6210 Week 4 Discussion

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Journal of Social Service Research

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“I Know Where the Rest of My Life Is Going”: Attitudinal and Behavioral Dimensions of Resilience for Homeless Emerging Adults

Berg Miller & Elizabeth Bowen

To cite this article: Berg Miller & Elizabeth Bowen (2020) “I Know Where the Rest of My Life Is Going”: Attitudinal and Behavioral Dimensions of Resilience for Homeless Emerging Adults, Journal of Social Service Research, 46:4, 553-570, DOI: 10.1080/01488376.2019.1607647

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/01488376.2019.1607647

Published online: 07 May 2019.

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“I Know Where the Rest of My Life Is Going”: Attitudinal and Behavioral Dimensions of Resilience for Homeless Emerging Adults

Berg Miller and Elizabeth Bowen

School of Social Work, University at Buffalo, The State University of New York, Buffalo, NY, USA

ABSTRACT This study contributes to a growing literature about the resilience of youth experiencing homelessness by examining the strengths of a diverse sample of emerging adults with unstable housing. The study addressed the following research question: How is resilience expressed in the lives of emerging adults who are homeless? In-depth interviews were con- ducted with young adults aged 18–24 in Buffalo, NY (N ¼ 30), and analyzed using qualitative descriptive methodology. The analysis generated five themes highlighting attitudinal and behavioral dimensions of resilience: (1) perceptions of homelessness as a surmountable obs- tacle, (2) externalization of homelessness, (3) creation of support systems, (4) maintenance of personal health, and (5) use of music and creative expression as emotional outlets. Findings stress the optimism of emerging adults, the benefits of youth-only services, the relevance of harm reduction strategies, and the underutilized potential of music and cre- ative expression as interventions. Based on these findings, this article provides developmen- tally relevant service recommendations for enhancing resilience at program and systems levels. Future research should address the effectiveness of strengths-based interventions to bolster attitudinal and behavioral dimensions of resilience for young adults experiencing homelessness.

KEYWORDS Resilience; homeless youth; emerging adulthood; strengths-based; qualitative

Introduction

Emerging adults, defined in the literature as those aged 18–24 or 25, represent a distinct subpopula- tion among youth experiencing homelessness, existing at the margins of both youth and adult services (Arnett, 2014; Gharabaghi & Stuart, 2010). Earlier research on young people experi- encing homelessness largely overlooked the needs of this specific age range, with the majority of studies either neglecting to distinguish between emerging adults and younger teens, or using a maximum age of 18 as an eligibility criterion (Wenzel et al., 2012). Emerging adults are gaining increased visibility in scholarship as the extent of their needs continues to become known. Morton et al.’s (2018) national study estimated that 9.7% of all young adults (18–25 years old) in the United States experienced homelessness at least once within a 12-month period. The definition of homelessness used in Morton et al.’s study included young adults who were literally

homeless (e.g. sleeping outdoors or in other pla- ces not meant for human habitation, or in shel- ters), as well as young people who “couch-surfed” to find temporary housing within their infor- mal networks.

Much of the extant research about emerging adults experiencing homelessness focuses on their challenges and limitations (Nott & Vuchinich, 2016; Thompson et al., 2016). Emerging adult- hood in the general population is characterized by elevated rates of substance use and unpro- tected sex, and young adults experiencing home- lessness do not present an exception to these patterns of risky behavior (Wenzel et al., 2012). Homeless emerging adults have typically grown up under challenging conditions and are labeled and pathologized early in life, prior to their homelessness (Kidd, 2004). When they do experi- ence housing challenges, homelessness is too often portrayed as a defining characteristic rather than an obstacle to be overcome. Depictions of

CONTACT Berg Miller [email protected] School of Social Work, University at Buffalo, The State University of New York, 685 Baldy Hall, Buffalo, NY 14260-1660, USA. � 2019 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC

JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SERVICE RESEARCH 2020, VOL. 46, NO. 4, 553–570 https://doi.org/10.1080/01488376.2019.1607647

homelessness as a prolonged trait undermine per- ceptions of the agency of homeless individuals (Parsell, 2010). The vulnerabilities that young adults experience highlight a critical need for continued exploration of their strengths. This exploration of strengths, understood within con- text, holds the potential to improve services for young adults by tapping into aspects of strength and resilience that may be overlooked in many social service settings.

Literature Review

Resilience and Service Use for Emerging Adults Experiencing Homelessness

Although research has primarily focused on homeless emerging adults’ risky behaviors and the barriers they encounter, there is growing attention to their resilience (Barker, 2014; Nott & Vuchinich, 2016; Thompson et al., 2016). Resilience is defined as an unexpectedly positive recovery in response to adverse, stressful, or trau- matic events (Moore, 2013; Thompson et al., 2016). Cronley and Evans (2017) conducted a systematic literature review, examining 21 studies published between 1980 and 2015 that applied a resilience lens to youth experiencing homeless- ness, including those in the age range of emerg- ing adulthood. Findings across studies highlighted coping strategies, including the use of creativity, spirituality, and informal support net- works. Thompson et al. (2016) also emphasized positive interdependence with peers among mem- bers of this age group.

The meaning and use of resilience terminology across studies about emerging adults experiencing homelessness have been inconsistent. Some research has applied the concept of resilience without explicitly using the term, while other studies have lacked a theoretical framework in which to situate key concepts (Cronley & Evans, 2017). Furthermore, few studies have focused specifically on emerging adults as a distinct developmental group within the “youth” category, or considered potential differences between young people who experience homelessness in their local communities as compared with

travelers (individuals who frequently migrate from place to place; Martino et al., 2011).

Research on the resilience of emerging adults experiencing homelessness is also limited in the extent to which it explores service implications. Services are formalized systems of care that aim to maintain or improve the health, well-being, and quality of life for homeless youth through access to programs and interventions (Narendorf, Bowen, Santa Maria, & Thibaudeau, 2018). Although availability and structure vary locally, a range of social services exist to help homeless young adults address daily survival needs, pursue educational and employment goals (Slesnick, Zhang, & Yilmazer, 2018), and ultimately exit homelessness (Barman-Adhikari et al., 2016). These services include drop-in programs, which offer youth a place to relax and provide resources to meet youths’ immediate needs (e.g. meals, showers, laundry; Slesnick et al., 2008); and pro- grams that provide housing in combination with supportive services on an overnight, transitional, or long-term basis.

Prior resilience-focused research has offered some recommendations for how providers within this system of services could bolster homeless emerging adults’ resilience. For example, in their study of homeless young adults’ sources of income, Ferguson, Bender, and Thompson (2015) recommended that housing programs provide support to help emerging adults reach their employment goals, as stable employment can function as a component of resilience and offers a potential pathway out of homelessness. Other studies have noted self-esteem as an element of resilience, suggesting that providers could work to build homeless young adults’ self-esteem and decrease suicidality, though this research has not proposed specific interventions through which providers could accomplish this (Cleverly & Kidd, 2011; Kidd & Shahar, 2008). A gap remains in research that employs a multidimensional understanding of resilience and explicitly examines the implications of these dimensions for service provision.

Although homeless young people’s use of serv- ices constitutes its own area of study, prior research on this topic has been scant in its appli- cation of a resilience lens. Research in this area

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has focused on identifying the factors associated with young people’s use of programs and their experiences within such programs, including shel- ters (Ha, Narendorf, Santa Maria, & Bezette- Flores, 2015), transitional housing and other housing services (Curry & Petering, 2017; Ryan & Thompson, 2013), and drop-in centers (Pedersen, Tucker, & Kovalchik, 2016). Findings advise against the overregulation of young adults and recognize the stigma of homelessness as a common barrier to service use. This body of research places a limited emphasis on resilience and strengths. For example, while Ha et al.’s (2015) study examines barriers and facilitators to young adults’ use of shelter services and offers recommendations for how shelter programs can remediate the identified barriers, it does not explore implications for how shelters could build young adults’ resilience or apply a resilience lens in service design.

It is particularly important for service pro- viders to recognize that self-sustaining behaviors of homeless emerging adults may not always appear resourceful without attention to context (Thompson et al., 2016). Ways of coping that are maladaptive in one setting, such as affiliating with other homeless young people to build a sup- port network, may be useful survival strategies. Behaviors that may interfere with one’s ability to access services and resources can simultaneously be a means of survival, and a way of preventing further decline or instability (Barker, 2014). Subsequently, recognizing the strengths of home- less emerging adults may require altered criteria for assessing resilience (Ungar, Ghazinour, & Richter, 2013; Ungar, Liebenberg, & Ikeda, 2014). These criteria can be informed by the application of developmental theory on emerging adulthood and strengths-based and harm reduc- tion frameworks.

Theoretical Frameworks

This article integrates developmental theory on emerging adulthood with a strengths-based per- spective and a harm reduction approach to con- textualize resilience in the lives of homeless emerging adults. Arnett’s (2014) theory of emerg- ing adulthood frames the ages of 18 through 25

as a distinct developmental period marked by a set of key features, including identity exploration; a feeling of being in between adolescence and adulthood; a strong sense of self-focus; instability in work, relationships, and living situations; and a sense of optimism for the future. Although Arnett’s body of work indicates that the theory essentially holds across racially, ethnically, and economically diverse populations of young peo- ple, Arnett and others also argue that it is important to appreciate variations in emerging adulthood within different sociocultural and his- torical contexts, including among those experi- encing homelessness (Arnett, 2016). The transition to adulthood for homeless young peo- ple may be similar to the transitions of their housed peers in some regards and distinct in others. For example, the essential emerging adult- hood task of “leaving home” is distinctive and perhaps non-applicable for many homeless emerging adults, whose childhoods are frequently marked by trauma and adversity and whose ties to parents and caregivers may be tenuous or non- existent even prior to reaching the age of emerg- ing adulthood (Williams & Sheehan, 2015).

Studies examining emerging adulthood for marginalized populations, including homeless youth and youth aging out of the foster care sys- tem, have elucidated the particular challenges that these young people often face at this junc- ture in their lives. Navigating the pathways of emerging adulthood without the financial or emotional support of a parental figure is a daunt- ing task for most (Berzin, Singer, & Hokanson, 2014; Williams & Sheehan, 2015). Without ignor- ing such challenges, this analysis applies a strengths-based perspective to highlight the resili- ence of homeless young people within the devel- opmental context of emerging adulthood. The strengths-based perspective, originating in social work in response to the profession’s historical focus on the perceived moral deficiencies of cli- ents, has become a primary modality for many helping professions (Douglas, McCarthy, & Serino, 2014; Weick, Rapp, Sullivan, & Kisthardt, 1989). The strengths-based paradigm shifts emphasis to the admirable qualities and adaptive behaviors of populations frequently viewed in a negative light, and fosters those strengths as a

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starting point for treatment or analysis (Thompson et al., 2016; Xie, 2013).

A strengths-based perspective is enhanced by the integration of a harm reduction model (Vakharia & Little, 2016). The harm reduction model provides insight into the choices that help an individual minimize risk or reduce harm under trying circumstances (Brocato & Wagner, 2003). For example, coping with stress by means of moderate substance use is better understood as adaptive when young adults also speak to being waitlisted for mental health services. Though the harm reduction concept is most often used in reference to substance use, it can refer to mini- mizing the harm of a wide range of behaviors that place people at risk for adverse outcomes, such as unsafe sexual practices, gambling, or unhealthy eating patterns (Marlatt, 1996). Findings from a study by Bozinoff, Small, Long, DeBeck, and Fast (2017) about street-involved young adults and their engagement with harm reduction highlight the importance of recognizing structural barriers in the lives of homeless youth when implementing a harm reduction model. While harm reduction strategies, such as efforts to promote condom use, can help to mitigate some of the risk associated with young people’s survival behaviors, it is critical to also address the condi- tions that structure risk in the lives of vulnerable young adults (Carmona, Slesnick, Guo, & Letcher, 2014). For example, unless young adults have viable pathways to legitimate employment oppor- tunities, they are likely to engage in risky behav- iors such as trading sex, selling drugs, or stealing in order to meet their survival needs (Ferguson, Bender, Thompson, Xie, & Pollio, 2011).

Current Study

Research that identifies the resilience of emerging adults experiencing homelessness can be har- nessed to design strengths-based and develop- mentally appropriate services (Arnold, Walsh, Oldham, & Rapp, 2007). This article helps to address that need with an in-depth qualitative analysis of the multidimensional strengths of homeless 18–24-year-olds, informed by develop- mental theory on emerging adulthood and a harm reduction perspective. It was guided by the

following overarching research question: (1) How is resilience expressed in the lives of emerging adults who are experiencing homelessness? This overarching question had two sub-questions: (2) What formal and informal supports and resour- ces do homeless emerging adults access that could be integrated into service provision? (3) What actions do homeless emerging adults take to reduce risks and improve their health, upon which service providers could build?

Methods

Sample

Eligibility criteria for the study were: (a) being 18–24 years of age and (b) not having a stable place to live, which included young adults in shelters, on the street, and couch-surfing. These criteria reflect an intentionally broad definition of homelessness, in recognition of the range of unstable housing situa- tions that constitute the realities of young people’s lives. Eligibility criteria did not specify minimum or maximum time periods for participants’ homeless- ness or housing instability, so that the sample could encompass young adults experiencing long-term, episodic, and recent homelessness.

Applying an “inconvenience sampling” approach (Duneier, 2011), the study used a range of recruitment methods to ensure that the sample was inclusive of the “hidden homeless,” reaching young adults who were couch-surfing, as well as emerging adults who were accessing services. The research team partnered with a drop-in resource center for homeless or at-risk youth in Buffalo, NY. Initial participants were identified at the resource center. Additional recruitment methods included placing flyers in several community locations (e.g. shops, libraries, and subway stops), directly recruiting young people who were engaged in panhandling or dining at free meal programs and generating word-of-mouth refer- rals. Recruitment continued until the research team agreed that saturation had been reached.

The final sample included 30 emerging adults between the ages of 18 and 24 years who were experiencing homelessness. Participant demo- graphics are reported in Table 1. The racially diverse sample was closely divided between male

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(15 participants) and female (13 participants), with one participant identifying as transgender (female to male) and one identifying as “genderless” (categorized as gender non-binary). A majority (23 participants) identified as hetero- sexual, with the second largest subcategory being bisexual (4 participants), and the remainder iden- tifying themselves as Queer, asexual, or “open.” Slightly more than half of the sample reported having a high school diploma or GED.

Regarding housing, nearly two-thirds of the sample (19 participants) reported couch-surfing as their main housing strategy. The remaining partic- ipants lived either in places not meant for human habitation (such as the street or a garage), over- night shelters, or mixed locations. Six participants identified as travelers who frequently relocated from city to city, sleeping outdoors or in mixed locations as they migrated (Martino et al., 2011). Duration of homelessness varied widely among participants. For example, one 18-year-old partici- pant described herself as couch-surfing between various friends and family members’ homes since she was 11 years old, while a 19-year-old partici- pant reported that he had been couch-surfing with friends only for the previous month.

Instrument

The study used a semi-structured interview approach, following an interview guide developed

by the principal investigator (PI) in consultation with staff from the resource center and other youth-serving agencies. The interview guide con- sisted of 28 questions that were organized into the following groupings: family background, fac- tors contributing to homelessness, current hous- ing situation, health and lifestyle, service use, and goals and resources. The interview guide is avail- able in the Appendix.

Procedures

Data collection took place between June 2015 and January 2016. Potential participants who were recruited for the study scheduled a time to meet with the PI or a trained research assistant (RA) to complete study procedures. These meet- ings took place in a private room at the resource center or on the campus of the PI’s university, based on the convenience to the participant. After confirming eligibility through a brief screening and providing informed consent, par- ticipants completed a demographic survey and an in-depth interview. Interviews lasted an average of 40 min and were audio-recorded and profes- sionally transcribed. Respondents were compen- sated $20. The study procedures were conducted in accordance with Institutional Review Board approval from the PI’s institution.

Analysis

The study used qualitative descriptive method- ology, employing constant comparative techni- ques to analyze interview data (Padgett, 2017; Sandelowski, 2010). The authors (a second RA and the PI) coded the transcribed interviews in ATLAS.ti software, identifying key descriptive themes related to resilience through constant comparison (Padgett, 2017). The first author did not conduct the interviews, serving as a guard against bias (Mattis et al., 2008). Each author independently conducted line-by-line coding of the transcripts using an inductive open coding process. The authors met weekly to compare their open codes and generate a consensus list of axial codes (Sedem & Ferrer-Wreder, 2015). During this iterative process, the authors used memo-writing to document their process and

Table 1. Description of the sample (N ¼ 30). Descriptors n (%)

Age 18–21 15 (50) 22–24 15 (50)

Gender Male 15 (50) Female 13 (43)

Transgender (female to male) or gender non-binary 2 (7) Race African American 15 (50) White 10 (33) Other race or Multiracial 5 (17) Latino/a 4 (13)

Sexual orientation Heterosexual 23 (77) Bisexual 4 (13) Other sexual orientation (Queer, asexual, “open”) 3 (10) Has children 11 (37) High school diploma or GED 17 (57) Currently employed 6 (20) Primary housing Couch-surfing 19 (63) Overnight shelters or places not meant for human habitation 9 (30) Other (rooming house, mixed locations) 2 (7)

Traveler 6 (20)

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generate ideas. A member check (Padgett, 2017) confirmed and further elaborated on the codes and emerging themes. Member checking was done with six emerging adults experiencing homelessness who met the study’s eligibility crite- ria. The first author used the coded data to develop higher order themes in consultation with the PI. Developmental theory on emerging adult- hood and the strengths-based framework, paired with a harm reduction lens, informed interpreta- tions of the final themes.

Results

In the absence of stable housing, emerging adults spoke of a variety of strategies and supports for maintaining their well-being and pursuing per- sonal and intellectual growth. The themes that emerged reflected the study’s sub-questions, in terms of the resources that participants accessed and the actions that they took to reduce risk. The findings suggested multiple distinct dimensions of strengths, with resilience strategies falling broadly under two categories: attitudinal and behavioral. Sub-themes of attitudinal resilience were: (a) perceptions of homelessness as a sur- mountable obstacle and (b) externalization of homelessness. Sub-themes of behavioral resilience were: (a) creation of support systems, (b) main- tenance of personal health, and (c) use of music and creative expression as emotional outlets. Although attitudes and behaviors of resilience emerged as distinct in the coding process, they were conceptually interconnected. This overlap is reflected in the quotes supporting each of the themes. The coders consulted with one another to maintain cohesiveness in thought while also acknowledging the interplay between attitudinal and behavioral resilience.

Perceptions of Homelessness as a Surmountable Obstacle

Like their emerging adult peers in the general population (Arnett, 2016), most participants were able to imagine and articulate a bright and stable future for themselves. This seemed particularly notable given the degree of instability in partici- pants’ current living situations as well as the

trauma many had experienced, both during and preceding their homelessness. An 18-year-old African American male participant described,

Yeah, I was neglected a lot when I was younger, put through hell, physically abused, emotionally [unintelligible]. But I hung in there. I got through it. It made me tougher as I got older and I still went through it, which is the reason why I’m homeless right now.

Though the length of time that participants had been homeless varied greatly, most of the participants were motivated to seek stable hous- ing and anticipated that their homelessness was a problem that they would ultimately resolve. This attitude was demonstrated by a 21-year-old African American male:

I know where the rest of my life is going. I know there are things out there. And I know at the end of the day, I’ve got to continue to be optimistic, regardless of what my situation is. The strongest people get the craziest tests.

Similarly, a 20-year-old Asian American male traveler stated, “I’m good, because I know that it’s going to end up being sorted out and I’m going to make something good out of this.” A 23-year-old African American male participant found hope through the support of a religious program: “Like something better is coming; you’re going through these trials and tribulations, but at the end there’s a blessing.”

The desire to provide stable housing for a child was a driving force for most of the 11 participants who had children of their own. An 18-year-old African American female partici- pant said, “I just feel like I need to be on my own, especially with my son going to be com- ing home.” Regardless of custody status, partic- ipants who were parents consistently expressed a sense of centering their decisions around their children. Another 23-year-old African American male participant explained, “My son is three and a half years old. He’s about to be four in January … He’s my world. He makes me happy. It’s not about me anymore, it’s about him.” Participants’ focus on the needs of their children appeared as a contrast to the pri- mary self-focus that is characteristic of emerg- ing adulthood (Arnett, 2014).

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Almost all respondents aspired to have per- manent housing and could name practical steps that they were taking to achieve this goal, such as researching available housing options, meeting with landlords, and applying for different forms of housing assistance. Although relatively few par- ticipants (20%) currently had formal paid employ- ment, participants described a range of activities they were undertaking to find work and ultimately obtain financial stability. These activities included attending GED and college classes; working toward certifications for particular careers, such as obtaining a certified nursing assistant license; and participating in vocational training programs. For example, the 23-year-old African American par- ticipant who described prioritizing his young son’s needs was planning to enroll in Job Corps, a voca- tional program that some other participants in the study were already accessing:

I will hope to be in this program called Job Corps. It’s a program where they give you room and board. They give you meals. They allow you to get a skilled trade and then they help you get your GED and high school diploma.

Although virtually all participants aspired to find and maintain employment and achieve financial success, some struggled with the per- ceived loss of independence of finding work through available programs such as Job Corps. One participant said, “I wanted to get it on my own, I don’t really want no help. I just want to get a job and … stack my money up” (21-year- old African American male). He had previously completed a job training that was followed by an employment opportunity. Participants also expressed frustration with barriers to finding and obtaining employment, including the challenge of fitting obligations such as court dates and social service appointments around a job schedule; the unavailability of high-paying work opportunities in the area; and skepticism that participating in educational and vocational programs would ultimately lead to finding work and independ- ence. “The services that they do have, I don’t think it’s enough, or it’s – I don’t think it’s bene- ficial enough. I’m willing to put forth all the work if these people had the right programs,” stated an 18-year-old African American woman.

Externalization of Homelessness

A second dimension of attitudinal resilience was rooted in participants’ ability to see homelessness as an external situation, rather than internalizing it as a personal failing. A few emerging adults dis-identified with their homeless status to the point that they did not feel entitled to available resources. A 22-year-old Multiracial male explained, “I’ve seen so many homeless people; and frankly, I feel like someone else needs it more than I do. I’m fine, really.” This young per- son, who described couch-surfing as his primary housing source, did not perceive himself as need- ing assistance relative to the general homeless population. Other participants were critical of the role that public institutions had played in contri- buting to their homelessness, including a 21-year- old African American male who reflected on the personal effects of systemic racism within the education system:

I was in Honor Society. I had AP classes. I was always in advanced classes. Work was easy to me. But me personally, I feel like me being a black male and always being a little bigger than other kids, certain things I would do would get blown way out of proportion

… Me, I just look mad and they’re calling the cops.

A subset of travelers within the sample typic- ally framed homelessness as a choice, even when their circumstances had left them with few resources. One 23-year-old White female became a traveler soon after her father died as a result of substance addiction and their former home went into foreclosure. She did not focus on her losses but instead described her homelessness as a state of freedom:

… I don’t have a job, and I don’t have any bills to pay. And I don’t have a house or anything. All I got to worry about is gas, you know, and food. And that’s it, it’s so you know, I can basically do whatever I want.

Emerging adults frequently maintained their perspectives on their own homelessness by emo- tionally distancing themselves from older adults without stable housing. A 20-year-old White male faulted older adults:

I see most of these older men like 60 and older. I’m like, “What are you doing with your life? Wouldn’t

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you have a wife and go down and have your own kids and settle down?” Most of them don’t care; they want to live on the streets.

Such judgments were common among the sample and suggested a widely held belief that long-term homelessness was not congruent with the employment and relationship aspirations that participants held for themselves.

Although the judgment of older adults experi- encing homelessness is not a strength in itself, in the context of the respondents’ lives it can be understood as a way of preserving hope for their own futures. This was apparent in respondents’ frustrations with older adults residing in shelters for the general homeless population:

They’re old but they don’t—their mindset is young. They don’t do things that they supposed to do … They’re not trying to do anything. It’s like they want to stay there forever (18-year-old African American female).

Similarly, a 21-year-old African American male participant commented that it was not helpful to be in a shelter around older people who appear resigned to their situation: “It doesn’t create a motivational environment.”

Creation of Support Systems

Attitudinal dimensions of resilience were comple- mented by behavioral dimensions, encompassing the actions participants took to maximize safety and stability in their present circumstances and move toward the futures they envisioned. Building and utilizing social support systems was one strategy that emerging adults frequently employed. Many young adults relied on networks of friends, romantic partners, and family mem- bers for housing and day-to-day survival as well as emotional support. A 23-year-old African American male had four friends whose homes he rotated between as part of a weekly routine:

Growing up, the couple friends that I do have that I’m real close to, we made a promise to each other, if any of us needed each other, we will always look out for each other. And that’s what we do.

A 21-year-old African American male would turn to a friend who lived close by when he couldn’t stay at his mother’s home, where he did

not have a key: “Luckily, my best friend, he just moved a couple streets over, so it’s a little relief. I know I could just go to his house.”

Romantic relationships were an important form of support, with 12 respondents in long- term relationships. A 22-year-old African American female talked about her boyfriend:

Well, when I’m really stressed out I like to just cuddle with my boyfriend and watch TV and talk or sleep. Well, actually, perfect example — today. We’ve been feuding for a week. We even broke up a couple of days ago. I couldn’t take it anymore … I called him this morning, and I’m like, “Babe, how about I just take you out for lunch today?”

Another respondent was traveling with her boyfriend: “Me and my, my boyfriend like I said we, so we kind of got, I got this hankering to travel and he’s the same as me. So we decided to go together” (23-year-old White female). In a couple of instances, participants also received care and support from family members of their partners. Although not all romantic relationships were caring and some participants reported inci- dents of violence or abuse, in other instances these relationships were a meaningful resource.

Though respondents generally could not live with their families for reasons including conflict, abuse, and their parents’ own housing instability, some included family members among their sup- port networks. One White 22-year-old male, who described his primary housing as either a shelter or sleeping on the street, said that his grandpar- ents and his father would meet with him weekly: “They come out every weekend and then they pick me up, and they take me out.” Another 22- year-old Multiracial male appreciated temporary housing with his mother, who was not able to maintain stable housing for herself: “I’m thankful that my mom, you know, she opened up her door with arms wide; and she welcomed me with a welcoming, warming, loving situation.”

Travelers often found safety and camaraderie in peers. A 23-year-old White woman felt added safety by traveling with her boyfriend and a few other young men. Similarly, an 18-year-old White female described feeling lucky to be travel- ing with someone whom she trusted even though they had just recently met. Though there was comfort and support in these peer relationships,

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travelers’ friendships appeared to be fragile and fluid, with individuals connecting to offer com- pany, safety, and shared resources for as long as it was mutually convenient, without providing enduring, long-term support.

Social media was a significant way that young people maintained their support networks. An 18-year-old White female used Facebook to con- nect with fellow travelers and locate places to stay: “They have these Facebook pages where it’s this couch-surfer’s coalition thing and these trav- elers, you make a post being like, ‘Hey, I’m in this area; if anyone else is traveling I’m by myself, so hey, let’s meet up.’” Similarly, a 24-year-old White male explained that Facebook was an easy way to keep in touch with people he met while traveling so that he could eventually reconnect and travel with them again.

Use of social media to locate resources and maintain support networks was not limited to travelers. A 21-year-old African American male whose primary housing was couch-surfing said he used Facebook to connect with people for food, money, or a place to stay: “I know a lot of people in Buffalo, you know I have a lot of fam- ily and I got a lot of friends … I write them on Facebook,” he explained. When a 19-year-old couch-surfing Multiracial female couldn’t get to the soup kitchen where she ate most of her meals, she was often able to get food through contacting friends on Facebook: “They [my friends] talk to me on Facebook like, ‘Are you hungry?’ I’m like, ‘Yeah.’ They usually bring me snacks and stuff like that.” In sum, because par- ticipants typically did not have the consistent support of parents and caregivers that many emerging adults rely on (Arnett, 2014), relation- ships with other relatives, peers, and romantic partners were rendered all the more critical for both basic needs and emotional support.

Maintenance of Personal Health

Another way in which participants demonstrated behavioral resilience was through engaging in a range of health-promoting activities, despite the challenging circumstances of homelessness. To maintain their personal health, emerging adults used strategies including diet, exercise, attention

to personal hygiene, and harm reduction approaches to substance use. A 22-year-old Multiracial male described several of these strategies:

I exercise, I jog, I work out, I box. I make sure I eat. I try to eat lunch, breakfast, and dinner. Sometimes, I don’t always, like I’ll skip breakfast and might skip lunch; but majority of the time, I do make sure I eat a nice, healthy dinner. I drink a lot of water. I go to the doctors for monthly checkups. I make sure I go and get HIV and sexually transmitted disease testing every six months, and whatever resources that these agencies … do give me, I use them, like clean socks, clean drawers, toothpaste, floss, deodorant.

The most frequently mentioned strategies for maintaining personal health were diet and exer- cise, with many participants commenting on nutrition. One 23-year-old White male said, “I try to eat healthy food whenever I can.” A 24- year-old, White, gender non-binary participant tried to consume anti-inflammatory foods while traveling: “ … if I’m going to be eating dumpster pizza I’m going to slice some garlic up and put some hot sauce on it, you know.” Several respondents talked about exercise as part of their routine. When asked what he did to take care of himself, one participant answered, “I do push-ups and sit-ups” (20-year-old White male). Others mentioned walking as part of their daily exercise, including a 19-year-old African American female who explained, “I walk everywhere.” A few participants had chronic medical conditions. A 21-year-old African American male took steps to manage sickle cell anemia: “Yeah, so I can get sick really quick that’s why I eat a lot of vitamins, I exercise, I do what I have to do.” Another par- ticipant strived to control her blood pressure:

I don’t eat a lot of fast food because I have high blood pressure. I’m pre-diabetic … So I can’t eat a lot of certain things. I eat a lot of salad, which doesn’t matter because salad has always been my favorite food (22-year-old African American female).

Numerous participants spoke to their hygiene practices. A 20-year-old African American female participant who lived in a garage washed her clothes at a laundromat. A 19-year-old Multiracial female, who described couch-surfing as her primary housing, explained, “I do go to shelters and shower and brush my teeth, get dressed, change my clothes.” A 23-year-old

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White female talked about her hygiene practices while traveling without access to bath- room facilities:

But I mean like so I’ll wake up in the morning and like brush your teeth, and like swish with the jug of water. That’s cool. Like wet wipes are really good ‘cause you can kind of wash yourself a little bit with them.

Although emerging adulthood is associated with increased rates of substance use (Arnett, 2014), many participants intentionally restricted their drug and alcohol consumption and employed a spectrum of harm reduction strat- egies. An 18-year-old African American female avoided drugs altogether and reported very lim- ited drinking: “Honestly, I’m scared to use drugs. Because like people dying and stuff, I’m scared to do that.” Others were intentional about cutting back on substance use. A 22-year-old Multiracial male had been abstinent from marijuana, the only drug that he had ever used, during the 2 days preceding the interview. He explained,

It’s just because right now at this point in my life I’m trying to better my situation. I’m trying to change it, and I don’t even have money right now to support or supply my habit; so it’s a waste of money. It doesn’t really deal with the problems.

A 23-year-old African American male said that he wanted to cut back his marijuana use:

I might drink here and there. Sometimes I smoke a little marijuana here and there. But I’ve got to cut that down. They pee test. Every job that you need right now, your pee has to be clean to have the good jobs, unless you want to keep working at McDonalds or Burger King.

Several participants consumed marijuana but avoided harder drugs. A 22-year-old African American male spoke positively about the effects of marijuana on his well-being: “If I feel I’m going to do some dumb shit, and I can’t get nobody to talk to, that shit will have me relaxed. That shit saved my life.” He also acknowledged the destructive impacts of other substances: “There’s levels to that drug shit.”

Use of Music and Creative Expression as Emotional Outlets

A final theme in behavioral resilience was the use of music and creative expression to release

emotions. One 22-year-old Multiracial male said, “Music is over food for me.” Another young man commented, “Music is one of the best things. Whoever made music was very smart. Music, I don’t care what you’re going through, how you feel, music will take you to a whole other world sometimes” (23-year-old African American male).

Music and other creative endeavors were a way for participants to express themselves and cope with the stresses associated with both emerging adulthood and homelessness. “I sit there and start listening to my music, you see the headphones, I just sit there listen to my music, and that would be my whole day,” described a 20-year-old African American male. “I usually lis- ten to music and I just tune everything else out and I go out on walks,” stated another participant (19-year-old White transgender male).

For some participants, listening to music was coupled with or supplemented by more active forms of creative expression, including drawing, writing, and performing poetry. A 22-year-old Multiracial male said:

I just – whatever I feel like putting down on the paper is what’s going to be put on the paper, be it words or pictures or things like that. Maybe even symbolisms, like hints for the future, like things telling me where I should direct myself to go. I just let myself be free when I let the pencil or pen hit the paper basically.

A 21-year-old African American male would write and perform rap songs at clubs as both a professional goal and a way of dealing with the stress of homelessness, explaining, “It helps me copes.” Another participant described how she used writing for emotional release:

Well a lot of times I just write stuff down, I write letters and stuff to myself, like I write down how I’m feeling about stuff. Or I write poems, or just jot down little stuff about my feelings and stuff, to make myself feel better (18-year-old African American female).

Discussion

This qualitative study was guided by questions about how resilience is expressed in the lives of emerging adults experiencing homelessness, a highly stigmatized population. Study results confirmed emerging adults’ foresight and

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determination, demonstrating that young adults tended to see their homelessness as a surmount- able challenge and not as a personal failure or lack of potential. Findings were congruent with research noting emerging adults’ reliance on nat- ural support networks for housing, highlighting effective use of social media to develop and access support (Rice & Barman-Adhikari, 2014; Thompson et al., 2016). Furthermore, while other studies have noted that the stigma of homeless- ness is a barrier to young adults using shelters and other services (Ha et al., 2015; Pedersen et al., 2016), their resistance to using services is not typically recognized as a dimension of resili- ence. Building on Barker’s (2014) observation that behaviors that inhibit the ability to access services can also be a means of self-preservation and survival, participants’ ability to distance themselves from the stigmatized label of “homeless” appeared to be a critical way for emerging adults to maintain a positive sense of self and optimism for the future. An unexpected finding in the study was the frequency with which emerging adults named music and creative expression as ways of coping, suggesting that the potential value of these approaches has not been fully recognized in social services targeted for this population.

The attitudinal themes (perceptions of home- lessness as a surmountable obstacle and external- ization of homelessness) were largely consistent with tenets of Arnett’s (2014) developmental the- ory, suggesting that emerging adulthood is a time marked by both instability in the present and hope for the possibilities of the future. The instability faced by emerging adults experiencing homelessness was quite literal, with the young people who participated this study often not knowing where they would find their next meal or place to sleep. Instability marked not only the emerging adulthoods but also the childhoods of many participants, yet most of these young adults envisioned an independent and more stable future for themselves, and in the case of parent- ing young adults, for their children. Participants described actively taking steps to make their visions a reality. This finding appears consistent with Arnett’s (2014) theorizing that “emerging adulthood is arguably the period of the life

course when the possibility for dramatic change is greatest” (p. 266). Research indicates that most youth experiencing homelessness do eventually gain stable housing, suggesting that emerging adults’ optimism is largely warranted (Toro, Lesperance, & Braciszewski, 2011). As college attendance has figured largely in Arnett’s (2014) work as well as prior research on emerging adult- hood for other vulnerable groups such as former foster youth (Morton et al., 2017; Strolin- Goltzman, Woodhouse, Suter, & Werrbach, 2016), this study’s findings add to the literature by articulating attitudinal dimensions of resilience for young adults experiencing homelessness beyond post-secondary educational aspirations.

Most notably in contrast to emerging adults in the general population (Arnett, 2014), the cir- cumstances of emerging adults experiencing homelessness necessitated that they build diversi- fied support networks, which sometimes included parents and other family members but more heavily featured peers, friends, and romantic partners. These networks were critical to partici- pants’ daily survival and location of housing, with 19 participants reporting couch-surfing as their main source of housing. The prevalence of couch-surfing has been overlooked or down- played in prior research and in national estimates of youth homelessness, yet it reflects young peo- ple’s resourcefulness in light of the structural bar- riers that led to their state of homelessness (McLoughlin, 2013; Morton et al., 2018). Furthermore, while Arnett (2014) notes the sali- ence of music for emerging adults in general and the easy accessibility of music through online streaming services, research has rarely concep- tualized music and creative expression as touch- stones of resilience at this developmental juncture (Cronley & Evans, 2017). Altogether, the behav- ioral themes suggest that emerging adults take deliberate actions that not only help to preserve their health and meet daily survival needs, but also prompt emerging adults to make meaning of their experiences through social interactions and creative expression.

Acknowledgment of resilience does not pre- clude recognition of the risks that remain inher- ent in the survival and coping strategies that homeless young adults utilize. Theorizing on

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resilience by Ungar et al. (2013) emphasizes an ecological and contextualized understanding of the construct, recognizing that the strategies young people use to navigate perilous environ- ments can yield risks of their own. Furthermore, although engaging in risky behaviors is a norma- tive feature of emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2014), the cost of risk-taking stand to be particu- larly stark for young adults experiencing home- lessness. One example of this is that young people who are homeless and use illicit substan- ces or engage in other illegal activities are par- ticularly vulnerable to attracting police attention and being arrested and incarcerated, in compari- son with peers who are stably housed and have greater socioeconomic resources (Boyd, Fast, & Small, 2016; Quirouette, Frederick, Hughes, Karabanow, & Kidd, 2016). Thus, while this study highlights important dimensions of resili- ence demonstrated by young adults experiencing homelessness, the reality is that their resilience exists within a context of systemic vulnerability.

Interpretations of the resilience demonstrated by the young adults in the study sample should be considered in light of the barriers and forms of structural violence that saturate daily living for young people experiencing homelessness (McKenzie-Mohr, Coates, & McLeod, 2012). For example, although the emerging adults in the sample were actively taking steps toward resolv- ing their homelessness through accessing educa- tional, employment, and housing supports, prior research suggests that youth experiencing

homelessness face numerous barriers to finding and sustaining employment that pays a living wage (Narendorf et al., 2018; Warland, Applegate, Schnur, & Jones, 2015). These barriers include mental health challenges, lack of access to child care, limited educational attainment, and discrimination from potential employers, which is exacerbated for young adults with criminal records (Ferguson, 2013; Warland et al., 2015). Without an investment of resources and pro- grammatic efforts to address these barriers, the resilient behaviors and attitudes that young peo- ple demonstrate may not yield the stability that they seek.

Implications for Practice and Service Provision

The extent of the challenges that homeless emerging adults encounter underscores the urgency of designing policies and services to sup- port young people in achieving their goals. The study’s findings point to several ways in which homeless services could be enhanced to bolster resilience in the developmental context of emerg- ing adulthood. Table 2 summarizes implications for amplifying the attitudinal and behavioral dimensions of resilience reflected in the findings, at the levels of broader systems and dir- ect services.

To bolster attitudinal dimensions of resilience at the systems level, it is critical to rapidly link young people to housing assistance to minimize the duration of homelessness (Purser, Mowbray,

Table 2. Implications for practice: amplifying attitudinal and behavioral dimensions of resilience at systems and direct prac- tice levels.

Attitudinal dimensions of resilience Behavioral dimensions of resilience

Systems-level implications

Provide rapid linkage to housing assistance to minimize dur- ation of homelessness. Expand youth and young adult- only services (e.g. shelters, drop-in programs).

Expand “housing first” approaches that do not make housing contingent upon sobriety, including housing options that enable young people to stay with roman- tic partners and/or children.

Provide health and hygiene supplies to enable young people to maintain their health, without pressuring people to commit to longer-term services.

Implement “employment-first” models that rapidly link young people with paid employment opportunities.

Direct services-level implications

Affirm the importance of peer support by inquiring about support from romantic partners and friends during assessment.

Provide milieu spaces and opportunities for peer leadership. Help cultivate adult support through mentorship programs

or informal relationships with caring adults to assist in transition to adulthood.

Support and encourage pregnant and parenting teens who feel motivated to be stable and nurturing parents.

Provide harm reduction-based counseling to address sub- stance use and other risky behaviors.

Integrate music and opportunities for creative expression into service provision (e.g. through music recording stu- dios, spaces to engage in writing and visual arts, and hosting open mic nights and poetry slams).

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& O’Shields, 2017), as well as expand youth and young adult-only housing services. Although the structure and extent of services for young people experiencing homelessness varies geographically, few cities have dedicated housing services for emerging adults, and instead expect them to use the service network designed for the general homeless adult population (Esparza, 2009; Ha et al., 2015). Creating drop-in programs, shelters, and longer-term housing assistance specifically for emerging adults would minimize young people’s contact with older adults experiencing homelessness, which participants in this study found discouraging. To help lessen the stigma of homelessness, service programs could use outreach messages that describe the types of assistance available without specifying the term “homeless.”

To amplify behavioral dimensions of resilience at the systems level, programs should expand “housing first” approaches that do not make housing contingent upon sobriety, including housing options that enable young people to stay with romantic partners and/or children. One promising approach is youth-centered co-housing programs, modeled on co-housing networks in Europe in which residents collectively share the costs and responsibilities of maintaining a resi- dence. These intentional housing communities may appeal to a range of youth experiencing homelessness (Tummers, 2016). In addition, serv- ices that provide access to water, food, and hygiene supplies, without pressuring young peo- ple to commit to longer term service engagement in order to get these resources, could help to address the high prevalence of physical health conditions among youth experiencing homeless- ness (Medlow, Klineberg, & Steinbeck, 2014). This is particularly important for travelers, who generally did not seek long-term stability but could nonetheless benefit from brief interventions and improved resource access.

In addition to expanding housing first approaches, “employment first” models also hold potential to enhance behavioral dimensions of young people’s resilience at the systems level. The employment first model emphasizes rapidly link- ing young people – including those deemed “hard to employ” – with paid employment

opportunities and providing supportive services such as coaching and case management to help youth succeed in these opportunities (Warland et al., 2015). Another innovative strengths-based approach is to expand social enterprise program- ing for emerging adults who are homeless. Social enterprise interventions recognize the resource- fulness and creativity that young people who are homeless demonstrate in supporting themselves through the underground economy, and leverage these skills into helping youth and young adults develop as entrepreneurs through social enterprises (Ferguson, 2012, 2013). For example, one study established the feasibility of a social enterprise intervention in which youth experiencing home- lessness participated in the design, sales, and mar- keting of embroidered wool beanie caps, generating income and building skills that they could use in other employment settings (Ferguson, 2013).

At the direct services level, to build attitudinal dimensions of resilience, case managers, social workers, or other direct service staff can affirm the value young people place on peer networks by inquiring about friends, romantic partners, and peer supports during the assessment process, and providing milieu spaces and opportunities for peer leadership (Narendorf, Williams Jennings, & Santa Maria, 2016). While acknowl- edging the developmental importance of peer support, direct services staff should also help nur- ture emerging adults’ relationships with caring adults who can act as mentors in navigating the transition to adulthood (Munson, Brown, Spencer, Edguer, & Tracy, 2015). These mentor- ships are needed with youth who may otherwise lack informal relationships with caring adults (Huang, Fernandez, Rhoden, & Joseph, 2018). Efforts could include instituting mentorship pro- grams to match youth with adult volunteers to serve as formal mentors, as well as coaching youth on building informal mentoring relation- ships with caring adults (e.g. family members, teachers and professors, and/or community lead- ers) who are already present in emerging adults’ lives. For young adults who are parenting, direct service staff can support them in their efforts to provide and care for their children (Narendorf et al., 2016).

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To expand behavioral dimensions of resilience, direct services staff could implement harm reduc- tion counseling to help emerging adults examine the potential risks of their behaviors and explore alternatives (Vakharia & Little, 2016). Listening to music and creative expression are healthy ways young people cope with stress that could be more fully and widely integrated into services. For example, Kelly (2017) reported promising out- comes on the use of a music studio in a transi- tional living program for youth in Chicago, IL, which provided residents with opportunities to express themselves and build relationships through producing and recording original music. Direct services staff can use music and creative expression to engage young people in services in a number of ways, from using conversations about music and art as a way of building rapport to making spaces within programs for young people to create and listen to music, write stories or poetry, journal, or participate in the visual arts. “Open mic” events and poetry slams are ways that young people can share their work with one another and build relationships through the creative arts.

Lastly, while these programmatic and systems- level recommendations are directed at services for youth and emerging adults who have become homeless, it is also critical to recognize the importance of structural interventions to prevent homelessness from occurring. Hong and Jacinto (2011) indicate that neglected and abused youth who come from violent homes are at a high risk for chronic homelessness, due to their need to separate from their families of origin. Thus, systematic efforts to prevent homelessness must address root causes such as family violence and child neglect. The persistence of homelessness among young people is not a personal failure but a societal one, representing a chronic lack of investment across systems including child wel- fare, education, social services, and housing (McKenzie-Mohr et al., 2012). The development of resilient communities that are well-equipped to prevent and effectively respond to social problems such as youth homelessness would require significant allocation of resources across these systems, guided by a willingness to under- stand and dismantle the structures that make

homelessness the commonplace reality that it is at present (Berkes & Ross, 2013). Broader recog- nition of the structural causes of homelessness would also likely lessen the stigma of being homeless, which many participants in the study felt acutely.

Limitations

The limitations of the study reflect the challenges of conducting qualitative research with a hard- to-access population. Because this study was conducted in Buffalo, NY, a small city with one resource center targeting homeless young people, it is possible that the results do not represent the strengths of young adults experiencing homelessness in rural areas with fewer resources, or in larger cities that have a wider selection. Additionally, the data were collected at one point in time and do not capture changes in the lives of participants. Lastly, although this study’s meth- odology included several steps such as member checking and the use of multiple coders and memo-writing to enhance the rigor of the ana- lysis, it should not be presumed that the findings are free from respondent or researcher bias, or that they fully capture the complexity of the con- struct of resilience in the lives of emerging adults experiencing homelessness.

Conclusions

Findings from this study regarding dimensions of resilience among emerging adults experiencing homelessness provide a foundation from which additional research can build. Future research should examine attitudinal and behavioral dimen- sions of resilience for homeless young people in other geographic locations and among specific subpopulations, such as parenting youth. The results of this study deepen understanding of developmental theory on emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2014, 2016; Williams & Sheehan, 2015) by exploring both consistencies and variations in theoretical features with a particularly vulnerable group of emerging adults. Future research can extend this by using qualitative and quantitative methodologies to compare and contrast emerging adult experiences among young people with

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varying levels of housing stability. Longitudinal studies, in particular, could help to elucidate how resilience factors in emerging adulthood, such as building and maintaining a strong support network, are related to stability and well-being outcomes in later adulthood (Munson et al., 2015).

In addition, there is a need for studies that evaluate the programmatic changes recommended in this research, such as assessing the outcomes associated with emerging adult-only shelters (Ha et al., 2015) and drop-in spaces that provide health and hygiene resources without requiring long-term service engagement (Slesnick et al., 2008). Further evaluation is also needed for underutilized strengths-based youth services models, including music and arts-based program- ing (Kelly, 2017) and employment-first programs that provide rapid linkages to paid employment (Warland et al., 2015). Lastly, future research should examine the feasibility and efficacy of community-level strategies to prevent homeless- ness among youth and young adults, including programs to halt family violence and abuse, sup- port young people with physical and mental health conditions, and improve coordination across systems of care (Hong & Jacinto, 2011; McKenzie-Mohr et al., 2012).

Without minimizing the immense difficulties that young people who are homeless face, increased understanding of emerging adults’ resilience can challenge stereotypes about this population and advance a strengths-based approach to service provision. Consideration of homeless emerging adults’ contexts and the bar- riers they face sheds light on the resilience of attitudes and behaviors that otherwise appear unproductive or even self-destructive (Ungar et al., 2014). Most critically, the findings of this study point to specific directions for advancing strengths-enhancing and developmentally appro- priate service provision. While homelessness among youth and young adults remains a persist- ent problem in the United States, recognition of emerging adults’ resilience within the context of the structural conditions that lead to homeless- ness provides a basis for designing program and systems-level strategies for change.

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Appendix

Semi-Structured Interview Guide for Young Adults Experiencing Homelessness

Family Background

1. Tell me a little about your family situation growing up (i.e. where did you grow up, who raised you, did you have brothers or sisters?).

2. Were you ever involved in the child welfare system (Child Protective Services)? Tell me more about that.

3. What was school like for you?

Factors Contributing to Homelessness

4. Tell me about the circumstances that led to your cur- rent housing situation.

5. What circumstances have led to you being homeless or not having a permanent place to stay in the past?

Current Housing Situation

6. Tell me more about your current housing situation. What do you like about where you’re liv- ing now?

7. What things don’t you like about your current hous- ing situation?

8. Some people go through different kinds of risky situa- tions when they don’t have their own stable place to stay. For example, some people find themselves in vio- lent situations, where you might see someone getting hurt or beaten up, or where you get hurt yourself, or where you have to physically defend yourself. Other people might feel they have to do things they don’t want to do, like feel pressured or forced to have sex. What kinds of risky situations have come up for you, either in your current housing situation or at other times when you didn’t have your own place to stay?

Health and Lifestyle

9. What are some of the things you do to stay healthy and take care of yourself?

10. How do you cope with stress? What do you like to do to relax or feel good?

11. What do you usually do about food? Where do you eat most of your meals?

12. What is the biggest challenge you face in terms of food?

13. If you use food pantries or free meal programs: What do you like best about these programs? What do you like the least?

14. What kinds of food do you wish you could eat more of or eat more often?

15. Tell me about any problems that you’re experiencing now with your physical or mental health. Where do you go to get help for these problems?

16. Do you currently use drugs or alcohol? Tell me more about that (For example, how often you use/drink and who you like to use/drink with. Or if you don’t use drugs or alcohol at all, why not?).

Service Use

17. Have you had any contact with the police or the juvenile justice or the adult criminal justice system systems? What was that like?

18. What housing services have you used in the past (i.e. Compass House Resource Center, emergency shelters like Buffalo City Mission, transitional housing)?

19. If used housing services: What prompted you to use these services the first time? What did you like about these services/programs? What were some of the things you didn’t like?

20. If never used housing services: What are some of the reasons why you never used these services? Can you imagine any circumstances or situations that would make you want to use these services?

21. What could the staff of housing programs do to make these programs better?

22. What other kinds of programs or services have you found helpful in the past (for example, school pro- grams, job training programs, or health or mental health services)?

Goals and Resources

23. Where would you like to be living at this time next year?

24. What would you like your life to look like at this time next year?

25. What kinds of things are you doing now to get you to where you want to be?

26. What kinds of help, services, or resources would help you get to where you want to be?

27. What could the city of Buffalo or Erie County do to better help young people who don’t have a stable place to stay?

Conclusion

28. Is there anything else you’d like to tell me about your housing situation or about any of your experiences?

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