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Communication, Culture & Critique ISSN 1753-9129

ORIGINAL ARTICLE

Al-Jazeera and the Arab Uprisings: The Language of Images and a Medium’s Stancetaking

Assem Nasr

Department of Communication, Indiana Purdue University Fort Wayne, Fort Wayne, IN 46805-1499, USA

This study (a) investigates the complex set of emergent meanings from Al-Jazeera’s visual narratives about itself, and (b) analyzes how Al-Jazeera’s visual texts articulate a broader set of nationalist meanings concerning Qatar, its home country. Rather than a content analysis of language, visual elements are emphasized, which transcend the news story or program content. The “content” here involves not just events themselves but the metatex- tual meanings emerging from the images woven among programs, promotional videos, and commercial advertisements.

doi:10.1111/cccr.12058

Popular activists are the protagonists in a new chapter in recent history in the Arab world as many of the region’s longstanding autocratic regimes lost power. The Jan- uary 2011, toppling of Zine El Abidine ben Ali from a presidency in Tunisia, which exceeded 20 years, may have been the impetus for the wave of popular uprisings across the region. After the success of the Tunisian revolution, public outcries for change soon sprouted in many Arab states—despite the severity of intolerance for dissent from these governments. The world watched in disbelief as people took to the streets in Cairo, Manamah, Ben Ghazi, Sanaa, and Homs. As attention has focused on the social change unfolding and its impact on peace and stability in the region, many debates have centered on the role of social media in these uprisings. Analysts in the United States and Europe have considered social media such as text messaging, Twit- ter, Facebook, YouTube, and others as a major force in the success of these uprisings. While such claims could carry a degree of truth (albeit dismissive of other factors), it is important to consider how transnational media broadcasts contribute to the struggle at definitive crossroads in Arab societies.

Corresponding author: Assem Nasr; e-mail: [email protected]

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Al-Jazeera and the Arab Uprisings A. Nasr

Al-Jazeera established itself as a news network that broke the censorship barriers imposed by Arab state leaders to protect their regimes’ reputation and control infor- mation. Al-Jazeera has provided viewers with unprecedented news coverage of major events and has offered an alternative perspective to mainstream global media such as BBC, CNN, Fox News, and MSNBC to name a few. Since its inception, the station has championed human rights, giving voice to the voiceless, and exposing political and military mishandlings in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Israel to name a few. During the recent uprisings, Al-Jazeera appeared to drum up support for popular rebellions across the Arab region. Al-Jazeera relied on rebel and citizen accounts for its coverage of events—thereby challenging official state accounts of events.

Many media scholars have observed that Al-Jazeera’s broadcasts have contributed to a sense of unity among Arab communities (Fahmy & Johnson, 2007; Mihelj, Bajt, & Pankov, 2009; Miladi, 2006; Phillips, 2012; Pintak, 2011; Rinnawi, 2012). In fact, some scholars (Pintak, 2011; Rinnawi, 2012) note that during the recent uprisings in Arab communities, Al-Jazeera presented a slanted viewpoint in its approach to the events’ unfolding. In investigating Al-Jazeera’s coverage of the revolution in Egypt, Rinnawi (2012) states that the station focused on the rebels’ plight while disregarding or putting a critical light on Mubarak’s supporters. Furthermore, Rinnawi (2012) noted that not only was the news coverage in support of rebels and freedom fighters but the station focused on its role as an agent in the uprisings. In comparison, Al-Jazeera’s coverage of the uprising in Bahrain barely touched on the struggle and confrontation unfolding on the streets of Manama (Pintak, 2011).

While some have criticized Al-Jazeera’s reporting as slanted, none of the studies investigated regarded the potential for multiple meanings embodied in the station’s visual images. Through this visual imagery, manifest in newscasts, station promos, and breaks, a distinct pattern emerges. These images comprise a complex text, rich with connotation, that perpetually negotiates and renegotiates the meanings of Al-Jazeera and its host state Qatar as advocates for freedom and liberty. Not only does Al-Jazeera place itself metaphorically in the trenches along with the rebels but also reflects an image of Qatar as a democratic and free state. In advocating for a new Arab world, Al-Jazeera presents itself and its state sponsor as beacons for freedom and democracy, thus serving to strengthen Qatar’s global and regional political cachet. So what is the significance of this?

The rhetoric that emerges from Al-Jazeera’s visual choreography of the Arab upris- ings is crucial in defining Qatar’s position among Arab societies as well as a global player. The objective of this study is twofold: (a) to investigate the complex set of emergent meanings from Al-Jazeera’s visual narratives about itself, and (b) to analyze how Al-Jazeera’s visual texts articulate a broader set of nationalist meanings concern- ing Qatar. Rather than simply conduct a content analysis of news and reporting of events, this article emphasizes the importance of visual elements that transcend the news story or program content. The “content” here involves not just events themselves but the metatextual meanings emerging from the images woven between programs, promotional videos, and commercial advertisements.

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A. Nasr Al-Jazeera and the Arab Uprisings

Al-Jazeera: Behind the screen

Al-Jazeera’s emergence in the Arab world constitutes a major historic event in the Middle East. During a time when Arab states established ministries of information for the purpose of applying stringent censorship and controlling information (Amin, 2001; Ayish, 2001; Boyd, 1999; Dajani, 2002; Halwani & Al-Abid, 1978; Kraidy, 1999; Malek, 2006; Rinnawi, 2006; Rugh, 2004; Sakr, 2001), Al-Jazeera arose with relative journalistic liberties to bring its pan-Arab publics unprecedented news reporting and coverage of controversial topics. From the onset, the station challenged Arab regimes by bringing to light political and social issues that were previously prohibited from being discussed (Malek, 2006). Open political discussions critical of Arab state of affairs proved embarrassing to Arab leaders. These leaders had typically relied on their monopolies over state media that continuously painted a flowery picture of their societies, glorified their accomplishments and benevolence, and avoided any content that could tarnish the state image. Al-Jazeera, on the other hand, presented reports that undermined Arab state propaganda outlets. The station’s approach could best be summarized by Al-Jazeera assistant producer and translator Sameer Khater’s sentiment “[Al-Jazeera] was a goodbye to censorship, to regional fondness of Arab leaders waving on airport runways, dubbed with 1930s marching-band soundtrack” (Parker, 1999, p. 8).

Al-Jazeera talk shows presented daring topics that not only dealt with economy, national politics, and international affairs but also tackled controversial social issues and taboo subjects. For the first time in the history of Arab television, Israeli repre- sentatives and officials appeared on the screens of millions of Arabs (Miles, 2005). Interviews as such demonstrated Al-Jazeera’s level of professionalism and allowed people in the Arab world the opportunity to hear the other side, thus living up to the station’s motto, “the opinion and its counterpoint.”

As subscriptions to satellite services surged in Arab households, national audi- ences were able to access transnational media as an alternative to state-controlled broadcasts. This allowed Al-Jazeera to become vastly popular in Arab households (Seib, 2005). Miles (2005) reports that by the year 2000, Al-Jazeera garnered more than 35 million viewers each night, while state television stations across the Arab world could barely compete. The number of viewers doubled within 2 years (Fahmy & Johnson, 2007). Miladi (2006) attributes the vast popularity of Al-Jazeera to its ability to engage its audiences with unique content, bold topics, and uninhibited news cov- erage pertinent to Arab viewers’ lives and daily struggles. The station tackled issues of human rights, freedom of expression, and democracy—topics that other Arab tele- vision stations typically dismissed or avoided. Sakr (2007) contends that the Arab society has become increasingly aware of the presence of media and their impact on their livelihoods. Quoting a demonstrator in the 2005 Lebanese Cedar Revolution that resulted in Syrian military withdrawal from Lebanon, “why should we be afraid [… ], the whole world is watching us on television,” Sakr (2007, p. 10) argues that there is a new sentiment in the Arab world that perhaps owes its existence to broadcasts like those of Al-Jazeera’s.

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Before Al-Jazeera, citizens of the Arab world had rarely seen candid news and tele- vision talk shows that featured officials held accountable for their policies and actions. State television and private stations catered to the political elite’s palate for content. By contrast, Al-Jazeera programs gave young Arabs a forum to contest the traditional patriarchal authorities that have dominated the airwaves (Karam, 2007). For the first time in Arab history, Arab youth had a voice. Al-Jazeera soon became the most trusted source of information in Middle Eastern communities. Fahmy and Johnson (2007) report that Al-Jazeera exceeded Western media in measures of credibility in the Arab world.

Furthermore, Al-Jazeera took strides in reporting to the world the reality of Arab communities as an alternative to the mainstream Western media. For example, while international news networks such as CNN or Sky News might observe restraint in presenting images of war horrors to spare its viewers, Al-Jazeera did not avoid graphic images in its reports (Fahmy & Johnson, 2007). According to Fahmy and Johnson (2007), Al-Jazeera’s presentation of such images is related to its public’s perceptions of their everyday reality. While media in the West consider images of casualties sensationalizing of news, El-Nawawi and Iskandar (2002) argue that the content of Al-Jazeera’s news coverage presents objective content within the context of the region and culture: a phenomenon to which they referred as “contextual subjectivity” (El-Nawawi & Iskandar, 2002, p. 27). The authors compare Al-Jazeera’s coverage of the U.S. invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq to the U.S. media coverage of the events of 11 September 2001, whereby the news media presented content shaped by its audiences.

Al-Jazeera was able to create a dedicated following by maintaining professional journalistic standards while unrelenting to pressures from disgruntled Arab states. El-Nawawi and Iskandar (2002) note that Al-Jazeera owes its professionalism and level of journalistic expertise to its inheritance of BBC-trained staff that had once worked for a Saudi-BBC joint venture. In 1996, the Saudi-owned Orbit satellite media net- work invested in developing an Arabic language BBC station. However, after a dispute between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the BBC over editorial control and con- tent oversight, the broadcasts halted less than 2 years after they began (El-Nawawi & Iskandar, 2002; Parker, 1999). Al-Jazeera’s management saw an opportunity by reap- ing the expertise and training of the Arab journalists who were laid off from the Arabic BBC television. As El-Nawawi and Iskandar (2002) point out, this diverse group of professionals from across the Arab world trained in Britain by the BBC has played a significant role in giving Al-Jazeera its pan-Arab edge. The diversity of journal- ists, editors, and staff at Al-Jazeera has catered to the various Arab communities with an acceptable degree of objectivity and factual reporting. Fahmy and Johnson (2007) attribute the unembellished presentation to Al-Jazeera’s practices of consistently fol- lowing Western standards of journalism.

Al-Jazeera’s approach to journalism, therefore, underscored the importance of ethics, fairness, and balance in its news coverage. Such practices bring to question how Al-Jazeera came to survive in a political environment that has typically restricted free

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A. Nasr Al-Jazeera and the Arab Uprisings

speech. The question pertains to how an Arab television station broadcasting con- troversial content could maintain its presence in the Arab world despite the political pressures from the repressive political regimes that have prevailed in the Arab world.

Al-Jazeera and Qatar’s world image Conducting its global operations from Qatar, Al-Jazeera was a sociopolitical force that exceeded the state’s political influence (El-Nawawi & Iskandar, 2002). El-Nawawi and Iskandar (2002) maintain that one possible reason for Sheikh Hamad to have dedi- cated significant resources to starting up this channel is to improve his image among those whom he rules and to strengthen his position as sovereign leader of his country. Miles (2006), on the other hand, maintains that the efforts on the Emir’s behalf were part of a new strategy for improving relations with the West.

While Al-Jazeera remains one of Sheikh Hamad’s major accomplishments, under his leadership, the state of Qatar has undertaken other ambitious projects to that end. For instance, the Emir made concerted efforts to improve Qatari public insti- tutions in hopes of developing a civil society, thus adopting policies that build con- nections with the rest of the world. His approach to state affairs soon became akin to a corporate-style management, “dispens[ing] with the ritual of the baroque finery of the court” (Miles, 2005, p. 15).

The improvements extended beyond matters of public administration. Spear- headed by his wife, Princess Mozah, Qatar has developed one of the largest and fastest-growing academic and educational hubs in the region: Education City (Mar- tin, 2010). In less than 2 decades, this project has established Doha-based branches of seven reputable universities including Carnegie Melon University, Cornell Uni- versity, Georgetown University, Northwestern University, Texas A&M University, and Virginia Commonwealth University (Education City, 2012). Having an edge in education was a carefully planned strategy that built Qatar’s profile of investment in human resource development instead of competing with neighboring oil-producing states (Miles, 2005). Thus, by establishing an educational initiative that benefits the region, Qatar secured a position for itself as an educational center.

Qatar has also been a major mediator and benefactor in regional crises and con- flicts. The state leveraged its global image by hosting economic summits, mediating conflict resolution, and sponsoring peace talks among states—the latest of which were resolving border disputes between Eritrea-Djibouti, financing refugee camps in Tunisia for Libyans fleeing Qaddafi’s regime, and investing in the post-Mubarak Egyptian economy (Agence France Presse (AFP), 2008, 2010, 2011; Doherty, 2011; El-Tablawy, 2011). Therefore, while Qatar earned the regional diplomatic prestige in the region, Al-Jazeera, fulfilled another task (Malek, 2006), it presented Qatar and its benefactor monarch as an open-minded democratic country that, unlike its neigh- bors, promotes free speech and liberty.

This has been a costly undertaking for Qatar. Short of 2 decades of broadcast- ing, the channel still relies on the annual $30 million contribution from the Qatari government to stay on-air (Seib, 2005). The station has had almost no advertising

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Al-Jazeera and the Arab Uprisings A. Nasr

revenue despite its popularity in a market that spends in excess of $500 million on television commercials a year. El-Nawawi and Iskandar (2002) attribute the station’s lack of commercial revenue to the advertisers’ reluctance to sponsor content that Arab state systems have considered harmful to the status quo—especially when the suc- cess and livelihood of these agencies depends on appeasing these states’ leaders. Miles (2005) reports that the Saudi royal family, for example, has exerted pressure on adver- tising agencies that buy time on Al-Jazeera to desist from dealing with the channel. The extent of this pressure went as far as to threaten to ban products advertised on Al-Jazeera from being sold on the Saudi market (Miles, 2005). To advertisers, losing the Saudi market presents a major concern as Saudi Arabia takes up to 60% of the Gulf market share (Seib, 2005).

With a fondness for controversial content, Al-Jazeera has managed to alienate most of the political elites of the Middle East, the Gulf, and North Africa. Al-Jazeera has caused a rift between Qatar and its neighboring Gulf states. For instance, ever since its early years, Al-Jazeera has caused numerous protests from Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait, and Libya that almost resulted in the withdrawal of some of these states’ ambassadors from Qatar (El-Nawawi & Iskandar, 2002). The dissatisfaction was a result of Al-Jazeera’s liberal approach in airing voices critical to the regimes. The rift widened when Al-Thani claimed that he had no influence in what the station airs. Al-Jazeera, the Emir responded, is an independent institution practicing journalism in an uncensored environment (Miles, 2005).

However, Al-Thani’s assertion of Qatar’s liberal approach to free expression deserves investigation. Notwithstanding Al-Jazeera’s achievements, Qatar’s monar- chy has absolute power (El-Nawawi & Iskandar, 2002) with declining free speech (Freedom House, 2002; Freedom House, 2012). This coincides with Ayish’s (2002) findings that Qatar’s local news is almost nonexistent on its own Al-Jazeera. In com- parison to its coverage of the uprisings in the Arab world, the extent to which Qatar appears on Al-Jazeera seems to be exclusively in the context of the state’s accom- plishments and its acts of goodwill to other Arab countries. Recently, Al-Jazeera’s mention of its host state has focused on Qatar’s aid to refugees as a result of the social upheavals in the region. These stories appear in the sequence of reports covering the uprisings along with news of people displaced as a result of state bombing or cracking down on the rebels. The adulating coverage that the Qatari state of affairs enjoys on Al-Jazeera brings to question the type of freedom that the station’s editors have.

Theoretical framework

There is a considerable body of research that emphasizes the crucial role of symbols in the emergence and development of national consciousness. This article’s focus is on a very specific form of national consciousness, namely the sense of connected- ness which people in the entire Arab region and global diaspora feel, with varying degrees of intensity, and notwithstanding colonial, religious, national, and regional divisions.

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A. Nasr Al-Jazeera and the Arab Uprisings

Mediated symbols strengthen national unity (Bauman, 1990; Dayan & Katz, 1992) and promote national imaginings (Anderson, 1991) despite the blurred and constantly changing definitions of a national community (Hilmes, 2003). By underscoring as origin, history, victories, and losses, such symbols anchor a common vision of past, present, and future among the members of the nation (Price, 1995).

Arguably, Al-Jazeera’s presence in Arab households presents a strong case for the role of satellite television in identity. Al-Jazeera has positioned itself as the beacon for social empowerment and engaged citizenship at a time when a sense of disen- franchisement prevailed in Arab societies. The channel united a fragmented Arab audience giving sense of bonding among the various communities separated by state borders, economic factors, religion, and other cultural aspects. In El-Nawawi and Iskandar’s (2002) view, the station presented its diverse viewers with a sense of unity by catering to sociocultural commonalities. This cohesiveness among the Arab publics transcends national borders and state policies—a phenomenon that Nisbet (2007) referred to as a “disembodied public sphere.” Nisbet (2007) draws the distinction between the public sphere that is contingent upon the national political makeup ver- sus that which surpasses state nationalism bridging societies across state borders. The platform of free expression that Al-Jazeera created provided for a sense of unity among Arab viewers in the Middle East. Moreover, it also gave voice to diasporic Arab communities scattered around the globe (El-Nawawi & Iskandar, 2002; Miladi, 2006). While people in Arab nation-states may be proud citizens of these countries, a sense of sharing a common destiny emerges through the collective imaginings of his- tory, language, religious beliefs, and other factors. Such a sense of community among the various Arab societies, argues Phillips (2012), is indeed a form of “supranational” community. “Supranationalism” may not supersede the ties of state nationality. How- ever, there is a shared history of experiences, one of which is the colonial fragmenta- tion of the Middle East (Billig, 2004). These experiences create a bond among Arab citizens allowing them to see a common destiny congruent with that of their national affiliations. Al-Jazeera’s broadcasts, therefore, bring to the forefront issues that Arab viewers care deeply about, thus, cultivating sentiments of empathy and compassion among these audiences (El-Nawawi & Iskandar, 2002; Fahmy & Johnson, 2007; Pintak, 2009, 2011; Rinnawi, 2012). So far, the scholarly discussion (El-Nawawi & Iskandar, 2002; Fahmy & Johnson, 2007; Hahn, 2007; Miladi, 2006; Miles, 2005; Nisbet, 2007; Seib, 2005) on Al-Jazeera has centered on its reception in the Arab world and the communal imagination its viewers are able to conceive. Important as these studies are, there were none that decoded the audiovisual texts that Al-Jazeera presents. Thus, it is imperative to explore the narratives that Al-Jazeera produces and critically interpret them within the contexts in which they appear.

This article contends that Al-Jazeera’s coverage—while relatively objective and novel to Arab audiences—has simultaneously focused attention on the station itself by championing its journalistic accomplishments and marking itself as an advocate of the Arab populace. The station’s broadcasts perpetuate an image about its role in the Arab world. This invites a closer look at how Al-Jazeera represents itself, that is, what

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Al-Jazeera and the Arab Uprisings A. Nasr

frames it creates for its own image in respect to the issues it reports. Entman (1993) suggests that frames evaluate a given issue and prescribe solutions. The process, Ent- man (1993) notes, consists of bringing issues to the audience’s awareness through the promotion of a particular scenario of cause and effects. Frames rely on rhetorical and stylistic approaches through which they mediate a preferred interpretation of events (Capella & Jamieson, 1997). However, in order to insert oneself in the narrative of an independent event, the narrator follows a methodical approach that goes beyond framing; an approach that incorporates the narrator into the narrative of a particular event. To better understand this process, this study relies on the work of John W. Du Bois (2007) on the practice of stancetaking.

In studying interpersonal communication from a linguistic viewpoint, Du Bois (2007) notes that in any given conversation, the very words that a subject speaks allow for that speaker to assume a position vis-à-vis the object of conversation. Du Bois (2007) states that the importance of the dynamic lies in “invok[ing] systems of sociocultural value” (p. 139). From this perspective, a subject/speaker can become a “social actor” in a particular exchange by first indexing herself in the context of the object of discussion, and second, by identifying a position of value in regard to this context (Du Bois, 2007). There is a linguistic system of generating meaning at work at this instance. In “taking a stance,” Du Bois (2007) contends that the “stancetaker (a) evaluates an object, (b) positions a subject (usually the self), and (c) aligns with other subjects” (p. 161). This system is what Du Bois (2009) refers to as “the stance triangle” (p. 160).

While Al-Jazeera does not engage in a conversation in the literal sense, the mes- sages that the station presents generate a system of a figurative exchange between subjects (in Du Bois’s understanding of the word) in regard to an object. Accordingly, this study explores Al-Jazeera’s stancetaking by applying the conventions of stance to the station’s broadcast content. The question pertains to how Al-Jazeera (a) evaluates the Arab uprisings, (b) positions itself vis-à-vis the viewer, and (c) aligns itself with the viewer. This study is concerned particularly with the promotional videos that air on Al-Jazeera, and these videos serve as tools to visually and discursively negotiate this stance. The contention is that these promos position Al-Jazeera as a social actor in the Arab uprisings while empathizing with the viewer—presumably, the average Arab citizen who has been the subject of tyranny and depravation of the regime under which he or she lives.

It is important to recognize that while these promotional videos are discrete units for analysis, investigating the framework in which they appear locates these units within larger contexts of significance. The context in question pertains to the sequence of messages that forms a backdrop against which a given promo is situated. Accordingly, this study will explore the subtexts of Al-Jazeera’s promos, but further- more, it seeks to understand each of these promos’ significance as syntactic units in the sequence of messages in which they appear. This approach relies heavily on Williams’s (1975) notion of “flow.” Williams (1975) draws attention to the sequence of messages, or “flow,” that is not limited to a program or unit of broadcast content.

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A. Nasr Al-Jazeera and the Arab Uprisings

Rather, he asserts that “flow” is essentially the entirety of a given broadcast: a program and its interruptions (program trailers, commercial advertisements, news, and other items). Williams (1975) contends that the conventional view of a television program suggests a limitation to the text of the program itself, while the “real broadcast” is the series of content instances that appear in the sequence (p. 96). It is this “succession of words and images” and their “combination and fusion” that shape our viewing experience (Williams, 1975, p. 96).

Methodology

The images broadcast on Al-Jazeera provide a key to deciphering the meanings under- lying the messages that point to its position vis-à-vis the citizen uprisings and political regimes. Analyzing the textual webs underlying the station’s broadcasts reveals the multiple layers of meaning. Textual analysis is a method that distinctly serves the pur- pose of this study for it scrutinizes the real representation of the world that the text offers through codes “not as representing the ‘manifest actuality of our society,’ but rather as reflecting, ‘symbolically the structure and values beneath the surface’ of text” (Bertrand & Hughes, 2005, p. 185). Bertrand and Hughes (2005) argue that while tex- tual analysis is applied to small samples, it breaks down the complex layers of images and sounds of a given message to reveal the underlying “systems of signification.” In this sense, this article regards textual analysis as a means through which television messages use visual and textual language to convey issues relating to culture and iden- tity in the Arab world. Accordingly, this study will use a multiple-case approach that considers the texts that position Al-Jazeera within the scope of a narrative analysis.

On a secondary level, to comprehensively understand Al-Jazeera’s messages, the study considers both the station’s promotional videos as well as segments of its news reports and broadcasts. The textual analysis employed in this study will rely on a narrative criticism approach. This approach analyzes how communication messages operate in developing perceptions of reality (Frey, Botan, & Creps, 2000). These mes- sages will provide rich and complex narratives when considered within a specific sociocultural lens—that of the target audience. Characters, settings, and narratives, asserts Foss (2004), are integral dimensions to a narrative analysis approach. Given the framework in which these messages appear, namely the Arab uprisings, the study takes into account factors such as events, temporal and causal relations, the intended audience, and themes that make these messages effective.

Al-Jazeera’s visual content requires further definition in terms of its self-promotion. The promotional videos identify the station with both its iconic logo and slogans. These clips appear in between programs and during commercial intervals. Al-Jazeera has produced a number of station ID videos that advertise the station’s coverage and its news-gathering accomplishments. For the purposes of this study, samples of Al-Jazeera live broadcasts were recorded for a period of 4 hours daily between 15 May and 30 September 2011. The hours recorded were between 10:00 am and 2:00 pm EST, the local primetime for television broadcasts (5:00 pm–9:00 pm,

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Al-Jazeera and the Arab Uprisings A. Nasr

local time in Qatar). Data collection involved capturing a significant amount of video from Al-Jazeera’s live web-streams that mirrored the channel’s live Arabic satellite broadcasts. However, the study remains less concerned with quantities of isolated or discrete instances of representation. Rather, Al-Jazeera produces itself through an accumulating set of images, narratives, and meanings that do not exist in a simple one-to-one correspondence with a particular instance of representation. In order to address the complexity of meaning that emerges from these audiovisual texts, this study relies on a purposive sample as a way to delve more deeply into the larger complex of accumulated meanings that emerge from the station’s ongoing live broadcasts.

The study selected four station-break sequences from these broadcasts for textual analysis. To take into account the framework for Al-Jazeera’s promos, the analysis con- siders the series of messages presented alongside the station ID video. These samples represent the diversity of messages existing within each sequence. The ID promos within these sequences frequently appear during station breaks and, therefore, are either preceded or followed by commercial messages and public service announce- ments (PSAs). Investigating the backdrop for Al-Jazeera’s promos will furnish a lexical context for understanding these visual representations. Accordingly, the study focuses on select samples based on their unique content along with the context in which Al-Jazeera self-references appear. Each of the selected clips provides a distinctive nar- rative that contributes to the relevance of the argument at hand.

Data analysis

The above sequences present messages worthy of analysis as unique units—specifically those that feature Al-Jazeera’s programs and those that identify the station. The sam- ples used for this study offer insights into the visual texts that define Al-Jazeera’s position in the uprisings. Sample I, for example, begins with the Tunisia 2011 promo that features Al-Jazeera’s role in the Tunisian rebellion.1 Attention focuses on Al-Jazeera’s role in showing the contrast between the demands of the Tunisian people and Ben Ali’s incompetent and corrupt rule. This is evident from the opening shot of this promo. A television set appears with an Al-Jazeera anchor reporting the self-immolation of Mohammed Bouazizi, the Tunisian vendor whose action sparked the Tunisian uprising. Through a smooth zoom-in, the image pulls the viewer into the picture. Similarly, this theme continues as the promotional video for Revolution Talk presents Al-Jazeera as a catalyst in the historic process. Al-Jazeera’s images of the uprisings transforming into a series of headlines from a newspaper is symbolic of the station’s agency in documenting history and suspending moments in the fight for freedom—idolizing these instances and thus exalting its agency in reporting these events.

Also drawing attention to its role as an agent in the historic narrative, Al-Jazeera distinguishes its role by focusing on how instrumental “the camera” is in recording the struggle in Al-Jazeera: The Coverage Continues (Camera Shutter) that appears in

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A. Nasr Al-Jazeera and the Arab Uprisings

Sample II. This station promo highlights the medium: the camera represented by the visual graphic of a viewfinder with a shutter closing and transitioning to images of the fighting in Libya. As the camera snaps, the series of images moves forward ending with Al-Jazeera’s logo. The selections of snapshots are pivotal to defining iconic images and instances of the Libyan revolt. Thus, congruent with the Libyan struggle, the promo focuses on the role of the camera as it embodies Al-Jazeera’s role in the uprising.

Similarly, a different version of this message [Al-Jazeera: The Coverage Continues (Trial) in Sample III] presents the Egyptian uprising mediated by Al-Jazeera news anchors. In less than a minute, the station promo relays the people’s uprising in Egypt through images laid out in a series of frames in a filmstrip alternating footage between clashes and newscasts. The interchange of frames between studio and scenes of the conflict conflates the two physical locations. Such representation draws a visual par- allel between anchor and rebel, and forges continuity between the two spaces as they appear on the same filmstrip.

Sample IV provides an example of how Al-Jazeera accentuates its position as a free- dom fighter. Freedom for Samer Allawi focuses on Al-Jazeera as a victim of injustice embodied by journalist Samer Allawi. While the promo is an appeal for Allawi’s free- dom, the message centers on his detention in Israel as an embodiment of Al-Jazeera’s role. Focusing on Allawi’s role as a journalist and an active community member, the message constructs Al-Jazeera as a “friend of the people” despite the “gags” and “deten- tion orders” enforced on it and its staff. Al-Jazeera’s zeal for truth and freedom, there- fore, places the station as a figurative victim, a “martyr for liberty.”

Al-Jazeera: The Coverage Continues (Martyr Camera—Libya) enforces the “vic- tim/martyr” discourse further. This animated promo shows the point-of-view (POV) of a person running through the crossfire in Libya. It is a dramatic piece that depicts a fearless rebel who falls victim to a sniper’s bullets. The clip’s beginning gives the impression that the POV is that of a freedom fighter charging to battle. Dashing through bullets and obstacles, blood stains the screen indicating a fatal bullet wound. A peaceful floatation akin to a spirit departing a body looks at a camera soaked in blood. In a sudden motion, the camera’s POV rises and charges once again. There is a clear juxtaposition between rebels and journalists in this video. The camera, a metaphor for Al-Jazeera, is a rebel: It charges forward, it “shoots” footage, and it falls victim. This message claims that Al-Jazeera’s journalists are indeed “soldiers of truth” who face martyrdom in the line of duty. Using the camera as the weapon, Al-Jazeera carries on with its mission of “fighting for truth” despite the gravest adversities.

Al-Jazeera’s self-references, however, appear beyond the station’s promos. The station’s newscasts themselves are loaded with visual texts that reveal such portrayals. The samples in this study show newscasts on a visual plane that positions news anchors alongside the rebels. As the anchors deliver the news, life-size images of protesters waving their fists, rebels aiming their machine guns, and children holding up signs appear in the backdrop behind the news desk. The images complement the content of the featured news story. In a smooth slide show each picture zooms in, collapsing the visual distance between the anchor and the subject of the picture.

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Accordingly, not only does the camera frame present both anchor(s) alongside the visual portrait of the conflict, the frame blends together those present in the studio along with those fighting on the ground. The result is a visual fusion between studio and battlefield, news anchors and rebels.

While select clips from the samples present Al-Jazeera’s stance regarding the upris- ings, taking each of these sequences as whole units of analysis yields a more complex result. The samples upon which this study is founded contain messages that promote Al-Jazeera’s coverage of the uprisings. The sequences cast a light on Al-Jazeera that portrays it as a beacon for truth and human rights and a champion of hope and free- dom from oppression. However, they also present a contrast between oppressive Arab states and Qatar as a developed modern society. The assembly of messages in each of the samples contains images of the struggle of people suffering from deprivation and injustice fighting for liberty. The antithesis of oppressive regimes appears in messages about Qatar. The latter portray Qatar as the epitome of a modern society in its gover- nance, industries, and the riches it offers the world. The assemblage of the three themes stands out as they produce a portrait of Al-Jazeera and Qatar within the context of the uprisings.

The Opinion and Its Counterpoint in Sample I further reinforces this position. In this instance, the video presents the social and political disparity in Yemen by jux- taposing Yemeni demonstrators with president Saleh’s reactions. It is noteworthy to point out that as this promo indeed presented both sides of the conflict, the juxtapo- sition of viewpoints cleverly depicts Saleh as a hypocritical tyrant by responding to his patriotic slogans with images of distraught Yemeni protesters. The focus is on the cruelty of the contested regime.

In contrast, the messages that follow introduce a completely different reality for Qatar. Beginning with the QNB (Qatar National Bank) commercial, the message places Qatar’s national bank as a collective triumph that has strived to reshape Qatar and the Middle East as its slogan suggests: “together, moving forward.” The images and message underlying Qatar: Feel The Freedom You Desire tourism ad present a larger disparity between Qatar and the Arab states that have recently dominated the news. Not only does this message hail the high standards of Qatar’s tourism, economy, industries, culture, and the emirate’s contribution to the world, it ends with a slogan that distinguishes Qatar as a “free” society. The “freedom” that this message highlights underscores the concerted effort to demarcate Qatar as different from other oppressive Arab states. This contrast, therefore, leverages Qatar’s image as the sequence presents contentious communities as a point of comparison.

Qatar’s influence and prestige is further developed by a commercial that features its national natural gas industry. The ad suggests that the world would be a different place without Qatar’s resources and developments in technology. In line with posi- tioning the state of Qatar as an advanced nation, the QNB ad appears once again announcing that this Qatari financial institution moves the Arab world forward.

The sequence commences with news footage of people longing for freedom and liberty from tyranny as the anchors in this newscast sit in front of a backdrop of rebel

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images. Situating anchors alongside images of freedom fighters metaphorically posi- tions Al-Jazeera anchors in the trenches. What appears on screen is a visual formula that locates Al-Jazeera anchors and reporters on the same level as those on the ground fighting tyranny and injustice.

Similarly, Sample II presents a flow of messages that mediate a distinction between Qatar and other Arab states. The sequence commences with a weather report spon- sored by Qatar Airlines represented with an extreme close up of a young green-eyed flight attendant’s face as she smiles looking up at the camera. The sense of ease and comfort this promotion presents is interrupted by a set of snapshots of the Libyan struggle. Al-Jazeera: The Coverage Continues (Camera Shutter) brings forth emotion- ally charged footage of human suffering and cruelty. As the graphic of an Al-Jazeera camera snaps pictures of the tragedies and triumphs of the Libyan people, the somber album is interrupted as the sequence transitions to a message emphasizing the rich cultural tradition, abundance of cosmopolitan lifestyle, and prosperity that Qatar enjoys (Qatar: Feel the Freedom You Desire II). Along the same lines, the sequence commences with the visual praises of the state of Qatar in advertisements for QNB and Qatar Petroleum. The sequence ends with a newscast that presents the antithesis of Qatar’s image in these ads: casualties in the Syrian uprisings, NATO’s bombing of a Libyan port, a funeral for the fallen rebels in Yemen, and troops in Sudan.

Samples III and IV further illustrate the flow of images and the subsequent mean- ing that emerges. Sample II alternates between Al-Jazeera’s ID promos and program announcements. Beyond this, this alternation of messages demonstrates a construc- tion of the Qatari leadership. While the sequence presents dictatorship and the ensu- ing popular reaction in Revolution Talk, Al-Jazeera: The Coverage Continues (Trial), and Al-Jazeera: Libya—The People Prevail, a program promotion presents snippets of an interview with Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifah Al-Thani. The Trial promo por- trays ousted Egyptian president Mubarak and key figures in his regime as corrupt and cruel. In contrast, Sheikh Hamad appears as the benevolent and wise fatherly figure, a humanitarian concerned for the welfare of those who suffer tyranny.

Al-Thani’s interview is another marker of disparity between Qatar (and its govern- ment) and other nation-states. The sequence emphasizes Qatar’s role of an advocate for freedom as Al-Thani’s words are paired with images of Allawi’s detention in Israel. On one hand, Qatar’s portrait is that of a country striving for spreading goodwill and human rights; on the other hand, Israel targets free speech by detaining an Al-Jazeera journalist. Furthermore, images of destruction, human casualties, and sinister Arab leaders (ben Ali, Mubarak, and Qaddafi) create a diametrically opposed image for Qatar and its leadership.

Discussion

Al-Jazeera’s narratives generate a complex set of meanings articulating the channel to a larger set of political and nationalist concerns. First, the station constantly asserts and reasserts itself as an agent in the Arab uprisings. Second, these sequences

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underscore Qatar’s position in the Middle East and Gulf portraying the emirate as the cradle for freedom and progress in an otherwise oppressive and totalitarian region. When considered in light of unfolding developments in the Arab world, Al-Jazeera’s textual narratives reflect a diligent production of meaning that helps map out the parameters of Arab public spheres.

Such mapping remains saturated with deeper subtextual meaning that establishes the authority of both Al-Jazeera and Qatar’s positions in the Arab world. Al-Jazeera’s ID videos and program trailers define the station’s role during the upheavals in the Arab world. These narratives champion Al-Jazeera’s martyr camera, the channel’s detained correspondent among other texts, as well as the routine newsroom practices of leveling the visual plane between studio news anchors and the rebels whose images prominently appear in the studio background. Such indicators position Al-Jazeera as an integral part of the uprisings—a relentless force in the advancement of liberty and freedom in Arab societies. This is particularly interesting when observing Al-Jazeera’s images from a stancetaking perspective.

As Al-Jazeera’s self-references in these reports illustrate how the station per- forms stance in the televisual conversation (Du Bois, 2007). The messages collapse the medium–viewer–issue triad [subject 1–subject 2–object, in Du Bois’s (2007) definition of the stance triangle]. Through the visual immersion of its news anchors amidst the struggle, Al-Jazeera embeds its journalists among the freedom fighters on the ground, evoking a fusion of news anchors, reporters, and camera operators with citizen rebels and victims of state oppression. Rather than focus exclusively on reporting news of the rebellion, Al-Jazeera identifies its central role as democratizing the world both in how it documents the world as well as in how it reaches that world through its broadcasts. These texts ultimately recast Al-Jazeera as central both to the uprising as well as to the future of the Arab communities.

Secondly, the montage of station IDs, program trailers, and advertisements weave a concerted meaning. The specific scenarios positioning the station as an agent for freedom exist alongside more general accounts of struggle and suffering under tyranny. The station’s mission, as Al-Jazeera declares, is to present objective and factual news. However, the analysis above shows that the station has consistently inserted references to its own contributions to the struggles. The figurative conver- sation in which Al-Jazeera engages regarding the struggle in Libya, the uprising in Yemen, demonstrations in Egypt, or the success of the Tunisian revolution draws attention to the station’s position vis-à-vis the issue in question.

Al-Jazeera’s broadcasts ultimately reinforce the predominant model of national television institutions in the Arab world: to glorify their governments and to reinforce the raison d’être of the state of affairs (Fahmy & Johnson, 2007; Karam, 2007). Despite Al-Jazeera’s self-positioning as a critical force to authoritative regimes and a “voice to the voiceless,” much like other Arab state-owned media, a consistent theme that emerged in the sequences analyzed for this study center on Qatar’s benevolence and accomplishments. Qatar’s image relies heavily on the parameters and role that Al-Jazeera defines for itself as a news medium. The journalistic feats, exclusive

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interviews, expository scoops, and the ultimate sacrifices that Al-Jazeera reporters have paid with their own lives do not only reflect Al-Jazeera’s excellence but also envisage Qatar’s role in the world.

Conclusion

Al-Jazeera’s hard-hitting journalism is indeed a departure from the Arab media model; however, these journalistic practices are essentially a reflection on the State of Qatar (its rule, policies, and affairs). Al-Jazeera’s portrayals operate in two-tier process of representation. The primary level involves an institution actively drawing an image and identity for itself. On a deeper level, this performance evokes meaning that transcends the producer of text. Ultimately, the norms and values that transpire from Al-Jazeera’s self-representation provide contextual significance for the force behind the station. Al-Jazeera’s leveraging of journalistic standards and its support of change in the Arab world sets a precedent for its patron state. Al-Jazeera represents Qatar’s values and merits to Arab societies by association.

Al-Jazeera’s textual narratives also set the parameters for larger debates over national identity through the station’s stance and representations of events. These narratives diligently frame both Al-Jazeera and Qatar as vital agents in the future of emerging Arab societies. They also evocatively present the emirate as taking the lead in imagining a new free Arab world. While Arab audiences remain distinctly diverse in their cultural, ethnic, and national spheres, Al-Jazeera—and by association, Qatar—endorses a sense of common destiny that Arab societies share. Such destiny narratives portray free speech and progress in ways that arguably model themselves upon the self-proclaimed free society that the emirate enjoys.

This article has offered insights on Al-Jazeera’s representations amidst the major changes unfolding in the region. These texts focus the analysis on representation. However, it is important to consider how various audiences partake in the construc- tion of their own national identities and how Al-Jazeera’s mediations of the Arab uprisings contribute to such understandings. This will be a worthy subject to consider for future studies.

Note

1 More information on sample sequences can be found at users.ipfw.edu/nasra

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