PHIL

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Book V 5.1 The Master characterized Gongye Chang: “He is marriageable. Though he was in shack- les, it was through no crime of his own.” And he wed his daughter to him. 5.2 The Master characterized Nan Rong: “If the dao prevailed in the state, he would not be discarded; if the dao did not prevail in the state, he would evade corporal punishment.” And he wed his elder brother’s daughter to him. 5.3 The Master characterized Zijian thus: “He is a junzi! If Lu truly lacks any junzis, where has he come from?” 5.4 Zigong said, “What am I like?” The Mas- ter said, “You are a vessel.” “What vessel?” “A vessel of ancestral sacrifice.” 5.5 Someone said, “Yong is ren but he has no craft in speech.” The Master said, “Of what use is craft in speech? Those who parry others with glib tongues are frequent objects of detestation. I don’t know whether Yong is ren, but of what use is craft in speech?” 5.6 The Master gave Qidiao Kai leave to take up a position. He replied, “I’m not yet pre- pared to fulfill this faithfully.” The Master was pleased. 5.7 The Master said, “The dao does not pre- vail! I shall set out over the sea on a raft. I ex- pect that Yóu will be willing to accompany

Notes 5.1 Many passages in Book V comment on contemporary and historical figures. In many cases, we know little or nothing about them. Gongye Chang 公冶長 is elsewhere said to have been a dis- ciple. It is unknown why he was imprisoned. 5.2 Nan Rong 南容 is also said to have been a disciple (see 14.5) Other sources tell us Con- fucius’s father had another, elder son, born of a woman other than Confucius’s mother. The basic rule that Nan Rong here follows is known as ‘timeliness’ (shí 時); it is a key Confucian concept, which grows in scope from the simple idea ar- ticulated here, to a broad vision of the dynamic application of ethical authority in ever-changing con- texts (see the Glossary). 5.3 Zijian 子賤 was a disciple. 5.4 This passage is often thought to resonate with 2.12: “The junzi is not a vessel.” This idea is in ten- sion with the sacred character of the sacrificial vessel. 5.5 Yong 雍 is the disciple Zhong- gong 仲弓 (see 6.1). Compare 1.3, 4.22, and 4.24 with the message of this passage. The term for ‘craft in speech’ (or glibness), ning 佞, is a phonetic and graphic cognate for ren 仁. Ren sometimes carries the sense of ‘manliness’ (and, as an ethical term, may build on the con- cept of being a ‘real man’), while the character for ning adds the fe- male signifier and may reflect a pejorative view of pleasing speech

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me.” Zilu heard of this and was pleased. The Master said, “Yóu’s love of valor exceeds mine; there is nowhere to get the lumber.” 5.8 Meng Wubo asked, “Is Zilu ren?” The Master said, “I don’t know.” When asked again, the Master said, “Yóu may be placed in charge of managing the military exactions for a state of a thou- sand war chariots. I don’t know whether he is ren.” “What about Qiu?” The Master said, “Qiu may be made steward of a city of a thousand households or a feudal estate of a hundred war chariots. I don’t know whether he is ren.” “What about Chi?” The Master said, “Girt with a sash and standing in court, Chi may be entrusted with the role of greeting visitors. I don’t know whether he is ren.” 5.9 The Master addressed Zigong, saying, “Who is superior, you or Hui?” “How could I dare even to gaze up at Hui? When Hui hears one part, he under- stands all ten; I hear one and understand two.” The Master said, “Yes, you do not come up to him. Neither you nor I come up to him.” 5.10 Zai Yu napped in his chamber during the day. The Master said, “Rotten wood can- not be carved; a wall of dung cannot be whitewashed. What point is there in blaming Yu?”

as ‘womanly’. 5.6 Qidiao Kai 漆彫開 is a dis- ciple referred to only in this one Analects passage, but there is evidence his later influence was substantial (see Appendix 1). 5.7 The disciple Zilu (Zhong Yóu – personal name: Yóu) is portrayed as martial and impetu- ous throughout the Analects (see the next passage). Here, Confu- cius teases him. ‘Lumber’ (cai 材) is a pun on the word ‘talent’ (cai 才), a harsh comment on Zilu’s limited abilities. (Humor in the Analects can bite.) 5.8 Meng Wubo was a grandee in the state of Lu (see 2.5-6). Here, we are probably to assume he is seeking job references.

Qiu is the senior disciple Ran Qiu. Both he and Zilu served for a time as officers at the warlord Ji family court. Chi is the disciple Gongxi Hua 公西華, from a pa- trician Lu family. All these disciples did achieve some political stature in Lu. 5.8 should be read as the basis of the most elaborate pas- sage in the Analects: 11.26. 5.9 ‘Hui’ refers to the disciple Yan Hui. 5.10 The only disciple in the An- alects towards whom no type of approval or affection is shown is the senior disciple Zai Yu 宰予 (also known as Zai Wo 我; see 3.21). (It is possible that there is an error in the text here and that

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The Master said, “It used to be that with people, when I heard what they said I trusted their conduct would match. Now I listen to what they say and observe their conduct. It is because of Yu that I have changed.” 5.11 The Master said, “I have never seen an- yone who was incorruptible.” Someone re- plied by mentioning Shen Cheng. The Mas- ter said, “Cheng is full of desires. How could he be called incorruptible?” 5.12 Zigong said, “What I do not wish others to do to me, I do not wish to do to others.” The Master said, “Si, this is a level you have not yet reached.” 5.13 Zigong said, The Master’s emblem of patterns is something we may learn of. The Master’s statements concerning our nature and the dao of Tian are things we may not learn of. 5.14 When Zilu heard something new and had not yet learned to practice it, his only fear was that he would hear something else new. 5.15 Zigong asked, “Why is Kong Wenzi re- ferred to by the posthumous title of Wen?” The Master said, “He was bright and loved learning, and unashamed to ask ques- tions of those below him. That is why he is referred to as Wen.” 5.16 The Master characterized Zichan thus: “There were in him four aspects of the dao of the junzi. He was reverent in his com-

what Zai Yu is accused of is actu- ally decorating the walls of his chamber [hua qin 畫寢] rather than sleeping in the day [zhou qin 晝寢].) 5.11 Nothing is known of Shen Cheng; some sources list him as a disciple. 5.12 Si was Zigong’s personal name. This formula, a version of the Golden Rule, is important to the Analects, and is sometimes referred to as ‘reciprocity’ (see 15.24). 5.13 ‘Emblem of patterns’ (wen- zhang 文章) is a phrase that occurs again in 8.19 (see also 5.22). It likely refers to the practical style of conduct that was central to the Confucian ritualist school. 5.15 Kong Wenzi was a grandee in the state of Wei. After a senior patrician’s death, it was common to select an honorific name to use posthumously as a sign of respect. The name was intended to capture some aspect of character. In this case, the issue is most importantly a gloss on the meaning of the key term wen (patterned; see the Glos- sary).

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portment, he was respectfully attentive in service to his superiors, he was generous in nurturing the people, he was righteous in di- recting the people.” 5.17 The Master said, Yan Pingzhong was good at interacting with people. Even after long acquaintance, he remained respectfully attentive. 5.18 The Master said, When Zang Wen- zhong created a chamber for his great turtle, he had the beams painted with mountains, and the supporting posts with water plants. What wisdom he had! 5.19 Zizhang asked, “Chief minister Ziwen when thrice appointed chief minister showed no sign of pleasure; when thrice dismissed, he showed no sign of displeasure and duly reported to the new chief minister the affairs of the old. What would you say of him?” The Master said, “He was loyal.” “Was he ren?” “I don’t know. Wherein would he be ren?” “When Cuizi assassinated the ruler of Qi, Chen Wenzi possessed ten teams of horses, but he cast all that away and took his leave. Arriving at another state, he said, ‘These men are like our grandee Cuizi,’ and took his leave. Arriving at yet another state, he said, ‘These men are like our grandee Cuizi,’ and took his leave. What would you say of him?” The Master said, “He was pure.” “Was he ren?” “I don’t know. Wherein would he be ren?”

5.16 Zichan was an exemplary prime minister in the small state of Zheng, who died in 522 BCE, when Confucius was still young.

“Directing the people” re- fers to calling on corvée manpower obligations for war or labor pro- jects. 5.17 Yan Pingzhong was a famous prime minister in the state of Qi. He lived well into Confucius’s lifetime, dying c. 506 BCE. 5.18 Zang Wenzhong was a fa- mous prime minister in Lu three generations senior to Confucius. He procured for his clan a great turtle, of some sacred significance. The decor described here is said to have been the prerogative of the Zhou king, hence Confucius’s final sarcastic remark. 5.19 Another illustration of how difficult it is to earn the Master’s praise as ren. Ziwen was chief minister in the state of Chu several genera- tions before Confucius. The assassination of Duke Zhuang of Qi took place about the time of Confucius’s birth. ‘Ten teams of horses’ clearly means only that Chen Wenzi abandoned a lavish household to avoid associa- tion with Cuizi.

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5.20 Ji Wenzi always pondered thrice before acting. The Master heard of this and said, “Twice is enough.” 5.21 The Master said, As for Ning Wuzi, when the dao prevailed in his state, he was wise; when the dao did not prevail, he was stupid. His wisdom may be matched; his stu- pidity is unmatchable.” 5.22 The Master was in Chen. He said, “Let us return! Let us return! The young men of our group are bold but simple. They weave an emblem but do not know how to trim it.” 5.23 The Master said, Bo Yi and Shu Qi did not recite old wrongs. For this reason, their complaints were rare. 5.24 The Master said, Who says Weisheng Gao is straightforward. If someone asked him for vinegar, he would borrow it from a neighbor and give it. 5.25 The Master said, Crafty words, an in- gratiating expression, obsequious conduct – Zuo Qiuming would be ashamed of such be- havior, and I would be ashamed of it as well. To hide one’s resentment and befriend an- other – Zuo Qiuming would be ashamed of such behavior, and I would be ashamed of it as well. 5.26 Yan Yuan and Ji Lu were sitting in at- tendance. The Master said, “Why not each of us speak his heart’s desire?” Zilu said, “Let me drive a team of horses and be dressed in a light fur jacket

5.20 Ji Wenzi was head of the powerful Ji warlord clan in Lu several generations before Confu- cius. 5.21 Ning Wuzi was a grandee in the state of Wei. Compare with 5.2. This is an example of the dry humor the Analects often imparts to its portrait of Confucius. 5.22 Chen was one of the states Confucius visited during his long exile from Lu. Here he imagines the activity of the disciples left behind using the metaphor of the cloth emblem of patterns (see 5.13). 5.23 Bo Yi and Shu Qi were two legendary brothers who retreated to the wilderness to escape the evil of the last Shang ruler. They re- turned upon hearing of the virtues of King Wen of the Zhou, but ar- rived as his son, King Wu, con- quered the Shang. Seeing his war- making as no improvement, they retreated again, to die of hunger in the mountains. The last phrase may be read to mean few complained against them. 5.24 Nothing is known of Weisheng Gao, or why Confucius devises this colorful characteriza- tion. 5.25 Zuo Qiuming is the name of the putative author of the Zuo- chuan (Zuo’s Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals), the

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side by side with friends; even were we all in tatters, we would be free of resentment.” Yan Yuan said, “I would wish not to boast of my virtues nor cause others labor.” Zilu said, “We would like to hear the Master’s wish.” The Master said, “That the old are content with me, my friends trust me, and the young cherish me.” 5.27 The Master said, Enough! I have yet to see anyone who can recognize his own errors and bring changes against himself within. 5.28 The Master said, In a town of ten households, there will surely be one who is as loyal and trustworthy as I. But there will be none who loves learning as much!

great history of the early Classical period. Why Confucius character- izes him as he does here is not known. 5.26 Yan Yuan is the disciple Yen Hui. Ji Lu 季路 is the disciple Zilu. Like 5.8, this passage is like- ly an inspiration for 11.26.

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Book VI 6.1 The Master said, Yong may be permitted to sit facing south. 6.2 Zhonggong asked about Zisang Bozi. The Master said, “He was satisfactory; his style was simple.” Zhonggong said, “To be attentively respectful when interacting at home but sim- ple in conduct when approaching one’s peo- ple is indeed satisfactory. But is not being simple both at home and in conduct abroad to be too simple?” The Master said, “Yong’s words are correct.” 6.3 Duke Ai asked which of the disciples loved learning. The Master said, “There was Yan Hui who loved learning. He never shift- ed his anger, never repeated his errors. Un- fortunately, his life was short and he died. Now there is none. I have not heard of an- other who loves learning.” 6.4 Zihua was dispatched on a mission to Qi. Ranzi asked for an allotment of grain to pro- vide his mother. The Master said, “Give her six measures.”

Ranzi asked for more. “Give her nine measures.” Ranzi gave her twenty-five measures. The Master said, “When Chi traveled

to Qi, he rode a sleek horse and wore a fine fur jacket. I have heard it said, ‘The junzi at- tends to the needy; he does not enrich the wealthy.’”

Notes 6.1 Yong (Ran Yong) is the disci- ple Zhonggong. The ruler’s throne faces south. This is extraordinary praise. No extensive lore praising Zhong- gong exists, but in the Xunzi, the third great early Confucian text (third century BCE), Zhonggong is noted as a founder of a branch of the Confucian school. 6.2 Nothing certain is known of Zisang Bozi. 6.3 Essentially duplicated at 11.7, with Ji Kangzi as the interlocutor. 6.4 Zihua is the disciple Gongxi Hua (see 5.8). Ranzi is Ran Qiu. 6.5 Yuan Si was a disciple; he is

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6.5 Yuan Si acted as steward of the Master’s household. The Master set his salary at nine hundred measures. Yuan Si declined. The Master said, “No, you can give it to your neighbors and townsmen.” 6.6 The Master characterized Zhonggong thus: If the calf of a plough ox has a sorrel coat and fine horns, though one wished not to sacrifice it, would the spirits of the moun- tains and rivers forego it? 6.7 The Master said, Hui would go three months without his heart ever departing from ren. As for the others, their hearts merely come upon ren from time to time. 6.8 Ji Kangzi asked, “Cannot Zhong Yóu be appointed to government position?”

The Master said, “Yóu is resolute. What difficulty would he have in govern- ance?” “Cannot Si be appointed to govern- ment position?” The Master said, “Si has understand- ing. What difficulty would he have in gov- ernance?” “Cannot Qiu be appointed to govern- ment position?” The Master said, “Qiu is accomplished in arts. What difficulty would he have in governance?” 6.9 The Ji family sent word appointing Min Ziqian as the steward of Bi. Min Ziqian said, “Make a good excuse for me. If they send for me again, I will surely be found north of the River Wen.”

more usually referred to by his personal name, Xian (see 14.1).

The lesson of this passage is clearly meant to be coupled with the last. 6.6 From this, we can infer that Zhonggong, who is so highly praised in Book VI, was of humble birth. (See 6.10.) 6.8 Ji Kangzi was head of the war- lord Ji clan in Lu. Zhong Yóu is the disciple Zilu; Si is the disciple Zigong; Qiu is the disciple Ran Qiu. This passage seems in- tended to identify key traits valua- ble in public roles. ‘Resolute’ car- ries a sense of following through in action; ‘understanding’ may also mean able to express ideas clearly. 6.9 Min Ziqian was a disciple. Bi was the walled city at the center of the of the Ji family domain.

‘North of the River Wen’ suggests an intent to flee beyond the borders of Lu. 6.10 Boniu (Ran Boniu) is the fa-

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6.10 Boniu fell ill. The Master called upon him, grasping Boniu’s hand through the win- dow. He said, “There is nothing for it! It is fated. Yet for such a man to have such an ill- ness! For such a man to have such an ill- ness!” 6.11 The Master said, How worthy is Hui! A simple bowl of food and a dipperful of drink, living on a shabby lane – others could not bear the cares, yet Hui is unchanging in his joy. How worthy is Hui! 6.12 Ran Qiu said, “It is not that I do not de- light in your dao, Master – my strength is in- sufficient.” The Master said, “Those with insuffi- cient strength fall by the path midway. You are simply drawing a line.” 6.13 The Master addressed Zixia, saying, “Be a junzi Ru; don’t be a small man Ru.” 6.14 Ziyou became the steward of Wucheng. The Master said, “Do you find good men there?” “There is one called Tantai Mieming. He never takes shortcuts in his conduct, and if it is not upon official business, he never comes to see me in my chamber.” 6.15 The Master said, Meng Zhifan was not boastful. When the army retreated, he held the rear, but as they approached the city gate he whipped his horse ahead, saying, “It’s not that I dared to stay behind – my horse simply wouldn’t go!”

ther of Zhonggong (Ran Yong). His polite name means “elder ox,” which may explain the metaphor used in 6.6. What Boniu’s illness may have been is a matter of specula- tion. The word ‘fated’ (ming 命) also carried the sense of ‘lifespan’, and it was commonly believed that a limit of years was determined for each person by destiny. 6.12 ‘The path’ simply translates dao in its original sense, in order to clarify the metaphor governing Confucius’s reply. 6.13 ‘Ru’ 儒 is the name by which the Confucian school was known (Confucianism is sometimes called Ruism in English). Its original meaning is disputed. This passage (the only one in the Analects to employ the term) suggests a split already existing in the school at the time the Analects was compiled. Clearly, the followers of Zixia be- lieved their master was on the junzi side of the equation. 6.14 The final statement means he never seeks contact for private rea- sons. 6.15 Meng Zhifan was a contem- porary grandee of Lu. 6.16 Confucius refers to the super-

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6.16 The Master said, Without the glibness of Zhu Tuo or the handsomeness of Song Zhao, it is hard to escape in times like these. 6.17 The Master said, Who can go out except through the door? Why, then, does no one follow this dao? 6.18 When plain substance prevails over pat- terned refinement, you have a bumpkin. When patterned refinement prevails over substance, you have a clerk. When substance and pattern are in balance, only then do you have a junzi. 6.19 Men stay alive through straightforward conduct. When the crooked stay alive it is simply a matter of escaping through luck. 6.20 The Master said, Knowing it is not so good as loving it; loving it is not so good as taking joy in it. 6.21 The Master said, With men of middle level or higher, one may discuss the highest; with men below the middle rank, one may not discuss the highest. 6.22 Fan Chi asked about knowledge. The Master said, “To concentrate on what is right for the people; to be attentively respectful towards ghosts and spirits but keep them at a distance – this may be called knowledge.” He asked about ren. “People who are ren are first to shoulder difficulties and last to reap rewards. This may be called ren.” 6.23 The Master said, The wise delight in water; the ren delight in mountains. The wise

ficial advantages of two minor fig- ures from history to suggest the values of a debased age. 6.20 This may refer to any activity, but ‘it’ is probably best understood as the dao. 6.22 This and the following pas- sage pair ren and knowledge (or wisdom) in the manner of 4.2.

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are in motion; the ren are at rest. The wise are joyful; the ren are long lived. 6.24 The Master said, The state of Qi with one transformation could become the state of Lu, and the state of Lu with one transfor- mation could reach the dao. 6.25 The Master said, A gourd that is not a gourd – is it a gourd? Is it a gourd? 6.26 Zai Wo asked, “If you were to say to a ren person that there was someone fallen down into a well, would he leap in to save him?” The Master said, “What do you mean by this? A junzi may be urged, but he cannot be snared; he may be deceived, but he may not be made a fool of.” 6.27 The Master said, Once a junzi has stud- ied broadly in patterns and constrained them with li, indeed he will never turn his back on them. 6.28 The Master had an audience with Nanzi. Zilu was displeased. The Master swore an oath: “That which I deny, may Tian detest it! May Tian detest it!” 6.29 The Master said, The Central Mean in conduct is where virtue reaches its pinnacle. Few are those who can sustain it for long. 6.30 Zigong said, “If one were to bring broad benefits to the people and be able to aid the multitudes, what would you say about him? Could you call him ren?” The Master said, “Why would you call

6.24 Confucius privileges his home state of Lu here, but his op- timistic view extends it its neigh- bor state Qi. The Analects main- tains a balance between deploring how far the present time have fall- en from the era of the sages, and envisioning the potential for rapd transformation, if only the political will is present. 6.25 Gourds were used as a certain type of wine vessel, called, there- fore, ‘gourds’. This passage must refer to some irregularity of vessel usage, and, in doing so, raise the issue of the distortion of language to cover up unorthodox conduct. An implied meaning might be that a ‘ruler’ who does not properly ‘rule’ should not be called a ‘ruler’ – an idea that has come to be known as part of a doctrine called ‘the rectification of names’. (See also 17.11.) 6.26 This is one of many instances of tension between Zai Wo and Confucius (see 3.21, 5.10, 17.21). 6.27 Duplicated at 12.15 and in part at 9.11. ‘Patterns’ (wen) are usually pictured as forms of cul- tural refinement basic to the ritual- ized conduct of li. Here, the two are in tension, indicating that li denotes only those features of cul- ture that sages have designed to promote perfect social communi- cation and order. 6.28 Nanzi was the unsavory fe- male consort of the Marquis of Wei. Confucius here denies Zilu’s suspicion that he was planning to conspire with Wei’s unethical

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this a matter of ren? Surely, this would be a sage! Yao and Shun themselves would fall short of this. “The ren person is one who, wishing himself to be settled in position, sets up oth- ers; wishing himself to have access to the powerful, achieves access for others. To be able to proceed by analogy from what lies nearest by, that may be termed the formula for ren.”

power brokers in order to gain a court position. (See 3.13.) 6.29 ‘Central Mean’ is capitalized here because the concept serves as the title of one of a famous early Confucian work, usually known as the Doctrine of the Mean. That text probably reached its present form no earlier than the late third centu- ry BCE, and it is possible that 6.29 was incorporated into the Analects only as the Doctrine of the Mean came together. Since the Doctrine includes a passage almost identical to 6.29, it is difficult to know which text may be quoting the oth- er; both could also derive from a common source. 6.30 ‘Sage’ (sheng 聖) is a term generally reserved for great figures of legendary accomplishment. One may read this passage as saying either that sagehood is a type of ‘super-ren’ – ren with political achievements added on – or that these are two different types of issues, one having to do with pow- er opportunities turned to ad- vantage, and the other having to do with a habitual linkage of self and other – not unrelated matters, but still distinct. The final sentence, which seems to describe a rule of thumb for the ordinary person striving to become ren, provides a clue to what, in practice, the ambiguous term may have meant to early Con- fucians. It stands in contrast to the almost unattainable goal expressed in 4.5.

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Book VII 7.1 The Master said, To transmit but not cre- ate, to be faithful in loving the old – in this I dare compare myself to Old Peng. 7.2 The Master said, To stay silent and mark something in the mind, to study without tir- ing, to instruct others without fatigue – what difficulty are these things to me? 7.3 The Master said, That I have not culti- vated virtue, that I have learned but not ex- plained, that I have heard what is right but failed to align with it, that what is not good in me I have been unable to change – these are my worries. 7.4 When the Master was at leisure, his manner was relaxed and easy. 7.5 The Master said, How far I have de- clined! Long has it been since I have again dreamed of the Duke of Zhou. 7.6 The Master said, Set your heart on the dao, base yourself in virtue, rely on ren, journey in the arts. 7.7 The Master said, From those who offer only a bundle of dried sausages on up, I have never refused to teach. 7.8 The Master said, Where there is no agi- tated attempt at thinking, I do not provide a clue; where there is no stammered attempt at expression, I do provide a prompt. If I raise one corner and do not receive the other three in response, I teach no further.

Notes 7.1 There is no consensus about who Old Peng may have been. Some suggest this refers to Peng- zu, a legendary figure comparable to Methuselah, but other than the descriptor ‘old’ nothing in this passage points to features in com- mon with the legend. Book VII is, by and large, a portrait of Confucius, in his own words or in the words of the Ana- lects compilers. 7.5 The Duke of Zhou was a dy- nastic founder, younger brother of King Wu, famous for saving the newly established dynastic house through his wise regency after King Wu’s early death. He was also said to have devised the rituals of the Zhou government.

The passage may mean that Confucius has long given up hope of seeing a new sage arise.

7.6 ‘The arts’ refers to the gentle- manly arts of archery, charioteer- ing, and writing, and the Confu- cian ritual arts of li and music. 7.7 The openness of Confucius’s ‘school’ to men of all classes is reflected here. Note ‘on up’: Con- fucius was a professional private teacher (often said to be the first), who seems to have lived largely off the largess of his wealthier pu- pils.

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7.9 When the Master dined by the side of one who was in mourning, he never ate his fill. 7.10 If on a certain day the Master cried, he did not on that day sing. 7.11 The Master said of Yan Yuan, When put to use, act; when discarded, hide – only you and I are thus.

Zilu said, “Master, if you were put in charge of the three army divisions, then whom would you wish to have with you?” The Master said, “Those who fight ti- gers with their bare hands, wade across riv- ers, and are willing to die without regret – I would not want their company. I would cer- tainly want those who approach affairs with fearful caution and who like to lay careful plans for success.” 7.12 The Master said, If wealth may be well sought, though it be as lowly bearer of the whip I too would pursue it. If it cannot be well sought, I will follow what I love. 7.13 Things the Master was vigilant about: fasting, war, illness. 7.14 When the Master was in the state of Qi, he heard the Shao Music. For three months he did not know the taste of meat. He said, “I never imagined that the making of music could reach this level.” 7.���5DQ�<ԁX�VDLG��³:LOO�WKH�0DVWHU�Eecome a partisan on behalf of the ruler of Wei?” Zigong said, “Right – I’ll ask him.”

7.11 What is ‘put to use’ or ‘dis- carded’ may refer to rulers’ treat- ment of Confucius and Yan Yuan, or, more likely, to the dao. The initial passage here restates the doctrine of timeliness.

Classical era armies were typically divided into left, right, and central divisions. Zilu’s eager valor is once again quashed here (see 5.7). 7.12 See the first part of 4.5 and 7.17. Confucius claims to desire what others desire – wealth – but here his desires seem superseded by what he ‘loves’. 7.13 ‘Fasting’ refers to dietary and other rules for purification appro- priate prior to ancestral sacrifice rituals, during mourning periods, and so forth. 7.14 The Shao dance was said to have been composed by the sage emperor Shun. Other sources sug- gest this visit to Qi took place ear- ly in Confucius’s career. 7.15 Ran YԁX is the disciple Ran Qiu.

The heir to the throne of Wei was exiled. Upon his father’s

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He entered and said to the Master, “What sort of men were Bo Yi and Shu Qi?” “They were worthies of ancient times.” “Did they harbor complaints?” “They sought ren and gained ren – what complaint could they have?” Zigong exited. “The Master will not be a partisan in this,” he said. 7.16 The Master said, To eat coarse greens, drink water, and crook one’s elbow for a pil- low – joy also lies therein. Wealth and high rank obtained by unrighteous means are to me like the floating clouds. 7.17 The Master said, Give me a few years, till fifty, in order to learn, and indeed I may be free of great flaws. 7.18 Those things for which the Master al- ways employed court dialect: the Poetry, the Documents, the conduct of li. For all these, he employed court dialect. 7.19 The Lord of She asked Zilu about Con- fucius. Zilu could think of no response. The Master said, “Why did you not say: As a man, when agitated in thought he forgets to eat, joyfully forgetting his cares, not realiz- ing that old age is near at hand?” 7.20 The Master said, I was not born with knowledge. I love what is old and am assid- uous in pursuing it. 7.21 The Master did not speak of strange oc- currences, feats of strength, political disrup- tions, and spirits.

death, his son was enthroned in his place, and he, the rightful ‘ruler’, planned to lead an army to retake the throne for himself. Confucius had made many contacts in Wei (see 3.13, 6.28), and Ran Qiu here wonders whether he will take ad- vantage of the situation. On Bo Yi and Shu Qi, see 5.23. 7.16 See 4.5 and 7.12. 7.17 The word rendered as ‘in- deed’ (based on the reading of an alternative early version of the An- alects) is also the title of the fa- mous mantic work, Yi jing (Book of Changes). Most interpreters take Confucius to be saying here that he wishes to study that text, which is otherwise not mentioned in the Analects. (An oblique reference may appear at 13.22, however.) 7.18 Classical China was a patch- work of regions speaking different languages and dialects. Confucius likely spent his childhood in a re- gion south of Lu that spoke a local language or dialect distinct from Zhou norms (see 3.15). 7.19 The Lord of She was a gran- dee of the state of Chu; She was his feudal estate. 7.20 See 16.9. 7.21 This should be understood in contrast to some other ‘wisdom’ schools, which claimed to under-

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7.22 The Master said, When walking in a group of three, my teachers are always pre- sent. I draw out what is good in them so as to emulate it myself, and what is not good in them so as to alter it in myself. 7.23 The Master said, Tian has engendered virtue in me – what harm can Huan Tui do to me? 7.24 The Master said, My friends, do you be- lieve I have secrets from you? I am without secrets. There is nothing I do that I do not share with you, my friends. That is who I am. 7.25 The Master taught by means of four things: patterns, conduct, loyalty, faithful- ness. 7.26 The Master said, “Sages I have had no opportunity to see. You may say that I have been able to see junzis.” The Master said, “Good men I have had no opportunity to see. You may say that I have been able to see steadfast men. To treat having nothing as having enough, being empty as being full, being in tight constraints as being in luxury – it is hard enough to be steadfast!” 7.27 When the Master fished he did not use a net; when he hunted, he did not shoot at nest- ing birds. 7.28 The Master said, There may be some who invent without prior knowledge. I am not such a one. To listen to much, select

stand anomalies like earthquakes or comets, to be able to nurture super-human bodily capacities, to teach how to turn political turmoil to advantage, or to penetrate the world of spirit beings. 7.23 The Han period historical text Shiji offers context. Huan Tui was minister of war in the state of Song. Jealous of Confucius, he threatened him when Confucius and his disciples journeyed to Song. Confucius calmed his disci- ples with this statement. The Shiji account may preserve part of an oral teaching that was an original complement to the very terse Ana- lects text. See 9.5 for what seems to be a different version of the same lesson. 7.25 ‘Patterns’ (wen) denotes the arts associated with the Confucian view of cultural excellence, such as li and music. 7.26 Two separate and somewhat contradictory passages seem to have been combined here. It may be that originally, different branches of the school developed variant texts on a common teach- ing theme, and the Analects editors simply juxtaposed them, rather then selecting between them. 7.28 Although the ‘inventors’ here are said to have no prior knowledge, the point seems to in-

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what is good, and follow it; to observe much and to mark it in memory – these are second to knowledge. 7.29 The people of Hu Village were difficult to talk with. Confucius granted a village youth an interview and the disciples were doubtful. The Master said, “To approve of him when he advances does not mean you’ve ap- proved of his steps back. What is extraordi- nary in this? When a person purifies himself so as to advance, you approve his purity; you are not endorsing his past.” 7.30 The Master said, Is ren distant? When I wish to be ren, ren arrives. 7.31 The Minister of Crime in the state of Chen asked, “Did Duke Zhao understand li?” Confucius said, “He did.” Confucius retired, and the Minister bowed to Wuma Qi, who entered. The Min- ister said, “I have heard that the junzi is not a partisan – is he indeed a partisan after all? Your former ruler married a woman from the state of Wu with the same surname as his own clan, but simply referred to her as ‘Mengzi of Wu.’ If your ruler understood li, who does not understand li?” Wuma Qi reported this to the Master, who said, “I am lucky. When I make an er- ror, others always know it.” 7.32 When the Master sang with others and they sang well, he would always wait and then ask them to repeat before joining in harmony.

volve the idea of ‘natural’ sages, men who somehow have innate wisdom (see 7.20, 16.9). Confu- cius denies being such a person, if such there are, but describes a practical path that comes closest to this imagined ideal. 7.30 It is probably an intention- al paradox in the Analects that ren is pictured both as forbid- dingly elusive and easily near at hand. (See, e.g., 7.34.) 7.31 Confucius is here pictured visiting Chen in his quest to find political employment. Duke Zhao was a former duke in Lu. The Minister has put Confucius in the difficult position of choosing between telling the truth and being loyal to his state’s ruling house. Wuma Qi appears to be a man of Lu traveling with Confu- cius, perhaps a minor disciple. Marrying someone of the same surname was considered to be breaking an incest taboo. Had ‘Mengzi of Wu’ been referred to in an ordinary way, she would have been called ‘Madame Ji’, using the surname Ji 姬, which was the same as that of the dukes of Lu. Confucius’s final remark is sarcastic. The Minister could have criticized him either way.

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7.33 The Master said, In terms of unstinting effort, I can measure up to others, but as far as exemplifying the junzi in my personal conduct, I have not yet grasped it. 7.34 The Master said, “As for terms such as ‘sage’ or ‘ren’, how could I dare accept them? Rather, ‘tireless in pursuing it, unflag- ging in teaching others’ – that may be said of me.” Gongxi Hua said, “That is just what we disciples cannot learn to be.” 7.35 The Master fell ill. Zilu requested per- mission to offer prayers. The Master said, “Is there precedent for this?” Zilu answered, “There is. In the liturgy it says, ‘Pray to the spirits above and below.’” The Master said, “My prayers are longstanding.” 7.36 The Master said, Extravagance leads towards disobedience; thrift leads towards uncouthness. Rather than be disobedient, it is better to be uncouth. 7.37 The Master said, The junzi is free and easy, the small man always careworn. 7.38 The Master was warm, yet severe; awe- some, yet never harsh; reverent, yet calm.

7.34 See 7.2. 7.35 For an alternative account, see 9.12. One of the interesting puz- zles of the early Confucian move- ment was its great emphasis on li, which included religious rituals, in which Confucians were profes- sional specialists, and the frequent expressions of skepticism about the efficacy of those rituals to ef- fect outcomes. So profound was this problem that the great adver- saries of the Confucians, the Mo- hists, claimed that Confucians were in fact atheists, and described their commitment to religious ritu- al action as “casting nets into the sea while proclaiming that there are no fish.”