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Nihonjinron: ideology Hegemony

As has been detailed in the previous section, the term Nihonjinron designates a complex concept that absorbs theories of Japanese cultural specificity. The primary idea that reflects Japanese standing in the society comprises the ideology of “national hegemony” or hegemonic nationalism. The state of nationalism in Japan denotes the state ideology and the practice of its application by the country’s authorities for political purposes. In the context of Nihonjinron, Japanese nationalism embodies a unique construct of national hegemony created by the ruling elites to satisfy the internal and external needs and interests of the nation. In this regard, the nature of Japanese nationalism can be explained both from the standpoint of the theory nationalism, which considers the development of a nation from the point of view of a long durée or a long-term and continuous component of its historical development, and from the perspective of modernists, who consider the development of a nation and species nationalism as a result of their recent modernisation. According to modernist theory, during the period of modernisation, the state and ruling elites mobilize and unite the nation via an innovative nationalist ideology, which is usually more aggressive and offensive than the old one. The latter is done to make it easier to fit in and stay in the new system of international relations, where stability, as a rule, is fraught with new challenges and threats to the survival of the nation (SOURCE).

At the current stage of its development, Japanese state nationalism incorporates a complex of ideological views and political practice of the Japanese authorities, in which the manipulation of the mass consciousness of the Japanese “on behalf of the nation and for it’s good” represents a central matter. At the same time, the authorities quite effectively instill the Japanese the hegemonic ideas of their superiority over other nations and refer to this basis to consolidate the nation-state . It is noteworthy that nationalism and nationalist ideology in Japan have not declined by the beginning of the twenty-first century, breaking the predictions of many theorists including Anthony Smith about the downward trajectory of this phenomenon’s development (Smith, 2013). On the contrary, it continues gaining momentum. It is due to the particular circumstance of the outbreak of the twenty-first century when the Japanese government has started to re-envision their historical mission in preventing entry into Japanese society the new global forces with ideologies alien to the Japanese that can “only destroy” the unity of the nation and its “uniqueness.” Even now, the nationalism keeps being a unifying protective force in Japan. It is likely to be preserved the same in the future. This is connected with the fact that nationalism as a state ideology has always been finding support from the overwhelming part of society; it is inseparable from the existence and survival of the Japanese nation and state. The authorities subtly manipulate national feelings, myths, and traditional Japanese culture. At any time, they are ready to correct the deviations in the national ideology and guide it in the right direction. The modern Japan authorities are interested in making every effort to “awaken dormant nationalism in society” on the premise of the understanding that this is “healthy nationalism for the nation .”

Case Study: Zainach Koreans

When What and How Zainachi Koreans were treated by Koreans

The first phase of Korean Immigrants to Japan started as forced labourers in the twentieth century that engaged in performing dangerous but lowly works during the colonisation period. Based on the history of immigration, Koreans were highly linked with negative reputation and images as poor immigrants, cheap labourers and criminals. Besides, considering that the extensive numbers of Zainichi Koreans are descendants of the first immigrants, they are highly subject to discriminatory treatments and negative connotations by Japanese. In 1920 when Korea was a major colony of Japan that sought to make use of its resources in the wake of the Second World War, several rural farmers from Korea chose to migrate to japan for economic reasons as cheap labourers from the year 1910 to 1923. Even though Japan offered temporary working environment for Zainichi Koreans, they classified themselves as sojourners. Furthermore, they not only saw themselves in that manner but also the native Japanese classified them as foreign labourers that should eventually return to their country after the completion of industrial building and military amenities.

Since most of the Zainichi Koreans arrived in japan without knowing the Japanese Language or any information about the conditions, as soon as the demand for cheap Labor diminished, these Koreans were treated unfairly in workplaces and most of them received low wages relative to Labourers of Japanese descent. The mistreatment encompassed racist stereotypes of Zainichi Koreans. For instance, SOURCE argues that relative to Japanese workers, Japanese officials saw Zainichi as inferior because of they lacked vigour and physical constitution. Moreover, some of them argued that they came up short in terms of self-discipline to better themselves and take the initiative to ensure that they improve their efficiency. Apparently, this argument is representing the general opinion of the Japanese society on Zainichi Koreans during the first phase of the twentieth century when they went through high levels of discrimination and stereotypes about their work ethics. SOURCE believes that there was sufficient evidence to showcase that Zainichi Koreans workers were just as efficient as Japanese counterparts and, in some occasions, they were superior and better than they were.

Due to such negative connotations of Zainachi Koreans, they were unable to rent proper housing and were isolated to form their own regional or ethnic communities. SOURCE argues that Japanese officials believed that Koreans are basically different rand because they lifestyle and way of life is disorganised and unclean, it is only natural that they live away from the Japanese. Based on this argument, Japanese landlords despised Zainichi Koreans and they refused t lend them houses pointing towards their unsanitary living conditions and their rent unreliability. They were also segregated from the entire Japanese populations as evidenced by the fact that in 1923, Zainichi Koreans were the only major community living in cheap boarding houses, tenements and in homes of their bosses as labourers.

Based on the initial immigration history that exposed them to crucial treatment, it is imperative to note that repatriation boom witnessed after the culmination of the Second War also played a crucial role in the predicament that they encounter. After the first- and second-word war, as well as the Korean War that happened in 1950, Zainachi Koreans were going through a situation where they were neither seen as legal citizens of Japan nor the divided Korea. Even though Zainachi citizens at some point became Japanese citizens under the Colonial Rule, their Japanese citizenship were forfeited in the wake of the 1952 San Fransisco Peace Treaty that happened between United States and Japan. SOURCE states that a few days before the passing of the treaty, the government of japan circulated a notice announcing that Japanese nationality and Taiwanese had been lost as a result of the Peace Treaty irrespective of where an individual is residing. For this reason, the Koreans and Taiwanese had to one again go through the naturalisation process just as other foreigners do. Furthermore, the government of Japan did not attempt to curb the issue of statelessness and any person that failed to get new nationality was pronounced stateless. The only logic behind this Peace Treaty and the denouncement of Nationality os that Korans were now living as independent beings from Japanese control and that most of them no longer acted as Japanese nationalities.

The matters got worse for Zainachi Citizens as soon as South Korea and japan resumed their diplomatic relationship, they were stateless an they also make citizenship for mote than 20 years after the culmination of the Second world war. In fact, even after the commencement of the year 1965, there were no unified solutions and strategies in place to assist Zainachi Koreans in choosing their citizenship, nationality and residency. SOURCE argues that Because of such confusions, Kim 11 Sung, the North Korean premier indicated that the North Korean state is willing to welcome the repatriation of Zainanchi Koreans living in japan. AS a result, most Zainanchi Koreans were willing to relocate to North Korea because of the prolonged poverty levels and miserable lives they were experiencing in Japan. A high number of Zainanchi Koreans decided to move to North Korea in large numbers only for their hopes to diminish because of the harsh reality of living in North Korea was exposed. Apart from a limited number of them that decided to naturalise and become Citizens o Japan, Zainanchi citizens remained stateless. They were not allowed to have voting rights or any HealthCare benefits. Not long ago, Zainanchi Koreans were require to carry their alien registrations cards wherever they went and failure to do so was subjected to fines and imprisonment.

Resistance and Empowerment of Zainich Koreans to Japanese Hegemony-the power of names

Zainichi Koreans have attempted to assimilate themselves to Japanese Culture and society ever since they migrated to Japan as forced labourers in the wake of the First World War. Since then, they have encountered destitution, discriminations couple with the division of Korea among others. Additionally, a rowing number of them have taken on Japanese names as an effort meant to help them avoid discrimination. Some scholars such as SOURCE have explored how the decision of Zainichi to go by their Koreans or Japanese names serves to hide or assert their ethnic identify and in the process harm of benefit them in the Japanese society. Japanese is not known, as a country tat is tolerant of individual embracement of diversity when it comes to ethnic identities. Individuals that go by their Japanese names and are able to present themselves as ordinary Japanese citizens are viewed as traitors of their native land. Besides, individuals that possess Japanese Aliases encounter uncomfortable discovery that if they chose to remain visible Zainichi Koreans without adopting Japanese names, the benefits they have enjoyed would have no longer existed. However, it is crucial to note that the Zainichi Koreans that remain tooted with their Korean names receive the respect of others as people who are ethnically conscious. Nonetheless, the acceptance acts as pressure for those Zainichi Koreans that lack political desires or inclinations to act as role models for the entire Zainichi Koreans in Japan.

Japan as a community is not embracing to Zainichi that prefer using their native names since as a society, Japanese dislikes individuals that tend to announce their ethnic identity publicly. Some of the reasons behind this unwelcoming attitude can be traced to 1868 Mreiji Restoration coupled with the contemporary Japanese history that concentrated heavily on monoethnicity as the major attribute defining Japan relative to other countries. Due to elongated history of contemporary history that pointed out the nature of japan as a monoethnic country, the members of the Public in Japan are of the opinion that homogeneity is still the way to go despite the existence of several minorities such as Chinese, Burakumin, Okinawans among others. Due to the prominence of such ideology and the history of such norms and beliefs, Zainichi Koreans and their decisions to prefer Koreans names receive arising level of hostility and apathy in the Japanese society.

For Zainichi Community, their names whether Japanese or Koreans have power as an element of their identity. Their names showcase how other communities perceive Zainichi Community and how they also perceive themselves in the face of others They act as a tool of both resistance and empowerment for their survival of Zainichi Korean in a society that is extremely discriminative. In other words, for those Zainichi Koreans that have Korean names believe in a form of empowerment they assert through their ethnic identify and their technique of survival in the comate. Furthermore, Zainichi also use their Korean names as an avenue of resistance of Japanese society and tis false representation of monoethnic country. To some of the Zainichi Community, choosing to use Japanese names is an element of empowerment since they feel as part of the majority community. Finally, SOURCE argues that Japanese names acts as an element of resistance against expectations of ensuring that Zainichi are visible or that Zainichi are clear known so as to fasten the process of discrimination of destitution.

Finally, the complex and dynamic nature of Japanese state hegemony implies its quintessential feature . The state is now interested in numerous diverse manifestations of nationalism or, figuratively speaking, diverse Japanese “nationalisms.” There are many nationalist organisations and nationalists in today’s Japan. In one case, they are represented by “international nationalists”, in the other by “national extremists”, “nationalists of national minorities of Ainu and Okinawans,” “nationalists promoting reform of school history textbooks,” or “nationalists who support the country’s first persons visits to the Shinto Shrine of Yasukuni” (Jex, 2009). A listing of this variety of “Japanese state nationalism ” manifestations indicates the interest of the authorities in maintaining the diversity of nationalist ideas and forms of their implementation.

Therefore, state nationalism in Japan remains a highly dynamic phenomenon; it is not static and is subject to modification. The example of zainichi Korean as a national minority in Japan proves that the country has other types of nationalisms different from the state Ideology of Hegemony. In modern Japan, new types of nationalism are developing, which used to be officially hushed up, not recognised, and suppressed throughout the entire period of colonial assimilation inside the framework of Nihonjinron. The development of zainichi’s nationalism has been continually evolving up to date, turning into a modernized engaging example of how foreign policy and international law might force the Japanese government to take into account changes in national identity and consider the interests of minorities. The recognition in Japan of the national identity inherent to the minorities undermines the official ideology of “homogeneity” and exclusivity . Current recognition of zainichi’s national identity also destroys another myth of a single Japanese nation, politicizes nationalism in Japan, and leads to another crisis of Japanese identity. Apart from zainichi’s, there are other Minority groups in Japan These ethnic communities have been present in the country for a long time but in an assimilated form. They also demand recognition of their national identity and breaking the limits of hegemonic Nihonjinron.

References

McVeigh, B. J. (2004). Nationalisms of Japan: managing and mystifying identity. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.

Shipper, Apichai. (2010). Nationalisms of and Against Zainichi Koreans in Japan. Asian Politics & Policy. 2. 55 - 75.

Smith, A. (2013). Nations and nationalism in a global era. John Wiley & Sons.

Sugimoto, Y. (1999). Making Sense of Nihonjinron. Thesis Eleven, 57(1), 81–96. doi: 10.1177/0725513699057000007

Yamamoto, Kana. 2015. “The Myth of Nihonjinron, Homogeneity of Japan and its Influence on the Society.” CERS Working Paper 2015: 1–6. https://cers.leeds.ac.uk/wp-content /uploads/sites/97/2016/04/The-myth-of-%E2%80%9CNihonjinron%E2%80%9D -homogeneity-of-Japan-and-its-influence-on-the-society-Kana-Yamamoto.pdf.

Yoshimi, Yoshiaki (2002) Comfort Women: Sexual Slavery in the Japanese Military During World War II, New York: Columbia University Press\

Ronald, R., & Alexy, A. (2017). Continuity and change in Japanese homes and families. In Home and Family in Japan (pp. 21-44). Routledge.

Lee, J. Y. (2016). Hegemonic authority and domestic legitimation: Japan and Korea under Chinese hegemonic order in early modern East Asia. Security Studies, 25(2), 320-352.

Allan, B. B., Vucetic, S., & Hopf, T. (2018). The Distribution of Identity and the Future of International Order: China's Hegemonic Prospects. International Organization, 72(4), 839-869

Lee, J. Y. (2016). China's Hegemony: Four Hundred Years of East Asian Domination. Columbia University Press.

Dasgupta, R. (2017). Acting straight? Non-heterosexual salarymen working with heteronormativity in the Japanese workplace. In East Asian Men (pp. 31-50). Palgrave Macmillan, London.

�Citations for claims in this paragraph?

�This is the first time you use this term. You need a definition but also it would probably be better introduced earlier when you first start talking about state ideology, kokkashugi etc.

�Yes, but you need to discuss this earlier, when talking about the establishment of the nation state and nationalism so that we can understand why this was a re-envisioning in the 21st century.

�Citations?

�Which is? Be specific.

�These are not ‘state nationalism’ are they? Surely they are indicating a rising consciousness amongst other groups/identities in Japan, an awareness of these groups and thus a moving away from the notion of homogeneity in Japan.

�See comment above.

�Yes, good.