partner violence, there is converging evidence that violence by men differs from violence by women in the nature, context, and consequences (Archer, 2000; Cho & Wilke, 2010). Similar patterns of gender differences as in intimate partner violence may exist in stalking.

Until recently, little was known about the similarities and differences between the perpetration of stalking by men and women. According to a study based on a small sample in Australia, male stalkers reported a history of criminal offenses and substance abuse more than did female stalkers, whereas female perpetrators tended to stalk professional contacts and acquaintances rather than strangers (Purcell et al., 2001). Another study that used a clinical sample found that female stalkers had different motivations for stalking and were more persistent in their pursuits than were male stalkers (McEwan, Mullen, & MacKenzie, 2009).

Age. In addition to the gender of the victims and perpetrators, the age of the victims is another major individual-level risk factor for stalking victimization. Studies have consistently reported that younger women are significantly more likely than are older women to be victims of stalking (Basile et al., 2006; Melton, 2007; Palarea, Zona, Lane, & Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 1999; Purcell et al., 2002; Rosenfeld & Harmon, 2003). Basile, Swahn, Chen, and Saltzman’s (2006) study, which included a national sample of 9,684 adults aged 18 and older in the United States, found that younger women were significantly more at risk of victimization by stalking than were older women

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(aged 55 or older). Melton’s (2007) study, which examined the prevalence of victims of intimate partner violence who were stalked, reported that that 44.4% of the victims were aged 18–29 and 13.5% were aged 45 or older. However, there was a notable difference in the findings on age when the type of stalking behavior was controlled for. For example, Palarea, Zona, Lane, and Langhinrichsen-Rohling (1999) investigated victim–suspect relationships by comparing 223 cases of intimate partner and nonintimate partner stalking. They found that victims of intimate stalking were typically younger, while victims of nonintimate partner stalking were middle aged.

Psychiatric and personality disorders. A number of studies have consistently reported the presence of psychiatric symptoms (such as delusional disorder, schizophrenia, schizo-affective disorder, and bipolar disorder; Rosenfeld, 2000; Rosenfeld & Harmon, 2003) and personality disorders (Douglas & Dutton, 2001) among all types of perpetrators of stalking. According to Zona, Palarea, and Lane (1998), the three primary Axis I disorders of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition (DSM-IV; American Psychiatric Association [APA], 1994), with which stalkers are afflicted are thought disorders, mood disorders, and substance abuse disorders. Psychosis has also been linked to stalking behavior, as some studies have indicated (Kienlen, Birmingham, Solberg, O’Regan, & Meloy, 1997). Kienlen, Birmingham, Solberg, O’Regan, and Meloy (1997) compared psychotic and nonpsychotic stalking with 25 forensic subjects whose criminal behaviors met the legal definition of stalking. The found that nearly one third of all the subjects had an Axis I psychotic disorder and were delusional and their pursuit of the victims was related to delusion and symptoms of psychosis. The nonpsychotic subjects, on the other hand, exhibited Axis I disorder (such as depression, adjustment disorder, or substance use) as well as Axis II personality disorder. These subjects were motivated by anger, hostility, projection of blame, dependence, minimization and denial, and jealousy.

Researchers have also found a link between delusional disorder and erotomania, which lead to obsessional fixation and harassment (Kennedy, McDonough, Kelly, & Berrios, 2002; Rosenfeld, 2000). According to DSM-IV (APA, 1994), erotomania is defined as one of the five subtypes of delusional disorder. Kennedy, McDonough, Kelly, and Berrios (2002), who evaluated criteria for diagnosing and classifying erotomania among 15 perpetrators of stalking, found that 40% of the erotomanic stalkers had a psychiatric history with the presence of delusional disorder. In sum, symptoms of psychopathology appear to be present in the majority of perpetrators of stalking.

Interpersonal-Level Factors Intimate partner stalking constitutes the majority of stalking cases (Black et al., 2011; Douglas & Dutton, 2001; Mohandie, Meloy, McGowan, & Williams, 2006; A. Roberts & Dziegielewski, 2006; Spitz, 2003; Spitzberg & Cupach, 2007). For instance, the National Violence Against Women Survey estimated that 80% of stalking victims were physically assaulted by their former or current

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intimate partners (Tjaden & Thoennes, 1998). Even more chilling, some studies have found that about half the female murder victims in the United States were victimized by their intimate partners, and the majority of those murder cases involved stalking (Campbell, Glass, Sharps, Laughon, & Bloom, 2007; Campbell et al., 2003; McFarlane, Campbell, & Watson, 2002; Office of Justice Programs, 1998). Intimate partner stalking occurs frequently when the victim has attempted to or recently terminated the relationship with the perpetrator, often because of violence and abuse (Davis, Ace, & Andra, 2000; National Institute of Justice, 2007). In this context, research has found that violence in intimate relationships often leads to future stalking as an extension of intimate partner violence (Logan, Leukefeld, & Walker, 2000).

However, the nature and processes of such a transition from intimate partner violence to stalking has not been clearly delineated. On one hand, psychological, emotional, and verbal threats and violence in the intimate relationship were reported to be associated with stalking more than was physical violence (Brewster, 2002; Mechanic, Weaver, & Resick, 2000). On the other hand, severe physical violence experienced in the intimate relationship was reported to predict severe stalking (Logan & Walker, 2010; Mechanic, Uhlmansiek, Weaver, & Resick, 2000; Melton, 2007; K. A. Roberts, 2005). While these results indicate that the type, severity, and contexts of intimate partner violence may affect future stalking, little is known about the interconnected relationships among them.

Societal-Level Factors As mythology, folklore, religious scripts in medieval Europe, and modern literary fiction have revealed (Kamir, 1995), stalking has been with us for a long time. One reason why stalking has not being recognized as a problem may be social norms. Films, television shows, and songs have often portrayed stalking as romantic or comedic, which sends a message that stalking is harmless and unthreatening (Garcia, 2010).

Changing social norms that delegitimate stalking require policies that recognize stalking as a serious social problem. However, it was not until 1990, when the first antistalking law in the United States was passed in California, that stalking was recognized as a crime (Hunzeker, 1993). In 1994, the Violence Against Women Act specified that stalking is a type of violence, and all states and the District of Columbia eventually criminalized stalking by 1999 (Garcia, 2010). Although it is encouraging that stalking is recognized as a crime, it is unclear if the current laws and policies have been established and implemented successfully. This point is important in addressing stalking because the ill-established and poorly implemented laws may have limited effects on achieving their intended goals. For instance, research on criminal justice interventions for intimate partner violence has suggested that enacting a policy does not necessarily lead to its effective implementation and to achieving its goals and expected outcomes (Cho & Wilke, 2010).

A limited number of studies have also revealed that stalking laws and policies vary widely across

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the states, and many practitioners who work with victims of intimate partner violence and stalking are unclear about the definition of stalking (Jordan, Logan, Walker, & Nigoff, 2003; Thompson & Dennison, 2008; Tjaden, 2009). Thus, practitioners and service providers are sometimes unable to identify stalking or are unsure about how to counsel victims of intimate partner stalking effectively (Logan, 2010). In addition, Logan and Walker (2010) found that service providers and criminal justice professionals do not understand the extent or severity of the harms caused by stalking, especially when contrasted with victims’ reports.

Thus, law enforcement responses to stalking may not be consistent across jurisdictions, and many stalking cases that are filed by law enforcement personnel may not be processed effectively. Although little research has been conducted on the implementation of stalking laws, the results from past studies seem to suggest that stalking laws have not been well implemented, which may contribute to further stalking. Two national surveys of police departments between 1998 and 2000 revealed that only 13% provided stalking-specific training to police officers (Tjaden, 2009); a study of the handling of stalking cases in one police department found that only 1 of the 285 reports related to stalking led to an arrest (Tjaden & Thoeness, 2000), and for every 1 stalking case that the police identified, 21 were dismissed (Klein, Salomon, Huntington, Dubois, & Lang, 2009). A secondary case analysis of the processing of stalking cases showed that more than a half of stalking cases were dismissed (Jordan, Quinn, Jordan, & Daileader, 2000). A recent study, which investigated Florida law enforcement officers’ knowledge of and training in Florida’s statewide antistalking law, found that cases that were not classified as stalking received little or no follow-up. The findings also indicated that unwanted communication from the perpetrator—the most common form of stalking behavior—was the form of behavior that officers were least likely to classify as stalking (Woodroof, 2010).

The criminalization of stalking has also led to the greater likelihood of arrests for stalking. Hamilton and Worthen (2010) found that although a variety of factors (such as the perpetrator’s prior assaultive behavior, hostile attitude, and race/ethnicity and the presence of an injury) were important in the arrest outcome, there was a major difference when gender and sexuality were considered. They found that heterosexual male perpetrators were more likely to be arrested than were heterosexual female perpetrators and that gay male perpetrators were more likely to be arrested than were female perpetrators in a lesbian relationship. These results suggest that the implementation of stalking laws and policies involves a series of steps and processes that are influenced by a variety of factors, but the complicated relationship among those factors and the implementation of laws and policies is not clear. In sum, laws and policies seem to have been implemented to various degrees across jurisdictions, but the scarcity of research makes it hard to confirm their effectiveness in preventing and deterring stalking.

Cultural-Level Factors

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The overwhelming majority of stalking cases involve male perpetrators, although female stalkers and same-sex stalking have been reported as well (Basile et al., 2006; Meloy et al., 2011; Melton, 2007; Phillips et al., 2004; Purcell et al., 2001; Rosenfeld & Harmon, 2003). Some men may stalk women from a sense of entitlement; these men may have been socialized to believe that it is socially acceptable and even desirable to pursue women, often inflicting fear or harm (see Lyndon et al., 2012; Meloy, 1999; Mullen et al., 2001). Women may perceive certain behaviors as fearful and harmful, while men may perceive the same behaviors as loving or even flirting (see Duntley & Buss, 2012, for a review; see also Jordan et al., 2000).

Moreover, gender-role socialization has often been examined in relation to perceptions of stalking. Some studies, which investigated stalking behaviors among college students, found that female victims expressed fear for their safety more than did male victims when they had similar stalking experiences (Bjerregaard, 2000), and female victims were more likely than male victims to label certain behaviors as stalking (Dennison & Thomson, 2002). According to gender-role socialization theory, males are socialized from childhood to avoid expressing their emotions. Male competitiveness, homophobia, eschewing vulnerability and openness, and the lack of appropriate role models are barriers that prevent male victims from expressing themselves emotionally. Thus, male victims may minimize the display of vulnerability, guilt, fear, and victimization (Sanchez- Nuñez, Fernandez-Berrocal, Montanes, & Latorre, 2008).

Discussion

Implications for Social Work Practice Our review revealed that various factors interact to affect stalking. For instance, a young woman who is ending a dating relationship with a man with a personality disorder may be more vulnerable to stalking in a society where the lack of effective measures and gender-role socialization are pervasive than in a society where stalking is treated as a serious crime. Several individual-level factors (such as women, young age, and personality disorder) and interpersonal factors (like the termination of the intimate relationship) may increase the risk of stalking victimization, but broader- level factors (like gender-role socialization and the lack of effective measures) may also moderate and/or mediate the influences of those factors on stalking. Although the results of research on those relationships are inconsistent and thus further examination is needed, the ecological understanding of factors for stalking provides implications for social work practice.

Social work practitioners may consider the results of individual-level risk factors in their assessments of stalking to identify high-risk victims and perpetrators so as to provide services, such as treatment and education. Since perceptions of stalking seem to vary across different groups, which can affect the behaviors of victims and perpetrators, social work practitioners and advocacy groups need to forge collaborative efforts to educate not only victims but the general public on the

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issue of stalking and the serious consequences that are associated with this behavior. Such efforts can lead to the more systematic reporting of and responses to stalking incidents. In addition, they can help potential victims of stalking to detect early signs of stalking and take preventive measures and help potential perpetrators to gain a better understanding of the nature and consequences of stalking. In addition, because education and training are keys to raising awareness of stalking and making perceptions of stalking among the public clear and consistent, social workers can also provide training to law enforcement officers and staffs of battered women’s shelters, so they can gain a better understanding of the nature, legal definitions, risk factors, and consequences of stalking behavior.

Preventive efforts need to be made at each of the life developmental stages, considering that stalking is not an isolated problem for a specific age group, but one that is embedded in sociocultural contexts. Children and adolescents also need to be educated at school regarding healthy interpersonal and intimate partner relationships, for which the education and training of teachers and school staff are essential. Inviting and communicating with parents in these efforts and providing proper information and resources to them are also critical. The college years are especially important in preventing and intervening in stalking because young adults are one of the populations that are most vulnerable to stalking (Melton, 2007). Student services, counseling centers, and health clinics in colleges need to update students consistently with information and resources related to stalking and intimate partner violence (such as dating violence). Moreover, students who are affected by stalking on college campuses need to be provided with appropriate services.

Given that the majority of stalking cases are related to intimate partner violence, service providers need to incorporate programs related to stalking when they provide services to victims and perpetrators of intimate partner violence. More specifically, information and resources need to be provided to victims so that they can better understand that intimate partner violence can escalate into stalking and take precautionary measures (such as safety planning; Davis et al., 2002), if needed. Because the criminal justice system provides prolonged safety and protection for victims of stalking and intimate partner violence, effective screening tools for law enforcement agencies are essential (Kropp, Hart, & Lyon, 2008; MacKenzie et al., 2009). The screening tools can be used to identify those who display a propensity for stalking behavior as well as those who are at risk of stalking victimization (Belfrage & Strand, 2009; Bell, Cattaneo, Goodman, & Dutton, 2008; Kropp, Hart, & Lyon, 2002, 2008). While many of these tools are developed by experts in mental health and relevant disciplines, practitioners in the social service and criminal justice fields also need to be informed of the availability, necessity, and importance of these tools. Effective prevention and intervention efforts require joint collaborative efforts among multiple stakeholders, including social work professionals. In particular, community-coordinated efforts across various agencies and practitioners can yield more effective services for the victims and perpetrators of stalking.

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Conclusion

This review examined the risk factors for stalking within immediate and distal contexts. As the findings from the aforementioned studies indicated, stalking may be influenced by individual-level (sociodemographic characteristics), interpersonal-level (intimate partner relationships), societal- level (societal norms and policies), and cultural-level factors (gender-role socialization). In sum, risk factors for stalking behavior are multifaceted and are shaped by broader-level factors. Working toward changes at multiple levels of social ecology may seem insurmountable. However, many of the risk factors can be addressed through the implementation of policies and programs that are focused and systematic. Assessing the social ecology of stalking behavior can be valuable in effectively addressing and ending the perpetration of stalking.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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Bios Hyunkag Cho, PhD, is an assistant professor in the School of Social Work, Michigan State University, 230 Baker Hall, East Lansing, MI 48824, USA; e-mail: [email protected].

Jun Sung Hong, MSW, is a doctoral student in the School of Social Work, Children and Family Research Center, University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign, 1010 West Nevada Street, Urbana, IL 61801, USA; e- mail: [email protected].

TK Logan, PhD, is a professor in the Department of Behavioral Science, Center on Drug and Alcohol Research, University of Kentucky, 333 Waller Avenue, Suite 480, Lexington, KY 40504, USA; e-mail: [email protected].

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