6-8 page research paper base on the topic and the abstract

A Frame Analysis of Women’s Policies of Korean Government and Women’s Movements in the 1980s and 1990s

Kim Kyounghee

Objectives

Since the early 1990s, gender equality has become a major social pol- icy issue in Korea as well as in international society. In Korea, a number of unprecedented development have since been made by the gender policies, including the establishment of the Ministry of Gender Equality (MOGE) and positions of officers in charge of women’s policies in other ministries. At the same time, the women’s move- ment which began as part of the democratization movement in the 1980s, has shifted the focus of its agenda to such women-specific goals as equal opportunity for employment, maternity protection, and women’s human rights, among other issues. It has also begun to par- ticipate in institutional politics, abandoning its previously antagonis- tic attitude toward the state. Under the Kim Dae-jung government, the Presidential Commission on Women’s Affairs (PCWA), the prede- cessor of the present MOGE, was established, while movement activists and individual feminists have turned themselves into bureaucrats and members of political parties.

Kim Kyounghee (Kim, Gyeong-hui) is Assistant Professor of Sociology at the Chung- Ang University in Korea, where she teaches gender and society, family, sociological methods and other related courses. Her research areas are women’s movements and gender policies. Currently, she is studying gender sensitive policy formation and gen- der budget. E-mail: [email protected].

Until the 1990s, the government had little concern with women’s policies and thus no will to formulate and carry them out. According- ly, women’s movement activists and women in general did not have particularly positive views of the government. Women’s issues that were dealt with in the National Assembly mostly related to the mobi- lization of women for economic development, birth control as part of the population policy, and using housewives as volunteers in society. The women’s movement did not look to the state for any substantial solution to women’s problems. Instead, it tended to criticize the idea of formal equality before the law. However, since the beginning of the 1990s, the state has been recognized as an arena in which to find a solution for women’s problems. The government and the women’s movement are both working to achieve equality de facto.

Gender equality, which forms a substantial part of policy dis- course for the government and the women’s movement, is the pro- claimed goal of women’s policies in Korea. Gender equality is clearly expressed in the government’s policies on women and it is the major agenda of the women’s movement. However, even though the gov- ernment and women’s movements use the same terminology, an analysis has yet to be undertaken to examine how each group uses the language in formulating women’s policies. Existing studies on the relationship between women’s policies and the women’s movement focus on the extent of legitimacy the state and the women’s move- ment have in politics and their impact on forming women’s policies. Especially when it comes to policies which deal with issues specific to women, most research has concentrated on the form in which such policies are legislated. Consequently, it has been difficult to identify the gaps and tensions between the formal political discourse of the state and the policy discourse of the women’s movement.

In this context, by undertaking a frame analysis of the paradigm change in women’s policies of the government and the women’s movement in the 1980s and 1990s, the present study will examine the formulation and characteristics of the women’s agenda in Korea. A frame, as a central idea or “plot” that gives meaning to an event or issue which is still unfolding, provides a position from which to sug-

6 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2002

gest policy responses and directions in dealing with that issue (Gam- son and Modigliani 1989). A frame analysis has been used by many researchers to study social movements, individual policies, and con- troversial social issues (Kang and Bak 1997; Clemens 1996; Noonan 1997; Snow and Benford 1992).

An analysis of collective action frames, based on a social con- structionist perspective, is a relatively new attempt to theorize social movements. Up to now, the study of social movements has focused on such structural issues as political opportunity structures and resources, while frame analysis has concentrated on the micro- processes in which individual actors come to participate in social movements. Instead of understanding a frame at the level of individ- ual actors, the present study attempts to take it as the key idea of a social movement realized through strategies, tactics and organiza- tional methods. The frame of the government’s policies on women, on the other hand, will be analyzed by examining the speeches of policymakers delivered at the National Assembly.

For this purpose, the concept of the frame will be first discussed and then, an analysis of the frames of the government and women’s movements concerning women’s policies will be conducted by com- paring the 1980s and the 1990s.

Frame Analysis

As an important concept for the analysis of social movements, a col- lective action frame refers to the way in which individuals or organi- zations in social movements understand what goes on around them, identify the sources of their problems, and formulate ways of redress- ing their discontents (Snow and Benford 1988, 1992; Snow et al. 1986). In other words, a frame addresses the causes of injustices that engender collective suffering and the alternatives to them while inter- connecting various experiences into a coherent point of view. It is formed within political, social and cultural contexts through the strategies, tactics and organizational methods of social movement

7A Frame Analysis of Women’s Policies of Korean Government and . . .

organizations. By allowing the general public to draw certain messages from

social values and political culture and symbolizing them, a social movement creates a new frame in which collective actions can take place. Therefore, through sociocultural interactions, a movement can either achieve its original goal in the arena of real politics, or it can fail.

A frame includes diagnostic factors which identify problems and prescriptive factors which provide solutions to the problems. It also determines the factors which are procedures of deciding strategies, tactics and targets for the purpose of settling the problem, and motive-giving factors which provide explanatory grounds for taking direct action. The social impact of the frame of a social movement depend on whether diagnostic factors are based on clear evidence, whether the frame has experiential commensurability with everyday life, and whether it incorporates familiar elements conforming to the belief system and practices of the people to be organized.

The collective action frame is not predetermined but formed through a frame alignment. A frame alignment is a process explain- ing how a social movement succeeds in making individuals, as the potential population to be mobilized, accept the viewpoint of the movement organization, and thus is related to the strategies and tac- tics of the organization. For the frame alignment, a social movement or its leaders can choose among the following four methods. “Frame bridging” is the construction of a frame which is ideologically plausi- ble but not structurally related to a specific issue. “Frame transforma- tion” is when an individual movement suggests a new ideology. “Frame amplification” highlights the interpretative aspects of a spe- cific issue. Lastly, “frame extension” is the description of the goals and activities of a movement in accordance with the interests and values of the potential supporters to persuade and enlarge them (Snow and Benford 1988, 1989; Tarrow 1992). The analysis of frame alignment are useful for the study of social movements in that they can clarify how a frame is associated not only with the ideas and goals of a movement organization but also with its specific practices.

8 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2002

In general, the frames of policies and social issues are not differ- ent from those of social movements in their concepts and characteris- tics. Existing methods of policy analysis have largely been concerned with the examination of legal bills or statutes. These methods are limited in that they have no choice but to deal with a few legal bills and their provisions at face value. In contrast, by organizing and clustering into packages ideas which are associated with a particular issue, the frame analysis can reveal the key ideas which give mean- ings to a series of events or speeches (Gamson and Modigliani 1989).

For the analysis of the collective action frame of the women’s movement in the 1990s, this study delimits its subject of study to the Korea Women’s Associations United (KWAU), an association of thirty women’s organizations. I examine its programs and objectives by analyzing the proceedings of regular general meetings and its periodi- cal Minju yeoseong (Democratic Women). The KWAU is an organiza- tion within the women’s movement which started as part of the min- jung (people’s) movement in the 1980s and has since evolved into a citizens’ movement organization. In 1987, the women’s movement in Korea formed the KWAU as a national association of twenty-one women’s organizations. That year, it contributed to the June democ- ratization movement by protesting the sexual torture by the police in Bucheon, the government’s collection of TV-watching fees, the exces- sive use of tear gas by the police, and other issues. It has also led the women’s movement in the 1990s with the issues of women’s right to lifelong work, maternity protection, the elimination of sexual vio- lence, national unification, women drafted the Japanese military for sexual slavery and the politics of everyday life. To identify the frame of the women’s movement in the 1990s, this study will compare and contrast the 1990s with the 1980s.

For the frame of the government’s official policies on women, I analyzed the records of the National Assembly. Here the records of women’s affairs are roughly classified into family, labor, sexuality, welfare and politics, for each of which specific issues are further identified. A frame can then be constructed by picking out the key ideas which underlie the specific issues. By quantifying how often a

9A Frame Analysis of Women’s Policies of Korean Government and . . .

particular issue is brought up, I perform a content analysis to deter- mine the tendency of increase or decrease of support for a particular package of ideas in each period.

The analysis uses speeches delivered on women issues at the ple- nary sessions from 1981 to 1999 National Assembly. Since the National Assembly is Korea’s most important legislative institution, it is indispensable to the study of the policy-making process and the formation of discourse. In this study, in determining how often women’s issues have been mentioned at the center of institutional politics, only the records of its regular plenary sessions are examined.

The data for this study were obtained by searching the database of the National Assembly Library for all the records which include the word “women” (or family, labor, equal employment, sexuality, etc.). A total of 235 cases have been established by classifying the contents of speeches according to the themes they deal with and counting each theme as a case. Even though the quantified number of cases cannot be said to have a precise statistical significance, it nevertheless shows in terms of quantity the range and trends of a women-related agenda with which the National Assembly has been dealing.

The results of the frame analysis of the government and women’s movements are provided in Table 1. It shows that in the 1980s, the women’s movements and the government had no positive perception of women’s policies. Discussions on women’s agendas in the Nation- al Assembly during that period occurred much less frequently than in the 1990s. Among the total of 235 cases, 50 speeches were delivered in the 1980s, which amounts to about one fourth of the 185 speeches that were delivered in the 1990s (see Table 1, Figure 1 and Figure 2). Therefore, more weight will be laid on the 1990s in discussing the results of this study. Data for 1998 and 1999 are missing or incom- plete, perhaps due to some difficulties involved in the searching process. Another possible reason is that the two consecutive years were the period of the economic crisis during which it was difficult even to put women’s issues on the agenda in the National Assembly. Therefore, the two years are not included in the discussion of the

10 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2002

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13A Frame Analysis of Women’s Policies of Korean Government and . . .

results, but their characteristics will be examined in the conclusion of this study.

Among the specific issues discussed in the National Assembly, tele-work and maternity leave in the area of labor, the family law and the amendment of tax laws in the area of family, unemployed heads of households and pensions in the area of welfare, feminity in the area of sexuality and women drafted by Japanese military for sexual slavery are new issues that have emerged in the 1990s.

Minjung Feminism and Women’s Policies in the 1980s

The Minjung Women’s Movement in the 1980s

Given that the major social issues in the 1980s in Korea were the exclusionary and authoritarian rule of the military regimes, the grim reality of the divided nation, and the problems of the working class, issues concerning women were not primary. Under these circum- stances, the women’s movement was no exception in making social democratization, national autonomy and people’s acquisition of power as its own frame.

The Gwangju People’s Uprising in 1980, the transfer of power to the Chun Doo-hwan regime, and strong antigovernment struggles constituted the political background against which the minjung-ori- ented women’s movement came into existence. In particular, the appeasement policy of the Chun regime in 1983 provided more expanded political space for social movements than ever before . It is in this phase of appeasement that many women’s organizations— such as Alternative Culture, the Korea Women’s Hot Line, the divi- sion of women’s affairs of the United Front of Youths for the Democ- ratization Movement, and Women for Equality and Peace—were established (Yi Seung-hui 1994). These organizations sought to dis- tinguish themselves from the liberal feminist movement centered around the Korean National Council of Women. Participants in those organizations were mainly female activists who had been engaged in

the student movement, female scholars who graduated from Ewha Womans University, social education trainees of the Christian Acade- my, and female worker activists of the 1970s.1

As the survival of the urban poor and female workers became a social issue after 1984, the problems of working women emerged as an important issue for the progressive feminist movement and became a focal point around which different women’s organizations began to consolidate. In pursuing female workers’ rights, progressive women’s organizations held the first Women’s Conference in 1985 under the slogan “women’s movements along with nation, democra- cy and people.” In 1986, the torture and death of Bak Jong-cheol and the sexual torture by the police in Bucheon were the two symbolic events that inspired forces in the social movement to join together. By stressing the immorality of the military dictatorship and the need to overthrow it, women’s organizations tried to politicize the sexual torture incident to advance the minjung movement rather than to raise it as a women’s issue (Yi Mi-gyeong et al. 1998).

However, accepting the nation-democracy-people doctrine as the main frame for the women’s movement was not without serious con- troversies. The division of women’s affairs of the United Front of Youths for the Democratization Movement defined the women’s movement as revolutionary, whereas a group within the Women for Equality and Peace saw it as a sectoral movement to solve problems peculiar to women by organizing women and raising their conscious- ness. Since the mid-1980s, there have been irreconcilable differences in view over the definition and role of women’s movements (Yi Seung-hui 1994).

In the transition to democracy in 1987, the heated theoretical debates of the preceeding period and the experience women had in participating in social democratization brought into sharp relief the need for an independent and nationwide association that could orga- nize around various needs of women. In the political phase repre-

14 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2002

1. Yeoseong-gwa sahoe (Women and Society) (Christian Academy Study Group on Women and Society) (November 1978).

sented by the constitutional amendment, the political consciousness of the people in general was raised and a variety of issues that had never been raised before were brought to the attention of the public, including those related to female manufacturing and clerical workers, housewives, sexual violence, religion, the environment, and nursing. Taking advantage of the relatively open political atmosphere, twenty- one progressive women’s groups formed a nationwide organization called KWAU while a number of large and small organizations such as the Korea Womenlink came into existence. Launched on 21 Sep- tember 1987, the Korea Womenlink aimed at organizing middle- and lower-class housewives, female manufacturing and clerical workers and young women. It defined its ultimate goals as the construction of an autonomous democratic society, the establishment of a self-reliant national economy, and the realization of genuine gender equality.

However, the transition to democracy and the upsurge in the kinds of problems women came to face did not automatically bring about a situation favorable to women. The old political forces won most of the elections held in the process of transition to democracy. During this period, the KWAU still concentrated on trying to mobilize women for the democratization movement. Since its inception, it continued to join the National Alliance for the Democratization Movement and to participate in demonstrations demanding constitu- tional amendments in support of a direct presidential election.

The establishment of the military government elected by popular vote and the embarkment of the National Assembly in which the opposition commanded the majority resulted in the enactment and reformation of women’s policies, though in a way that was incom- plete and distorted. In the late 1980s, the political activities of the KWAU were two-sided. Not only was it involved in the anti-govern- mental movement, but also at the same time it strived for institution- al changes and the legislation of women’s demands (Yi Mi-gyeong et al. 1998). Besides, the collapse of the Eastern Bloc began to under- mine the legitimacy which Marxism and minjung ideology had enjoyed in Korea and, consequently, call into question socialist and Marxist feminism which constituted the theoretical basis of women’s

15A Frame Analysis of Women’s Policies of Korean Government and . . .

movements in Korea (Louie 1995). This was because the women’s movement, as part of the general

political culture centered around democratization and anti-govern- ment protests at that time, revealed their limitations in gaining the trust of a larger segment of women, those beyond female workers and poor women. In this respect, institutional politics and public policies were not regarded as a space for solving women’s problems but rather as a target for criticism, while the government’s policies for women were also largely perfunctory.

Nevertheless, minjung feminism in the 1980s demonstrated its contributions to the democratization movement and its commitment to participating in the historical context of the times. It is in this sense that we can evaluate the limits as well as the significance of the progressive women’s movement of the 1980s in Korea.

Women’s Development: the United Nations and Women’s Policies of the Korean Government

In the 1980s, women-related policies of the government were domi- nated by the amendment of the family law and the population policy centered around birth control. In addition, they were still concerned with the ex post facto welfare for women who needed government protection. Because there were no institutions to take full charge of women’s affairs, the government was not able to carry out consistent policies for women. Nevertheless, certain progress—such as the establishment of the Korean Women’s Development Institute (KWDI) in 1983, the setting up of the Basic Plan on Women’s Development in 1985 and the amendment of the Mother and Child Health Act in 1986—was made which brought women’s issues to the level of policy discourse under the agenda of women’s development. These efforts at formulating women’s policies were consistent with the basic policy orientation toward women prevalent in international society.

Proclaiming 1975 as the International Women’s Year, the United Nations adopted the Women in Development (WID) approach to help solve women’s problems by undertaking various projects for wom-

16 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2002

en’s development throughout the 1980s. WID paid attention to the role of women alienated during the course of economic development in developing countries and recognized them as a resource that can be used for economic growth. For this purpose, women’s develop- ment projects in developing countries focused on responding to women’s practical needs such as health, nutrition, family planning, drinking water, and creation of income. This approach was to seek effectiveness by accepting and making the most of the traditional gender role of women rather than the unequal sex-based inequality between the genders. As a result, the supporters of WID carried out projects stressing welfare, poverty and efficiency (Moser 1993; Miller and Razavi 1998).

WID had some success by giving a momentum to the establish- ment of national organizations for women’s development in many countries. But it also revealed its limitations. Such women-related organizations, as it turned out, were isolated from the centers of poli- cymaking and implementation and their budgets occupied less than one percent of the total budget.

It is this international context that greatly affected the efforts to address the problem of women at the policy level in Korea during the 1980s. As is shown in the analysis of the records of the National Assembly, the UN project of women’s development and the ratifica- tion of international treaties concerning women were the two major sources of external pressure that the Korean government could not avoid.

In particular, the demands women made during the course of the constitutional amendment and the struggle for democratization in 1987 compelled the government to stress the prohibition of discrimi- nation against women in the economic sphere, the pursuit of women’s welfare and the protection of maternity in its policymaking. During this period, the government set the goal of women’s policies at the abstract level of “co-participation of men and women, co-responsibil- ity for society.” However, with the increase of women’s participation in economic activities and the expansion of the women’s movement, the Office of the Second Minister of State for Political Affairs was

17A Frame Analysis of Women’s Policies of Korean Government and . . .

launched as the administrative organization to deal with the affairs of women. Major women’s policies formulated in this period include the enactment of the Sexual Equality Employment Act in 1987 and its amendment in 1989 and the enactment of the Mother and Fatherless Child Welfare Act in 1989 (Kim Mi-gyeong 2000).

Transforming the Frame of the Women’s Movement and Making Women’s Agendas into Policy

The Frame of the Women’s Movement in the 1990s

Women’s rights was the frame of the progressive women’s move- ment in this period, The frame of the KWAU from 1990 to 1992 was critically questioning the imperfect democracy, and the argument that equal citizenship was in fact based on the exclusion of and discrimi- nation against women formed the core of the frame. This frame was intended to correspond to the interests of women in general through such issues as lifelong equal work, the protection of maternity, sexu- al violence as the violation of human rights, and the pacifism of women.

Equal employment was raised as the issue of “women’s right to lifelong work and the protection of maternity.” Recognizing that childbirth and rearing were the main obstacles to women’s social participation, which eventually led to gender inequality, the KWAU demanded the reevaluation of the protection of maternity, urged the public to consider the protection of maternity as a problem of labor, and took it as a means of securing the right to lifelong employment.2

Protection and equality, which have always been the foci of debate in feminism, coexisted without a conflict in the discourse of women’s rights of the KWAU. The concrete activities of the KWAU included the amendment of the Sexual Equality Employment Act, the enact- ment of the Infant Care Act, the defense against the abolition of men-

18 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2002

2. Minju yeoseong (Democratic Women) (KWAU) 9 (1990): p. 37.

struation leave, and resistance to the enactment of the Act on Worker Dispatch System among others, most of which were intended to cope with the government’s labor policies that were unfavorable to women (KWAU 1991).

This discourse on women’s rights corresponded to the needs and interests of women which became diversified after 1987 and, at the same time, fell within the contexts of international organizations like the UN and global feminism. With respect to the issues of protection and equality, the standards of international organizations played a role in justifying the discourse of women’s rights.

The agenda of sexual violence, KWAU’s priority from 1992 to 1993, aimed at a social campaign for the elimination of sexual vio- lence and the enactment of laws for its prevention. More specifically, this project aimed at the conversion of the existing conception of sex- ual violence, the loss of chastity and morality on the part of the vic- tim, to the violation of human rights. It saw sexual violence as the violation of human rights. In order to achieve the enactment of laws concerning sexual violence, the KWAU organized an alliance among women. Taking advantage of the presidential election which was scheduled for this time, the enactment of the sexual violence preven- tion law was adopted as a campaign pledge by the presidential candi- dates. Even though the issue of sexual violence had been raised ever since the establishment of the Korea Women’s Hotline in 1983, the focus of concern shifted greatly in the 1980s. That is, the issue of sex- ual violence was extended to cover the experiences of women in gen- eral, going beyond the efforts to politicize it as a control mechanism used by the nondemocratic government against women activists and workers or to utilize it as part of the anti-U.S. cause for national autonomy.

After the establishment of a civilian government in 1993, the question of legitimacy was critical to all the social forces that had previously operated outside institutional politics. With the expansion of civil society during the transition to a civilian government, the social discourse and government policies concerning the improve- ment of the quality of life and globalization had considerable effects

19A Frame Analysis of Women’s Policies of Korean Government and . . .

on movement forces, the general public and institutional politics. The elections for the National Assembly and local councils, as well as the 1995 World Conference on Women in Beijing, constituted the politi- cal backdrop against which the women’s movement adopted a specif- ically “women’s perspective.” These political contexts created a per- missive atmosphere allowing not only the expansion of activities of the women’s movement organizations but also of other citizen’s movement organzations.

The women’s movement in this period was dominated by the frame which adopted a “women’s perspective” as a way of seeing society. By emphasizing women’s rights, this discourse had effected changes in social consciousness and policy, and influenced the for- mation of women’s identity by bringing it in line with the popular trend towards the commodification of feminism. In other words, breaking from the previous view of women as “those who are oppressed,” the women’s movement turned the focus of their con- cern to the role of women as “those who transform and create a new society.”3 This frame was well in accord with the social discourse and government policies on the quality of life and globalization as well as the women’s policies of international institutions and global feminism. In short, it was the same context as the slogan for the Bei- jing World Conference on Women, “See the World with Women’s Eyes.”

In 1994, the KWAU redefined its own objectives as follows: to promote cooperation and exchange between women’s organizations and to bring about gender equality, women’s welfare, democratiza- tion and national unification. The programs which were designed to achieve these objectives included lobbying for the enactment and improvement of laws and institutions for the promotion of women’s rights and interests, programs for women’s welfare and for female workers, and programs related to national unification, etc. (KWAU 1995).

Issues concerning the nation and national unification, which the

20 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2002

3. Minju yeoseong 18 (1995).

progressive women’s movement continued to raise, were also inter- preted within the discourse of a women’s perspective.

Programs for national unification carried out by the women’s movement organizations in the 1990s can be seen as the combination of the issues of gender and nation, through which the KWAU tried to demonstrate that the pacifism of women can contribute to the unifi- cation movement. They also further stressed the need for women to continue to participate in the movements for the nation and democra- tization.

The discourse on the women’s perspective could expand itself socially and culturally by raising the issue of “life politics.” In 1994, the KWAU created a catch phrase, “Open Politics, Life Politics.” Specifically targeting four local council elections held in 1995, it aimed at the empowerment of women through the politics of every- day life. Given that the political process in Korea was dominated by men, controlled by particular political parties or groups and that party politics was also based on a certain person or region, it was not easy for women to participate in politics. Under these circumstances, the KWAU saw participation in local councils as a relatively easier way to advance into the arena of politics.4 Life politics was based on the view that all the problems in the private sphere of women’s everyday life—such as environment, traffic, housing, medical facili- ties, educational and recreational facilities—could be politicized into social issues.

This emphasis on life politics allowed member organizations of the KWAU to highlight the importance of local women’s movements. More specifically, the Korea Womenlink and other KWAU members initiated environmental and consumer cooperative movements to organize housewives in their residential areas.

The frame of women’s perspective was realized as the “politics of engagement” at the level of practical activities. The demands that had been since the early 1990s for the right to lifelong work, the elimination of sexual violence as the violation of human rights, and

21A Frame Analysis of Women’s Policies of Korean Government and . . .

4. Minju yeoseong 17 (1994).

unification and democratization materialized into specific policies through engagement in institutional politics. These features show that the women’s movement in the 1990s no longer saw the state as an antagonist, but as an arena where women’s problems could be tackled. This change of perception facilitated the process of turning organizations of the women’s movement into legal entities.

Whereas the women’s movement until 1987 could be character- ized as activist-centered, it was transformed in the 1990s into diversi- fied and professionalized movements that reflected various strata, concerns and interests of women.

The Frame of the Government’s Policies on Women in the 1990s

In the 1990s, women’s policies for gender equality eventually became comprehensive in the realization of gender equality as social institu- tions that discriminated against women were reformed and govern- ment machinery in charge of women’s policies was established.

From 1993 to 1997, the Kim Young-sam government appointed three female ministers and a female vice-minister, set up the office of a secretary of political affairs in charge of women under the secretari- at of the President and established the Special Committee on Women’s Affairs in the National Assembly for the legislation of women’s policies. It also launched the Globalization Promotion Com- mittee and included women’s issues in its ten priority tasks. It amended the Sexual Equality Employment Act in 1995 and thereby prohibited the recruitment or employment of women on the basis of physical features, and enacted the Act on the Punishment of Sexual Crimes and Protection of Victims Thereof in 1993.

By adopting gender mainstreaming in 1995, the major interna- tional strategy for women’s policies, Korea enacted the Framework Act on Women’s Development which has been the basis for carrying out systematic women’s policies above and beyond those of the 1980s. In the Framework Act, the basic objectives of women’s poli- cies are the realization of gender equality, the promotion of women’s participation in society and the enhancement of women’s welfare,

22 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2002

while women’s policies are defined as policies which the President determines concerning the aforementioned objectives. Since the Framework Act calls for the implementation of the Basic Plan on Women’s Policies on a yearly basis, the government set up the First Basic Plan for 1998-2002 and selected twenty major tasks (OSMSPA 1998).

The women’s policies of the 1990s reached a considerable level of formality. If we construct a frame in which agendas proposed by members of the National Assembly are classified into areas of family, labor, sexuality, politics and welfare, we can find certain tendencies in the ways in which women-related problems are understood (Table 1 and Table 2).

First, with respect to labor, women’s economic activities tend to be seen in terms of using human resources to increase national com- petitiveness. This policy frame has been consistently sustained from the 1980s through the 1990s. The following speeches support this point.

By expanding opportunities for employment for women including housewives, we can facilitate women’s employment and help solve the problem of high wages, such that it will relieve corporations of the wage burden . . . (Natl. Assembly Rec. 30 October 1996).

In order to solve the problem of workforce shortage for the small- and medium-sized companies, it is necessary to develop to the utmost a potential workforce which is available for economic activi- ty, including women, the elderly, and young people who choose not to go to college (Natl. Assembly Rec. 21 October 1996).

By developing and supplying the potential workforce available like women, the disabled, the elderly, etc. and by improving the nation- al systems for vocational training and technical qualification, we will try to prepare a system which fosters and supplies smoothly the technical manpower needed by small- and medium-sized com- panies (Natl. Assembly Rec. 25 January 1996).

The ways to induce women to work have changed. As the following

23A Frame Analysis of Women’s Policies of Korean Government and . . .

speeches indicate, an end to employment discrimination and the expansion of nursing facilities are seen as important for increasing female participation in the workplace.

The programs for nursing facilities for infants and children should provide concrete plan which can induce the female labor of house- wives to industrial sites (Natl. Assembly Rec. 17 November 1997).

The problem of child care for working couples and divorced or low- income families is not just the problem of family but is now emerg- ing as an urgent national and social problem (Natl. Assembly Rec. 20 July 1996).

Beginning from the 1990s, maternity protection (child-care leave), public work and volunteer services, tele-work, and flexible work have been proposed as ways to increase female participation in the labor market. However, there are pros and cons to flexible work.

The Basic Plan on Women’s Policies is a plan for the expansion of women’s employment. However, the major pillars of this plan, which included part-time labor, tele-work and a worker dispatch system, reproduced a premodern division of labor based on gender and required women to undertake the double burden of working at home and at the workplace. Because it is a policy based on a sexual division of labor which imposes the dual role only on women, it is necessary to revise it and rearrange its programs (Natl. Assembly Rec. 17 December 1996).

It seems that tele-work can contribute to expanding employment opportunities for women and unemployed people by increasing the competitiveness of corporations and expanding opportunities for choosing jobs (Natl. Assembly Rec. 14 February 1998).

According to the records of the National Assembly, the methods pro- posed to use the female workforce tend to draw a line between employed and unemployed women (or housewives). They suggest that unemployed women should be used in unpaid volunteer services or group activities. This is far from the position of the women’s

24 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2002

movement, according to which the object of female participation in volunteer services and other group activities is the social participa- tion and political empowerment of women.

The use of the female workforce in the 1990s is compared to the aged and the disabled who have been alienated from the labor mar- ket, as well as to immigrant workers.

It is necessary to conduct a comparative analysis of the social expenditures that are incurred in the employment of immigrant workers, as opposed to the employment of women and the elderly (Natl. Assembly Rec. 17 November 1997).

The records of the National Assembly show that discussions on expanding employment only in terms of using the female workforce are not necessarily conducive to solving the fundamental obstacles to women’s participation—the age-old practice of discriminating against women. In the records, nonobservance of the Sexual Equality Em- ployment Act and discrimination in employment are frequently men- tioned. However, when it comes to the question of what practical action should be taken, the discussions become more conservative.

An analysis of the records indicates that from the end of the 1980s the National Assembly has intermittently raise the issue of women’s welfare, particularly in relations to those who need protec- tion of the government. In the 1990s, the issue begins to be brought up in terms of globalization and quality of life—the government’s basic policy orientation. The welfare issue related to women is still monopolized by speeches about women who need social protection, such as prostitutes and low-income women, whereas the welfare of the women in general is mentioned mainly in speeches concerning social insurance. What is to be noted in this regard is that women’s mental health is being raised as an issue. With no doubt this is new when we consider that the issue of welfare has up to now focused on the material side of social life. The welfare of rural women who have been marginalized in women’s policies is also being raised.

According to the records of the National Assembly, issues related

25A Frame Analysis of Women’s Policies of Korean Government and . . .

to women are dominated by speeches about improving women’s low political representation and status that are little more that mere rhetoric. As a means of rectifying the low political representation of women, the establishment of an institution in charge of women’s policies and the adoption of a quota system are most frequently men- tioned in speeches as follows.

In order to create a new political culture, our party will accelerate the introduction of participatory democracy from now on. We will try our best to facilitate the political participation of women, youth, office workers and low-ranking public officials who have been reluctant to participate in politics (Natl. Assembly Rec. 1 July 1997).

Our government will do its best to guarantee the rights and inter- ests of women and to develop their capabilities. The discrimination between men and women should be eliminated at home, at the workplace and in society (Natl. Assembly Rec. 16 March 1998).

There are virtually no remarks that try to describe the significance of the low political representation of women and why it should be recti- fied.

In the records of the National Assembly, the policy frame stress- es family as a unit of social reproduction and support.

The basic unit for community is family. It is in the framework of a warm family that the happiness of youth, housewives and the elderly people should be fostered (Natl. Assembly Rec. 22 October 1996).

According to the principle of gender equality, and by accepting the claim of women’s organizations for the division of the common property shared by a couple according to each individual’s respec- tive contribution, the government considerably levels up the income tax deduction for the spouse (Natl. Assembly Rec. 23 Sep- tember 1996).

The problem of the elderly suffering dementia is aggravated by the

26 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2002

spread of nuclear and small-size families, the employment of women, the weakening of the traditional filial piety toward parents and the elderly, etc. (Natl. Assembly Rec. 7 July 1999).

Besides, the population policy which gave priority to birth control in the 1970s and 1980s has now begun to shift because of the dispropor- tionate gender ratio resulting from the preference of sons and the decline of the childbirth rate.

Speeches on sexuality delivered at the National Assembly have concerned the following issues: unmarried mothers and prostitutes, sexual violence, and the corruption of sexual morals. Among the three, the first two are considered the consequences of the degrada- tion of sexual morals. The following speech shows the frame of the sexuality-related agenda.

Since prevention goes first before anything else, it is necessary to cure our social ills and establish a morally healthy society (Natl. Assembly Rec. 12 July 1995).

The images of women at the National Assembly are discriminating mothers, sound working women, women as a socially vulnerable group who need protection, those who are blamed for familism and overconsumption, and others.

When these agendas are clustered according to policy frames, women’s policies of the 1980s and the 1990s exhibit differences in contents but are almost identical in terms of policy frames (see Table 2). The only difference is in the area of family: whereas policy in the 1980s concentrated on birth control since population growth was thought to be an obstacle to economic growth, its focus has shifted in the 1990s to the problems regarding the disproportion between the two sexes and the decline in the birthrate.

In short, we find the frame of women’s policies within the women’s movement has taken a step forward from the frame as dis- cussed in the National Assembly—which has focused on the phe- nomenon of women’s problems on the surface—towards the ultimate goal of gender equality.

27A Frame Analysis of Women’s Policies of Korean Government and . . .

28 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2002

Table 2. Frames of Women’s Policies Observed in Stenographic Records of the National Assembly Plenary Sessions

Labor & Economy

Sexual violence

Family

Welfare

Politics

Policy Frame: Utilization of unemployed female labor for national development – Diagnosis: Inequality and discrimination in

employment – Prescription: Tele-work and part-time work,

volunteering services of unemployed house- wives, or public work

Policy Frame: Recovery of sexual ethics – Diagnosis: Rapid increase in the trafficking

of women, sexual violence, unmarried mothers, prostitutes, etc.

– Prescription: Strict regulations through women’s policies to restore sexual ethics

Policy Frame: Reproduction and unit of support – Diagnosis: Population growth as an obstacle

to economic growth (1970s–1980s), prefer- ence of sons, disproportion of two sexes, decline of the birthrate (1990s)

– Prescription: Population control (1970s– 1980s), enhancement of population quality, amendment of tax laws (1990s)

Policy Frame: Protection of socially vulnerable strata – Diagnosis: Low-income single-mother

family, prostituting and vagrant women – Prescription: Public aid and social services

for women who need protection

Policy Frame: Tokenism – Diagnosis: Women’s low political participa-

tion according to international standards – Prescription: Establishment of institutions

in charge of women’s policies and adoption of the quota system

⇒ The frame of lifelong equal employment

⇒ The frame of human rights

⇒ The frame of coordination of home and outside work

⇒ The frame of universal wel- fare

⇒ The frame of democracy (women as the subjects, not objects of decision making)

▶ 1990–1992: The frame of women’s rights

▶ 1993–1997: The frame of women’s perspective

The Frame of Women’s Movements in the 1990s

The 1980s–1990sAreas

Recently, the women’s agendas proposed by the National Assembly have changed both in terms of quantity and diversity. Nevertheless, they are not aimed at gender equality. In other words, they are far from the policy directions of the women’s movement, such as an equal right to lifelong work or the evaluation of social policies from a women’s perspective. This can be attributed to two facts. First, women’s employment levels and their political participation in Korea are far below the international standards. Second, domestic politics and policies are not free from the pressures of international institu- tions which promote the status of women. In addition, the establish- ment of such institutional apparatuses as the Framework Act on Women’s Development and the Sexual Equality Employment Act has encouraged women’s organizations to play the role of pressure groups to monitor the implementation of laws since the early 1990s. Consequently, this has prevented women’s policies from becoming perfunctory or ending up as nothing more than political slogans. Fur- thermore, the differences between the women’s movement and the institutions in how they see the issue of women have always created tension or a conflict in the process of formulating women’s policies.

Conclusions: Gender Mainstreaming and Economic Crisis, 1998 through the Present

Women’s policies in Korea up to the 1980s were largely determined from above. This is attributed to the authoritarian nature of the state in Korea which has been exclusionary vis-à-vis society. In Korean history, no independent ideological political party has ever existed and, consequently, few experiences of political alliance based on ide- ology have been available for social forces (Cumings 1981). Since there have been few opportunities for realizing women’s agenda via official channels, the women’s movement itself has assumed the role of a quasi-party and has thus contributed considerably to the devel- opment of women’s policies in the 1990s.

Women’s policies, which have continued to be improved on

29A Frame Analysis of Women’s Policies of Korean Government and . . .

since the mid-1990s and the creation of institutions in charge of them in central and local governments are valuable resources for the devel- opment of Korean women.

Although not analyzed in this study, the gender politics created by women’s policies and the women’s movement since the economic crisis of the late 1990s is now facing a new phase. By way of con- cluding this discussion, therefore, a brief overview of the women’s movement and government policies on women from the late 1990s to the present will be provided in the remainder of this paper.

It is interesting to note that during this period the government and the women’s movement both used the same policy language of “gender mainstreaming” as a strategy to achieve gender equality. In 1997, the KWAU set the political and economic mainstreaming of women as its priority for the following three years. Starting from the 1995 World Conference on Women in Beijing, gender mainstreaming became the focus of policy discourse and has had a great effect not only on the government’s policies on women but also on the women’s movement in Korea. The Platform for Action of the Beijing Conference stressed the mainstreaming of women’s policies in all areas of social life. Gender mainstreaming refers to the integration of a gender perspective into all policy-making processes to achieve gen- der equality. Although this idea was officially adopted in 1995, it originated from the demands made in the 1970s for the integration of women in the development process. At the Beijing Conference, gen- der and gender mainstreaming were officially accommodated into the Platform for Action (Corner 1999).

However, the late 1990s was a period in which the achievements of the women’s movement and policies were threatened by the eco- nomic crisis and the neoliberal policy measures of the government. In this period, the issue of equal employment was in fact confronted by the increase of irregular jobs and unemployment among female workers and the spread of poverty among women. During the period of economic crisis and financial retrenchment, the government tend- ed to entrust public services to nongovernmental women’s organiza- tions on the grounds of budget reduction and the separation of the

30 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2002

public and private sphere. In the late 1990s, women’s organizations took over duties previously performed by public institutions, includ- ing programs for unemployed female householders and working women and sexual violence counseling. In the midst of the massive layoffs in 1998, the member organizations of the KWAU carried out the activities for emergency relief and public work which the govern- ment handed over to them. In addition, they attempted to enact the National Basic Livelihood Security Act in 1999 as an institutional pre- ventive measure against the feminization of poverty. Although Korea’s failure to establish a social safety network largely brought this about, these actions also resulted from the choices the women’s movement made to deal with women’s problems in times of econom- ic crisis.

In 1998, the Kim Dae-jung government established the Presiden- tial Commission on Women’s Affairs (PCWA) as the government institution in charge of coordinating women’s policies. To strengthen the enforcement power of the commission, it also appointed the offi- cer in charge of women’s policies within the Ministries of Labor, Health and Welfare, Justice, Government Administration and Home Affairs, Agriculture and Forestry, and Education and Human Resources Development. However, when the government organiza- tion reform bill in 1999 proposed the reduction of offices related to women’s policies, the KWAU strongly criticized the move and went further by arguing that the officer in charge of women’s policies should also be established in the Ministries of Culture and Tourism, Commerce, Industry and Energy, and Planning and Budget as well. To justify its argument, the KWAU referred to the recommendations of the United Nations, according to the Convention on the Elimina- tion of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, to the Korean government that the status and authority of the PCWA should be strengthened further to ensure its efficacy (KWAU 2000). In 2001, the PCWA was transformed into an independent state institution, the Ministry of Gender Equality (MOGE).

During this period, one of the most remarkable phenomena to emerge has been “state feminism.” Under the Kim Dae-jung govern-

31A Frame Analysis of Women’s Policies of Korean Government and . . .

ment, intellectuals who majored in women’s studies and activists with experience in the women’s movement entered political parties, the PCWA, local governments, the MOGE, and other institutions. Intellectuals and activists who have joined political parties and gov- ernment institutions since the mid-1990s must now answer the fol- lowing questions. Is there any specifically feminist way to engage in politics within the government? How can one be a bureaucrat and a feminist at the same time? How can the internal constraints of the bureaucracy and the demands and expectation of organizations of the women’s movement be reconciled? (Kim Gyeong-hui 2000).

In addition, as the women’s movement led by the KWAU has begun to work under the banner of political engagement and gender mainstreaming since the 1990s, the relationship between the politics of engagement and alternative politics has become a point of issue. Although the women’s movement has engaged in institutional poli- tics for years, the strategical and organizational discussion about who will advance into the space of opportunity that has opened up and how it will be done has made little progress. Among those who advo- cate alternative politics, discussions to establish a new frame of thinking and living have emerged. These discussions are geared at changing the male-centered political and social norms by turning the nonpolitical spheres of life into the political and by recovering poli- tics in everyday life (KWAU 2000).

Seen from the vantage point of the early 2000s, Korean society possesses such valuable resources as government organizations and feminist officials in charge of women’s policies, laws and institutions for the implementation of women’s policies, and the spread of the women’s movement. The future of gender politics surrounding women’s policies in Korea depends on appropriately using these resources to achieve gender equality.

32 KOREA JOURNAL / SUMMER 2002

33A Frame Analysis of Women’s Policies of Korean Government and . . .

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