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https://doi.org/10.1177/0017896917739444

Health Education Journal 2018, Vol. 77(2) 156 –168

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Afterschool school triathlon training for 11- to 14-year old girls: Influences on academic motivation and achievement

Jennifer Gatz and Angela M Kelly Institute for STEM Education (I-STEM) and Department of Physics and Astronomy, Stony Brook University, Stony Brook, NY USA

Abstract Objective: This study evaluated the effect of a Transformation through Triathlon after school programme in promoting health status, academic motivation and socioemotional development in at-risk girls aged 11– 14 years attending middle school in the USA. Design: A phenomenological approach was employed with elements of grounded theory to analyse data from focus group interviews for insights into programmatic outcomes. Setting: Participants (N = 29) were invited to participate in the 20-week after school triathlon training and health promotion programme, and some volunteered for interviews. They were selected based on school personnel characterising them as at-risk for low self-esteem, a sedentary lifestyle, and/or classification as overweight. The programme combined empowerment lessons, nutrition and health science education twice per week from mid-March until June 2014, and after-school activities such as triathlon-specific training and group fitness classes three times per week through until July, with a culminating youth sprint triathlon (300- yard swim, 7-mile bike ride, and 1.5-mile run). Method: Focus groups of five to six girls were convened immediately after programme completion, and again 12 weeks later. A semi-structured interview protocol was developed with questions regarding individual goals, perceptions of programme structure and setting, and programmatic effects related to academics and motivation. Results: Qualitative analysis revealed that confidence, interest, and self-determination motivational constructs positively influenced goal setting, strategies, health, fitness, motivation, and academic achievement. Conclusion: Intervention participants learned to self-regulate their learning and set goals that promoted fitness, academic achievement, better attitudes, and resilience. After school community and family inclusive programmes with a structured fitness component increase confidence, self-determination and academic achievement though social support structures.

Keywords After-school programmes, motivation, physical fitness, self-determination, self-efficacy, triathlon

Corresponding author: Angela M Kelly, Institute for STEM Education (I-STEM) and Department of Physics and Astronomy, Stony Brook University, 092 Life Sciences, Stony Brook, NY 11794-5233, USA. Email: [email protected]

739444HEJ0010.1177/0017896917739444Health Education JournalGatz and Kelly research-article2017

Original Article

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Introduction

Youth and adolescence have been characterised as periods of rapid change in maturity, social rela- tionships, and increased academic pressure at a time when students go through physical, behav- ioural, and cognitive changes (Blackwell et al., 2007). In the USA, early adolescence or the period between 11 and 14 years, has been shown to be a critical development period marked by declines in physical activity, self-esteem, academic motivation, and increased obesity rates (Fakhouri et al., 2014). If developmental changes are not negotiated successfully during this time period, there may be negative impacts on academic performance and health status (Dweck and Leggett, 1988).

Afterschool programmes (ASPs) have played a key role in engaging young people in the learn- ing process by providing opportunities to explore interests, increase health and wellness, gain competency in real-world skills, develop a group identity, and connect with adult role models (Kuperminc et al., 2013). In ASPs providing opportunities for interaction with nurturing adult and peer mentors, participants are often viewed as collaborators rather than passive recipients, which has had powerful effects on self-efficacy, persistence, and work habits (Massey et al., 2017). The question remains as to whether increased levels of aerobic fitness and social integration resulting from ASP participation can be linked to academic achievement, self-regulated behaviours, and motivation. Therefore, the overarching research question of this study was ‘How do environmental factors that include triathlon training, peer mentoring, nutrition, and health based science instruc- tion in an ASP affect students’ motivation and academic achievement?’

Theoretical framework

Social cognitive theory and motivation

Social cognitive theory and biological mechanisms of information processing theory together provide a framework for increased motivation and transfer of skills between contexts (Anderson, 1997; Bandura, 1986). Bandura (2001, 2006) reported that self-regulatory strategies developed in one type of activity are applicable to other domains. Situated learning can provide an interactive social setting for students to adopt the criteria for competence they observe in others, subse- quently applying them to their own performance forming collective agency (Bandura, 2001). Within social groups, beliefs in collective efficacy originate from shared intentions, knowledge, and skills. With regard to the influence of social factors on human development and adaptation, Bandura (2006) proposed that the integration of social and environmental influences operates through self-regulation to produce behavioural effects.

Social processes may be potential mediators that encourage increased physical activity and reduced risk of obesity (Kuperminc et al., 2013). Acknowledging the role of personal efficacy in health behaviours, Bohnert and Ward (2013) found that girls in a health and wellness intervention reported more physical activity and higher levels of nutritional knowledge. Efficacy beliefs have influenced choices regarding the selection of challenges, effort expended, and duration of persis- tence through adversity (Bandura, 2006). Cognitive and motivational variables have also been found to correlate with health practices in youth (Tyc et al., 2004), and appropriate interventions need to be explored to promote physical activity and associated motivational and academic bene- fits (Taymoori et al., 2011).

Self-determination theory

Self-determination theory addresses basic psychosocial needs to foster goal-oriented processes; these needs include autonomy, competence, and social relatedness. Self-directed constructive

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behaviour is often a consequence of self-efficacy and independence developed in socially support- ive conditions (Ryan and Deci, 2000). Motivation developed in positive social settings may have significant impacts on behaviour, self-regulation, and wellbeing (Deci and Ryan, 2008). Self- determination theory suggests the types of an individual’s motivation are more important than looking at motivation as a unified concept (Ryan and Deci, 2000). Different types of motivations predict health status, problem solving, and meaningful learning (Deci and Ryan, 2008). Internalising personal goals increases intrinsic motivation, which often improves outcomes for those involved in ASPs (Berry and Lavelle, 2013).

Beliefs about intelligence

The middle school years are a time when gender differences in achievement and attitudes towards physical activity and academics widen (Jones et al., 2000). Formulating positive beliefs about one’s own capabilities is essential in developing proactive approaches to learning. The implicit theories of intelligence model posits that students may hold one of two different views of learning – fixed or malleable intelligence (Dweck, 1999). A fixed mindset refers to an uncontrollable intel- ligence that may result in withdrawing effort if the perceived outcome appears negative (Blackwell et al., 2007). Conversely, students with a malleable mindset believe that effort drives ability and challenging tasks require increased effort (Dweck, 1999). The two frameworks can have signifi- cant consequences for students facing setbacks during challenges typical of early adolescence.

Middle school is a transitional time for young people as they are expected to become more independent while faced with an increased academic workload and complex social relationships (Dweck, 2003). During adolescence, ideas about ability begin to impact interest and motivations. Researchers have found achievement motivation and perceived ability to be rooted in young peo- ple’s perceptions of ‘goodness’, and this early meaning system has often extended into adolescence (Heyman and Dweck, 1998).

Research design

The present investigation used qualitative procedures to assess learning habits, motivation, and attitudes towards physical training and academics. Self-regulated learning strategies may include actions directed towards acquiring information or skills that involve goal setting and self-efficacy (Zimmerman et al., 1992). This study utilised a phenomenological design informed by elements of grounded theory (Strauss and Corbin, 1998) for collecting and analysing qualitative data to capture trends in changing fitness, motivation, and achievement. Phenomenology involves understanding the shared, lived experiences of participants (Patton, 1990), in this case, girls making sense of their ASP goals and achievements while reflecting upon associated academic impacts. Despite the posi- tive associations between physical activity and academic achievement (Lorenz et al., 2017), research has shown that less than half of young women participate in organised sports, and reported physical activity levels drop by as much as 50% during adolescence (Usher et al., 2016).

Methods and context

The programme study was founded in 2010 as a pilot initiative for at-risk middle school girls. Programme personnel defined at-risk as having low self-esteem, sedentary lifestyle, and/or being overweight. Mean body mass index (BMI) values were found to be in the ‘needs improvement/ health risk’ classification for adolescent girls aged 11–14 in accordance with the US Centers for Disease Control metrics (Ogden et al., 2002). Physical and demographic participant characteristics

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are detailed in Table 1. The programme combined self-esteem building lessons, nutrition, and health science education twice per week between mid-March and June 2014, and triathlon training and group fitness classes three times a week until July, when a culminating sprint triathlon (300- yard swim, 7-mile bike ride and 1.5-mile run) event took place.

The nutrition component consisted of five hands-on participant and family nutrition lessons. Lesson objectives centred on reading food labels and describing the importance of major nutrients in supporting and promoting health, which was aligned with their school science curriculum (New York State Education Department [NYSED], 2014). The empowerment curriculum consisted of 14 lessons taught from mid-March until the end of June, designed for science in personal and social perspectives (aligned with National Research Council, 1996). Fundamental concepts and princi- ples included strategies for thinking critically about risks and benefits of personal and social deci- sions. Lessons included the power of positive affirmations and goal setting.

The fitness, strength, and triathlon training curriculum focused on the importance of physical fitness for improved cardiorespiratory fitness and mental health. The fitness curriculum also used interdisciplinary problem solving to address real-life problems, set goals, and make informed deci- sions to improve physical fitness. Fundamental concepts of fitness training began with small group clinics focusing on safety, proper technique, and the importance of regular exercise. Principles of physical fitness focused on healthy weight maintenance, muscle tone, bone strength, strong heart/ lung systems, and improved mental health (NYSED, 2014).

Triathlon training and fitness instruction took place immediately after the nutrition and/or empowerment lessons three times per week leading up to the youth sprint triathlon in mid-July. Programme participants were divided into small groups of five to six individuals instructed by at least one certified adult coach, one community volunteer fitness professional, and at least one pro- gramme alumnae to act as a peer mentor. Participants trained in sport-specific disciplines for tri- athlon twice per week transitioning among swim and bike, swim and run, and bike and run. The third day of physical training included an after-school fitness class designed to expose the partici- pants to a myriad of ways to stay active and fit. Group fitness classes included yoga, dance, kick boxing, tennis, hiking, Pilates, and spin classes. Since all the programme components overlapped, participants were guided by programme personnel to use affirmations and visualisations taught in empowerment lessons to help them progress in their training and confidence.

Qualitative methods

Consistent with a phenomenological approach (Patton, 1990), two small focus groups of five to eight girls were convened voluntarily immediately after the completion of the programme, and

Table 1. Participants’ characteristics.

Characteristic Intervention mean (SD)

Age (year) 12.03 (0.73) Weight (kg) 56.92 (14.66) Height (m) 1.54 (0.07) BMI (kg*m–2) 23.77 (5.44)

Ethnicity N (%) Caucasian 16 (55) Black 5 (17) Hispanic 8 (28)

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again with a single combined group 12 weeks later. Immediately post-programme, the focus groups were split into first time participants comprised of sixth graders, and a second group comprised of returning participants that were a mix of seventh and eighth graders. Twelve weeks later, there was a single group of six girls mixed between first time and veteran participants due to the difficulty of obtaining volunteers to be interviewed at the later date. All participants in the 12-week post- programme interview also participated in the first round of interviews. The focus group setting was important in minimising the power differential between the primary investigator and the research participants. Group interviews have been an effective way to help relax the participants in the company of their peers and minimise coercion as they collectively share, build on each other’s experiences, and discuss a wider range of opinions than what may occur during an individual inter- view (Eder and Fingerson, 2002).

The study was approved by the Institutional Review Board affiliated with Stony Brook University, and consent and assent were obtained from the participants and their guardians. A semi- structured interview protocol was developed with questions regarding individual goals, percep- tions of the programme structure and setting, and programmatic effects on the participants. Focus groups lasted approximately 40 minutes. All names were changed to protect confidentiality.

Qualitative methods of analysis included a hypothesis driven approach derived from grounded theory. This process involved multiple stages of data collection with a series of iterations to iden- tify interrelationships among categories and information (Strauss and Corbin, 1998). The primary characteristics of grounded theory involve the constant comparison of data with emerging catego- ries and theoretical sampling to maximise the similarities and differences between explanatory constructs (Creswell, 2003).

Analysis of qualitative data

The first phase in categorising the data was to open code interview transcripts by noting emerging theoretical ideas (Strauss and Corbin, 1998). Constructs from academic motivation research were used to open code the transcripts to explain changes in self-efficacy, self-determination, and grade motivation (Glynn et al., 2011). These codes included changes in attitudes, feelings, skills, behav- iour, and self-regulated learning strategies.

In the second part of qualitative data reduction, axial coding made connections between catego- ries and subcategories that focused on situations surrounding the actions of the participants and consequences of their behaviours (Strauss and Corbin, 1998). In the final phase of the qualitative interview analysis, data on programme processes and participant outcomes were sorted and inte- grated using social cognitive theory, self-determination theory, and theories of intelligence. To assess reliability of the codes, a second investigator independently coded the transcripts and inter- rater agreement was achieved in 94% of all cases through extended discussions.

Results

The coding analysis generated three major themes. First, the girls spoke repeatedly about the value of social support in building confidence. Second, their success improved motivation in achieving goals, largely driven by the value they recognised in hard work. The increase in motivation was reflected in improved self-regulation and self-determination, which suggested programme partici- pation impacted their sense of agency in both fitness and academic domains. Finally, the girls improved in self-acceptance and satisfaction with who they were. Social support and personal suc- cess led to healthier self-concept, improved motivation, and confidence in executing behaviours required to achieve goals.

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Social support

Social support provided by peers, family, and programme facilitators was a pervasive theme in focus group discussions. The girls valued support to achieve their programme goals, and it coin- cided with improvements in motivation and self-determination. Social support was clearly related to expressions of confidence.

Many girls expressed increased self-efficacy and social engagement when asked what they liked about the programme. Julie (grade 71) stated that the programme gave her ‘a lot of friends and confidence’. She also shared that the programme helped her deal with uncomfortable social situa- tions: ‘Like, if you’re being bullied, you have, like, your [programme] sisters with you’.

Kate (grade 7) stated that the programme gave her a firm social grounding: ‘It helped me, like, find my group. And it did help me have confidence to stand up to people’. She also described the value of having family and friends supporting her goals; this had inspired her to persevere in difficult tasks:

I would say that you might think it’s gonna be hard work and it’s gonna be too much, but there’s really nothing so far that I’ve felt better than crossing the finish line and having your parents and your friends and your family all standing there and cheering for you. So all that work and all that effort that you put in and you think, oh, my God, this is too much, you just have to think of the ending and think of how great it’s gonna be and keep going.

Peer support and an improvement in basic confidence also led to an increase in self-efficacy for tasks the girls initially found difficult. Rather than feeling singled out for not knowing something, Amy (grade 8) said that the programme helped her meet people with common interests and it felt good to be able to learn with others:

I really like how I made so many friends. Like, everyone I met, like, you have something in common with. And if I didn’t know how to do something, I would be the only one who didn’t know how to do it. But in [the programme], if I didn’t know how to do something, there would be someone else who didn’t know how to do something so I felt really good, like, oh well, we’ll learn together and I won’t feel bad about not knowing how to do something.

Several girls spoke of previously not liking certain tasks because they required substantial effort. That changed for many of them in the treatment programme. Mathematics was a common response for a subject that the girls did not like because it was difficult, but the impact of the pro- gramme on their mathematics learning was evident with several girls adopting more of an incre- mental intelligence mindset. When prompted about what she did not like about mathematics, Kate stated, ‘Math doesn’t come as quickly to me as English, so sometimes, I get confused and I feel like I’m not good at it, but I’m trying harder’. Julie concurred with Kate stating, ‘Math, it was like, I didn’t understand it … I wouldn’t get it at first. But then since we learned some stuff that I actually knew, I actually got a lot better in math and I liked it after that’.

Perceptions of ability and interest were initially tied to successful performance, however, the affirmations learned in the programme (i.e. the girls vocalising beliefs in themselves) and the abil- ity to self-regulate learning were evident in changing attitudes and approaches towards difficult academic subjects. When asked how the programme changed their perceptions and achievement in these subjects, many girls replied that they were able to think critically before reacting. For exam- ple, Amy stated,

It gets you to think about things more deeply, before I used to panic for no reason and I would overreact and now I learned to take things better … math is my least favourite but I want to achieve, I want to get an A.

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A lasting impact of the programme was observed in the older girls. Mary (grade 8), when asked about how the programme affected her, indicated that the programme had helped increase her gen- eral confidence which carried over to academic subjects:

Confidence to be able to believe that I can do better and to know I can do better. It makes me want to go out and get it and like, show myself that I can do it … It’s definitely helped me achieve my goals and become more advanced in my classes and be more interested in my classes. I wasn’t always, like, I didn’t do bad, but I was like in the 70’s. Before I would get B’s and C’s, but now I’m A’s all across the board.

Participants in this study demonstrated a change in self-efficacy with an increased confidence in their ability to succeed in both academic and fitness tasks. Girls received positive performance feedback from both programme personnel and their peers. Natalie (grade 6) shared this view that she and others had when asked about what she learned from the programme about achievement of athletic or academic goals:

If you don’t feel like you can complete a triathlon in the beginning, it would be a really big accomplishment and you would be able to be more confident about more things that you could do … I like seeing the impact in other girls’ lives…it could inspire you to work harder in school.

Motivation and self-determination

Participants spoke of the skills and determination they learned in the programme and how this related to their motivation to do well in academics. Kate discovered that her hard work and success in triath- lon training allowed her to direct the same effort towards her academic work, particularly science:

The best thing in [the programme] is teaching us to be ourselves. And the best thing that relates to science I would say is having determination. When you want to do something, be determined to get it done. Like in [the programme], it’s finishing our race. And then if you apply that to science, it’s like getting the A, it’s staying in, like, the Regents course. The determination to do that leads you to study more, get better grades.

Kate was able to transfer feelings of success from fitness to science, a subject that many of the girls categorised as difficult. Mary concurred by emphasising her newfound grade motivation after receiving a confidence boost from the fitness programme:

It gives me confidence to do everything and anything, basically, that I want to do and achieve anything, like, if I want. It helps me to realise that anything is possible if I just believe and try. So, like, I can do anything. If I want to get a good grade, I can work hard and get a good grade if I want it bad enough, which I do. And, like, it helps you achieve anything, because they teach you, well, you want to cross the finish line.

Mary recognised that the internal drive she had developed as a result of her participation was motivating her in academics. She also showed evidence of her belief in malleable intelligence, stat- ing, ‘And I feel like if I don’t get it, I’m gonna sit there, I’m gonna work through it and I’m gonna try to get it’. Her incremental mindset facilitated her persistence in academic tasks. She expressed their confidence in her ability to self-determine academic outcomes by applying herself.

Julie shared that she experienced an increase in motivation because of the tangible results of her effort in the triathlon programme. She related this to the affirmations strategy:

We do affirmations in [the programme], so when you’re taking a test it’s easy to say that I will do good on this test. I can do it, like [facilitator] teaches us. So the affirmations help a lot. I think that it does help with math and with all the subjects that I need help with tests on.

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It is interesting to note that the increase in grade motivation was often articulated by younger girls in the focus groups 12 weeks after programme completion. This finding is promising in that it suggests positive programmatic impacts extended well beyond participation. Kate expressed this when asked about whether she was struggling with any classes at the start of her eighth-grade year, ‘I’ve been doing pretty good in math actually, this year. Last year it was a bit of a struggle, but I’ve done a lot better this year’. When asked about what made her change her thinking, she said,

All the things we’ve done, the activities, to show that we are unique and the talks we’ve had together, we just really aren’t afraid to be ourselves and that leads us to do the same things outside of [the programme]. In [the programme] we learned to, like, keep going, don’t give up. So when a subject gets kind of hard, at first you are like, oh man, like, I don’t know what to do. I think it’s taught me that when you are so close, like with the race, you just have to push on and keep going … like in tests, if they are difficult, I just sit down and study for awhile and I do pretty good. It’s helped me a lot.

Goal setting was an important strategy in maintaining motivation. Amy verbalised this notion when asked about the most important outcome for her, relating her positive experiences to an increase in goal setting:

Well, after [the programme] … I did start setting more goals… It’s an amazing, life changing experience that is vital – that gives vital lessons to girls and makes them become better people and makes them feel a lot better about themselves and makes them sort of achieve anything they want to.

When asked about what they learned about goal setting through the programme, Kate indicated the importance of this strategy:

We learned that you shouldn’t give up on your goals, because it can take you really far. Our triathlon was our biggest goal, if you didn’t finish all the sessions and didn’t do the race, you would never feel that satisfaction of finishing. [The facilitator] helped us visualise things and told us that achieving our goal, setting and achieving goals is definitely worth it, it’s gonna pay off in the end so that worked.

Setting goals was also linked to effort. This is an important finding as growth oriented mindset has been shown to be related to adopting a focus that emphasises new learning through challenging tasks (Dweck, 2003). Positive effort beliefs inspire strategies to improve performance when chal- lenged (Blackwell et al., 2007).

One strategy that was used for increased academic performance was studying more. Wendy (grade 8) stated this when asked about how the programme contributed to goal setting in and out of the classroom, ‘I’m just like, okay, I have to do good on this test, so, like, I study for it and I actually try really hard’. Wendy indicated that she adopted strategies for time management: ‘It helped me to study at different times and so then I’d have a rhythm and then I would actually study and get a good grade’. An emergent theme suggested that grade motivation prompted effort and the strategy learned in the programme and this was applied to studying. As Amy stated,

Well after [the programme] after I finished last year and this year, I did start setting more goals … like with school, with science, if it was boring, I wouldn’t pay attention but it was important for me to get a good grade so I would study hard. Especially when it’s time and the Regents [state exam] came, I was like, okay, so tonight, I would set a goal. Like tonight I’m gonna read from this page to this page of our review and I’m going to study it well, so I can do well on the Regents. I got an 88 on the Regents which I was really happy with.

Self-regulation is a process by which learners transform their mental abilities into skills by self- generated thoughts, feelings, and behaviours that are oriented towards attaining goals (Bandura,

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2006). Theories of intelligence can predict students’ goals, personal beliefs about effort and strate- gies in dealing with setbacks (Dweck, 2003). When asked about obstacles and what strategies the girls used to overcome them, Mary reported using lessons learned from the programme:

I used one of the lessons from [the programme]. If I get thrown an obstacle in my way, I’m gonna do whatever I can to overcome it … like I did in the race. I remember running across the finish line crying hysterically and it was just like, ‘cause you never think you are going to be able to do something and then you go out and do it, it’s the most amazing feeling in the world.

Self-regulatory strategies were also evident in how Mary approached her final exam in Spanish:

Like my Spanish test for this year, it’s like my final and I was freaking out because we had to sit there and talk Spanish to our teacher. I wasn’t like great, best at, like pronunciation but what I ended up doing was I would rewrite my paragraphs out and I’d like, recite it into my memory with the exact pronunciation and everything and that helped. It makes me think that if I make myself sit down and read the work and understand it and go to my teacher if I need help and just work towards it.

Lasting change in their abilities to overcome setbacks was further evidenced 12 weeks post- programme when participants were asked how they responded to setbacks since completing the programme. Mary used the example of a guest speaker the programme brought in to help the girls develop skills in overcoming obstacles:

There was this speaker and he referred to [obstacles] as brick walls and basically, like, there’s been many brick walls. Like, for biochemistry, getting confused, that was like a brick wall. But the brick walls are there to show you how badly you want something and if you can get over that brick wall then that means you really want it. If you can get over it, you can achieve your dream.

Confidence and self-acceptance

Programme outcomes regarding overcoming obstacles and increasing health status were evidenced by an increase in self-acceptance. When asked what she liked best about participating in the pro- gramme, Wendy said, ‘I feel like it really helps you feel better about yourself. It also gets you really fit’. This sentiment was also shared by Amy, ‘I like how I became much healthier, like, before I didn’t really do much exercise and now I am. It’s something I look forward to’. She expressed self- acceptance from what she learned through the health- and fitness-related curriculum when asked about her favourite lessons:

I like the nutrition ones because I always feel like, not like I have a nutrition problem, but I was always looking to feel healthier. So I learned many things that, some things I knew, but some things I didn’t know. And I tried to put these into practice at home, like, with different nutrients and food and try to eat better at home.

The improvement in health status was linked to confidence in one’s ability to complete the pro- gramme and successfully finish the youth triathlon. In the second interview, 12 weeks after the com- pletion of the programme, Natalie said that the programme gave her improved ‘health, fitness, and confidence’. Julie concurred, ‘I was really unsure of myself in sixth grade, but now I am positive most of the time’. Self-assurance was a theme echoed by Kate as a beneficial aspect of the programme:

It’s gotten me to be so much more confident, but in myself that the fact that I am who I am and that’s what makes me unique and I should be proud of the things that I love. Last year I wouldn’t show exactly what I

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loved, but this year I come in [to school] wearing, like, a DC comics shirt and I’m like, yeah, that’s who I am, so you’re gonna deal with it if you want to be around me.

Self-assurance was also expressed by the older girls who had been through the programme for the second or third year. This suggested that the empowerment curriculum, affirmations, and goal setting resulted in sustained positive influence upon the adolescent girls’ identities. Wendy exem- plified this influence when discussing her positive feelings about her health status and sense of self-worth:

If you feel like you’re not the way you want to look, [the programme] makes you feel better about who you are and makes you learn to appreciate who you were, like, meant to be. But it also at the same time, gets you healthier and if you are still unhappy, you have new ways to find out how to become the way you want to be…I feel like it helps people understand and accept who they are and it really helps people feel better about themselves. [The programme] makes you do things that you normally would not do, like you would think, oh, I can’t do this, but now I actually can, because I’ve tried, I try, and when I try I can accomplish anything.

Discussion

A major function of education is to produce lifelong learning skills. The results of this study have important implications for health education because self-management strategies developed in a nutritional science and fitness ASP were applicable to academic domains due to increased self- efficacy and motivation. During adolescence, a self-assessment of ability and effort impacts inter- ests, academics, and motivations. In this study, self-determination and grade motivation constructs showed significant improvement with students expressing increased orientation towards exerting the requisite effort to achieve their academic goals in difficult subjects. Girls learned to self-regu- late learning and set goals that promoted improved fitness and academic achievement, better atti- tudes, and resilience. The self-monitoring of behaviour patterns and the peer and adult support provided by the ASP provided positive environmental conditions that gave rise to lasting confi- dence changes and improved academic attitudes.

Goals must be challenging to provide an incentive for behavioural change, and achievement may be dependent upon how far in the future goals are projected. Prior research has shown that in line with goal incentivised action, metacognitive capability for self-reflection is how students address motivational conflicts, devise strategies, and formulate chosen plans of action (Zimmerman et al., 1992). Self-reflection was evident when girls provided examples of how they approached problems, difficult tasks, or social situations where they previously had felt marginalised and expe- rienced low self-esteem. The collective efficacy formed by participation in the programme led to an increase in personal agency and the confidence to learn and try new things. They may have considered some goals to be difficult, but approached them with a malleable mindset, believing that with enough effort they could achieve whatever they attempted.

Findings from this study support previous research by Bohnert and Ward (2013) and assertions by Bandura (2004) that good quality ASPs can provide the time and personal attention required to foster skills that affect adherence to healthy habits and academic success in the face of challenges. By involving the family and community in developing requisite skills to self-regulate behaviours, this ASP promoted positive health outcomes and improved motivation and academic achievement – lasting and beneficial changes for the female participants. Qualitative analysis revealed increases in personal efficacy, competence, and social relatedness as positive outcomes of the programme. Girls recognised the benefits of developing skills to regulate behaviour and cope with setbacks

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while adopting a healthy lifestyle. This study is one of the first to highlight the transfer of efficacy from difficult fitness related tasks to achievement in challenging academic coursework. Future study is recommended to examine a possible mediation effect on fitness and academic related gains for young women involved in good quality ASPs.

Limitations

Several limitations were, however, noted and relate to the qualitative nature of this study. The researchers brought personal and professional bias to the interpretation of interview transcripts, which were consciously minimised through discussion and acknowledgment of viewpoints, judg- ments, and assumptions. Researcher bias may have impacted the prioritisation of emerging codes in structural synthesis (Patton, 1990). The sample size was small, which contributed to data richness but may not be generalisable to larger populations who experience the same phenomenon. Future research should examine the relationship of potential mediators of confidence, self-determination, and peer support using qualitative and quantitative longitudinal data to analyse long-term behav- ioural impacts from community-based health interventions.

Conclusion

Cognitive self-regulation is exhibited by students actively engaged in their own learning, including analysing academic demands, planning for and mobilising resources to meet these demands, and monitoring progress towards task completion (Covington, 2000). Increasing understanding of self- regulation provides insight into how knowledge is organised, how experience shapes understand- ing, and how expertise is acquired. The girls in this study leveraged social support and their triathlon training success to maximise self-determination. Their shared belief that they could suc- ceed in the ASP transferred to other contexts where they were more likely to manage challenging tasks. They demonstrated high self-efficacy because they believed performance was under their control, and they had the capacity to meet higher expectations. Their collective agency was further demonstrated through self-expressed patterns of resilience and perseverance. Good-quality ASPs may contribute significantly to building the requisite skills needed for engagement in learning, self-acceptance, persistence, and setting goals to facilitate academic achievement while developing a positive identity during girls’ and young women’s development.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Note

1. In the US educational system, grade 7 typically comprises children aged 12–13, while grade 8 is typi- cally comprised of those aged 13–14.

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