Qn 2 only 500-600words
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Faculty of Business Studies
Course Code: FIN240 Course Title: Microfinance Theory and Practice
Take Home Final Examination
Fall 2020-2021 Semester I Date: Thursday January 21, 2021 @ 4:05pm
Number of exam pages: 6
(including this cover page)
Time Allowed
From: January 21, 2021 @ 4:05pm
Till: January 23, 2021 @ 4:05pm
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Problem 1 (30 Marks): The MFI Asmitha wants to estimate the annual percentage rate (APR) that should be charged in 2019 in order to be sustainable and independent from donor support. You are the financial analyst of the MFI, and were asked to estimate the APR, given the following information: Projected market rate for saving deposits of 8%, 18% on commercial loans and 7% as inflation rate are forecasted for 2019. The target capitalization rate is 15%. (30 marks)
The table below reports the income statement and balance sheet for 2017 and 2018:
Balance Sheet Income Statement Dec. 2018
Dec. 2017
Dec. 2018
Dec. 2017
ASSETS OPERATING INCOME
Cash 15,500 15,000 Interests and fees from loans 204,300 157,350
Investments 40,000 50,000 Income from investments 12,500 10,000
Total loan portfolio 425,000 300,000 TOTAL OPERATING INCOME 216,800 167,350
(Loan loss reserve) (32,500) (25,000)
Total net loans outstanding 392,500 275,000 OPERATING EXPENSES
Fixed assets 17,250 12,250 Interest and fee expenses 1,100 1,000
(Accumulated depreciation) (5,000) (4,000) Loan loss provision expense 17,500 5,000
Net fixed assets 12,250 8,250 Salaries 77,500 62,500
TOTAL ASSETS 460,250 348,250 Other administrative expenses 17,500 22,500
Depreciation 1,200 600
LIABILITIES TOTAL OPERATING EXPENSES 114,800 91,600
Forced savings 60,000 50,000
Commercial loans 5,000 5,000 NET OPERATING PROFIT / LOSS 102,000 75,750
Subsidized loans 17,500 17,500
TOTAL LIABILITIES 82,500 72,500 NON OPERATING INCOME
Cash donations 0 25,000
EQUITY Other non-operating income 0 0
Donated equity cumulated 225,000 200,000 TOTAL NON OPERATING INCOME 0 25,000
Donated equity current 0 25,000
Cumulated earnings/losses 50,750 (25,000) Non-operating expenses 0 0
Current earnings/losses 102,000 75,750
TOTAL EQUITY 377,750 275,750 TOTAL PROFIT / LOSS 102,000 100,750
TOTAL LIABILITIES + EQUITY 460,250 348,250
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Case Study (70 Marks)
FEMALE ENTREPRENEURS: RURAL AND URBAN
SMALL BUSINESS GROUPS IN INDIA Source: Neha Paliwal Sharma and Dr. Tanuja Sharma, 2014, Richard Ivey School of Business Foundation
Note: certain names and other identifying information may have been disguised
It was June 2012. The scorching sun added clout to the prickly thoughts that filled Pushpa Devi’s mind.
Having made several visits to the bank for more than a year, she felt miserable. Her loan application was
not yet approved. Devi headed the Radha Krishna group, a rural self-help group (SHG) of 10 women in a village near the city of Mathura in Uttar Pradesh state in India. The group was set up in 1992 under the
Indian government’s Development of Women and Children in Rural Areas (DWCRA) scheme. It earned
its livelihood by making kanthi-malas (necklaces) and laminated photographs of deities. Struggling to survive in the face of fierce competition, it was in dire need of finances. Burglary of its raw materials
amounting to INR50,000 had added to the despair. DWCRA had been merged into the Swarnajayanti
Gram Swarojgar Yojana (SGSY) scheme in 1999. As per the multiple-credit provision of SGSY, Devi had applied for a bank loan of INR125,000 (US$1 = INR54.9100). But despite leaving no stone
unturned, her pleas for release of the funds went unanswered.
Raj Kumari was the chairperson of an urban SHG in Mathura, called the Jai Laxmi group. This group of five women was relatively young. It was formed in 2011 under the Swarna Jayanti Shahari Rozgar
Yojana (SJSRY) scheme. Printing and painting work was the source of its income. Like Devi, Kumari
had been trying hard to get the release of funds to scale up operations. Did being female entrepreneurs add to the challenges faced by Devi and Kumari as
businesswomen? How could these ambitious but financially weak women, hailing from two different sections of society, overcome these hurdles to sustain their commercial ventures in the long run?
RADHA KRISHNA GROUP
Radha Krishna group was a rural self-help group. Its 10 members, all illiterate village women, were from below the poverty line (BPL) families. Before the group formed, they used to make artificial necklaces in
their houses. In 1992, Devi learned about the DWCRA scheme from a District Rural Development
Agency (DRDA) official. She convinced the other women to benefit from this scheme by forming a group for sustainable income generation. The group was financed through the revolving fund provision
of INR15,000 under DWCRA. Group members were to be provided one week of free training at the rural
department government training center in Mathura.
Devi found herself at the top of the world. However, all was not as well as it seemed. Her efforts towards
stepping out of the house to generate income for her family annoyed the village elders. The paternalistic
outlook of the rural population could not accept a woman’s progressive stance. Village males accused Devi of having an immoral character. She was also charged with enticing other women into following her
footsteps. As the news spread like wildfire in the male-dominated society, she was forced even by her
family to remain confined in her home. Her husband and mother-in-law said that she was going out just for wandering and having fun, instead of working. But Devi made up her mind to fight all odds and not
give up, came what may. She attended five days of training at the city center.
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However, it was difficult for a woman to challenge the social norms when her family had turned against her. Devi was forced to forget her dreams and quit the SHG she had formed. A few days later, DRDA
officials visited her village. They met Devi at her house to inquire why she had stopped working.
Villagers were skeptical about the purpose of their visit, but the officials discussed the matter with Devi’s
family and convinced them to allow her to resume work.
In 1999, Devi managed to receive financial aid of INR125,000 as a subsidy under SGSY. After a year, her
group received an additional INR125,000 as a bank loan. By now, Devi’s success had become a matter of uneasiness for many village men who feared government officials and who looked for any excuse to
cause her trouble. In the meantime, her group’s savings grew from initially INR50 per month to INR200
per month. Individual group members could take personal loans from the group savings as and when required. Financial records maintenance for the SHG was facilitated by a government-approved
nongovernmental organization (NGO). As the group was expanding, Devi now needed a workplace to
work
and store raw materials. The free workplace provided by the government was too far away. She needed to work near her home to look after her family. The villagers were against allowing her to use any village
public use land as her workplace. Some of them even threatened her, saying “We will shoot you in case
you even think about using the village land for your personal work” but Devi was determined to find a way forward. She declared, “Even the late Indian prime minister, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, was shot at. It is
okay if I am too! You cannot scare me with such threats.”
Devi sold her personal belongings to purchase a piece of land near her home for INR60,000, and DRDA
constructed a building on it, free of cost. The remaining bank loan was used to start silver jewelry work,
as it was in great demand in villages and nearby cities. However, Devi was inexperienced in dealing with
a product that had high market fluctuations. Her group generated meagre profits as middlemen siphoned off most of the margin. Then, someone broke into their workplace and stole the silver raw material.
Devi was almost back to square one. She had to face the mocking villagers, but she did not lose hope. She started work with whatever money and material were leftover. She also started to learn to read and write
with the help of a village-based tutor. She restarted her group and encouraged the other group women,
who had also faced a social stigma like hers, to return to work. As the income grew, her family began to
support her. She even involved her husband and son in her project. She started visiting nearby places such as Agra and Delhi to arrange for cost-effective, high quality raw materials. By 2012, Devi, a woman who
had never stepped out of her house, had travelled almost all over India to showcase her products in The
Council for Advancement of People’s Action and Rural Technology (CAPART) exhibitions and other trade fairs. She had also received an opportunity to participate in an international fair
in Dubai, but she could not go because she had no passport.
However, the challenge to sustain her business in the long run was yet to be met. Having benefitted from
the government scheme, she now owned a pucca (permanent) house. It was quite likely that she might not
be in the BPL category, as per the norms of the Socio-economic Caste Census 2011 which was expected
to be underway until December 2012. This could make it difficult for her to get SGSY benefits in future.
Except for the government fairs, marketing of products was also not easy. Profit margins were low. Banks
seemed more interested in funding financially sound large commercial undertakings instead of an all- female
small SHG. How Devi could turn the Radha Krishna group into a sustainable business venture was
a big issue.
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JAI LAXMI GROUP
The Jai Laxmi group was an urban SHG consisting of five BPL women from a locality in the slum area of
Mathura. Three of them had dropped out of school after the fifth grade in primary school, while the other two, including the group head, Kumari, were educated until secondary school. The group was formed in
2011 through the joint efforts of the District Urban Development Agency (DUDA) and the Community
Development Society (CDS). Kumari had come to know about the SJSRY scheme from CDS volunteers. Though the locality had a population of more than 10,000, barely 2 per cent of the women
were working. Moreover, including this SHG, there were only two all-women groups functioning.
Before the group formed, Kumari used to assist her husband in his printing and painting work. She had
also received work-related training from him. As community development initiatives undertaken by CDS
enhanced awareness about income generation and skill development prospects for poor city women,
Kumari met a CDS member with her SHG proposal. CDS sent this proposal to DUDA, which approved group registration. However, that was not enough. Kumari had applied for a government grant to upgrade
her business. The total project cost was estimated at INR300,000. Under SJSRY, Kumari was entitled to
35 per cent of the project cost as subsidy, which amounted to INR105,000. While this grant had been sanctioned by government authorities in 2011, she had not received a single penny from it yet.
By November, 2011, Kumari had spent approximately INR150,000 on this SHG operation. Group members had somehow managed to pool this amount to sustain it so far. In 2012, the group had received
a bank loan of 60 per cent of the total project cost, which was also pending. This loan was to be directly
credited by the bank to a shopkeeper chosen by the bank authorities in consultation with the group head
from whom the group was supposed to purchase its raw materials.
As per SJSRY, urban SHGs were not entitled to buy raw materials on their own. They could also not take
the bank loan in cash. These provisions had been originally devised to ensure that poor SHG members used the credit for the purchase of raw materials and not to meet their personal needs. But at times it
deprived these SHGs of their bargaining power. Also, it delayed the availability of raw materials to urban
SHGs and involved a lot of paperwork.
Besides, as the free workplace provided by the government was far away from group members’ houses,
Kumari’s residence was used for all work. Marketing of products was not trouble-free either, as retailers
bought the group’s products at cheap rates and sold them at much higher prices in the market.
Yet Kumari’s labour bore fruits and the group’s earnings increased, though modestly. However, she did
not have any prior experience in handling a commercial project. There was no assistance available for maintenance of records related to expenses and revenue. No system for profit sharing among group
members had evolved as yet. All members claimed the right over whatever little yield the mutual
endeavour had generated. This led to misgivings and disputes. The unrest was on the rise as, with passing
time, members grew more skeptical about whether they would receive government grants to benefit all in the long run. Every member wanted the maximum share as there was no guarantee of regular income in
an era of cut-throat competition.
“I worked for longer durations on a daily basis than the rest of the members, therefore, I should get a
larger share,” asserted one of the members. “My son contacted the local shop-owners for selling group
products, hence I should get more money,” stressed another.
Kumari was under increasing pressure to somehow manage funds released for her SHG at the earliest
possible time. She was in urgent need of financial backing for her project. Keeping the group intact in
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such circumstances was an additional problem. She returned from every meeting with the bank officials
empty-handed. Conditions such as arrangement for a guarantor and paperwork requirements kept changing with every visit. DUDA officials expressed their inability to provide her with individual
assistance for release of funds in a short time, as they had to arrange government grants for hundreds of
SHGs at the city level. Kumari could not figure out how she could sustain her group operations in the
future.
Required:
Question 2: Critically discuss the role of micro-finance in the social and financial inclusion of
women entrepreneurs for economic development? (70 Marks, 500-600 words)
*************End of Questions**************