discussion
'
'
'Allison, Graham and Philip Zelikow. 1999. Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban
Missile Crisis, 2nd ed. New York: Longman.'
'
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1. 'Essence of Decision was originally published in 1971 and quickly had a major impact on the study of foreign policy—especially in the field of IR. This is a
landmark work in the area of bureaucratic politics and foreign policy
decision-making. The authors improve on Allison’s original three models to
explain the Cuban Missile Crisis. The models include the rational actor,
organization behavior and government politics models—each of these models represents a facet of the levels of analysis problem. The goal of the book is to "
examine the central puzzles of the Cuban Missile Crisis."
'
2. 'The core concepts of the rational actor model include goals and objectives, alternatives, consequences and choice of the main actors during the crisis (p.
18). Rationality is defined as " consistent, value-maximizing choice within
specified constraints" (p. 18). Herbert Simon, for example, draws a distinction
between comprehensive and bounded rationality. Comprehensive rationality
denotes that the actor has " a utility function that consistently ranks all
alternatives the actor faces and to choose the alternative that achieves the
highest utility" (p. 20). This contrasts with bounded rationality—which accepts
the limits of the individual actor to make decisions. That is, there are "
inescapable limitations of knowledge and computational ability of the agent"
(p. 20).
'
3. 'Moving on to Model II (Organizational behavior), Allison and Zelikow indicate that this model is about organizations and explained in terms of
organizational goals " common to the members of the organization" (p. 144).
This model underscores five points. First, organizations are collections of
people that are ordered in a systematic manner. Organizations are also put
together with definite united action. Next, " organizations create capabilities for
achieving humanly-chosen purposes and performing tasks that would
otherwise be impossible" (p. 145). Organizations also constrain the behavior of
its individuals—in other words, organizations define how a problem will be
addressed. Fourthly, organizations have a specific culture that shapes " the
behavior of individuals within the organization in ways that conform with
information as well as formal norms" (p. 145). Finally, organizations are hubs
of technology where specialists apply their skills.
'
4. 'The final model, or Government Politics Model, contends that national governments are made up of central arenas for decision-making. In effect, "
political leaders at the top of the apparatus are joined by officials who occupy
positions on top of major organizations to form a circle of central players,
central in relation to the particular decision or outcome the analyst seeks to
explain" (p. 255). Beyond this arena are concentric circles of activity that
includes lower level officials, government departments, IGOs, NGOs and the
citizenry. Thus, " ongoing struggles in outer circles help shape decision
situations among players who can affect the government’s choice and action
in the case in question" (p. 256). '
' Each of these models help to explain some facet of the Cuban Missile Crisis:
'
'" The American decision to respond with a [naval] blockade reflects, for the
Model I analyst, Kennedy’s reasoning. He sees his choice as one between a
nuclear crisis over Cuba in October or a nuclear crisis over Berlin—and
under less advantageous circumstances—in November. An attack on Cuba could
provoke a riposte against Berlin. A blockade (applied only to items not being
transported to Berlin) seems logical middle ground" (p. 380).
'
'" For the Model II analysts, Kennedy’s choice of a [naval] blockade is a choice
foreshadowed by the preexisting capacities of large organizations: an Air
Force that cannot deliver the strike Kennedy wants and a Navy that can organize a
blockade that achieves Kennedy’s goals" (p. 381).
'
'" In the final resolution of the crisis, Model III helps us see new dynamics.
Khrushchev’s assessments flip practically 180 degrees from one day to the
next, tugged by new bits information—some true, some false. Soviet officers
deliberately shoot down a U-2, killing its American pilot. The Americans imagine
that Moscow gave the order but Khrushchev does not even grasp that his own
government’s forces fired the SAM…. For Model III, Kennedy and Khrushchev
remain key characters in the story" (p. 383).'