political science essay 300-500 words
amit_madhani
4.docxWebtext Chapter 4
Sufficient voter participation is essential to a fully functioning democracy.
Learning Outcomes:
· Assess why participation is important to democracy.
· Identify the implications of low voter turnout rates.
In a democracy, the authority of the government rests solely on the consent of those governed. In other words, the government is empowered by the people. Citizens in a democracy agree to abide by the authority of a government, and in turn, the government is tasked with providing public goods to citizens and protecting the rights of the people. The consent of the people in a democracy is expressed in part by participation in elections. Routine elections function as a means of establishing political accountability in that they provide the people with the opportunity to appraise the performance of elected leaders in office. If elected leaders act in a manner that satisfies the voters, they will be reelected for another term in office. If their job performance fails to satisfy the voters, however, they will likely be unseated.
Your instructor has no doubt told you that free and open elections are the cornerstone of a stable and legitimate democracy. Participation in free and open elections is inherently at the foundation of a strong democracy; the citizens who participate in elections dictate the outcomes of those elections. In other words, the subset of the population that actually votes determines who is elected to serve the public. These elected representatives make important decisions that directly and indirectly affect the entire population. Elected officials make decisions about how to disburse common resources. They also vote on legislation that may directly influence the circumstances of citizens; for instance, elected officials allocate funds to public education, determine age requirements for driving, allocate funds to highway safety, and set the drinking age. Participation in elections provides voters with the means to express their preferences regarding such issues and to influence how the country is governed. Although participating in an election does not guarantee that each individual’s preferences will manifest in public policy, participating in elections does allow all citizens to voice their opinions.
Even given the fundamental importance of citizen participation in elections, the actual rates of voter participation in U.S. elections at all levels of government—federal, state, and local—are low. In fact, participation rates in U.S. elections are among the lowest of any democracy in the world. On average, 53 percent of the voting-age population participates in presidential elections in the United States. In midterm elections, the rates of participation are even more dismal; on average, only 37 percent of the U.S. voting-age population turns out to vote. Participation rates are even more muted in local elections, where the average rate of participation barely approaches 25 percent. Although one might argue that everyone should vote in all elections, few do so.
Some find it easy to explain why choosing not to vote might be seen as a rational decision by nonvoters, pointing to two primary reasons for low voter turnout. First, an individual may choose not to vote because in virtually all elections, no single vote is the deciding vote. In other words, my vote will never be the vote that decides any election in which thousands or millions of voters have cast a ballot. If my vote does not determine the election’s outcome, then it may not seem to make sense for me to vote. Second, acquiring the information needed for voting decisions takes time; it is costly. It is simply very difficult for Americans—who have school, jobs, families, and social lives—to acquire the information needed to cast a vote that reflects their beliefs. Whether because one’s vote does not decide an election’s outcome or because the cost of acquiring information is too high, observers in this camp question the rationale for voting. They claim, in fact, that it may not be rational for most Americans to vote.
Other observers raise concerns that regardless of whether one has a good reason to abstain from voting, low rates of voter participation may undermine the legitimacy of a democracy. If only a subset of eligible voters participates in elections, it leads to questions regarding whether the preferences of the entire population are represented in public policy. In the United States, there are certain factors associated with participation. Research indicates that Anglos, the highly educated, older individuals, and wealthier individuals are more likely to cast a ballot than non-Anglo, less educated, younger, and poorer individuals. This suggests that the preferences of the latter subset of the population are underrepresented among participating voters. Low participation rates coupled with the demographic differences between voters and nonvoters suggest that the outcomes of elections in the United States may not reflect the will of the entire population. Optimally, in a democracy, voter participation rates will be high to ensure that the preferences of all segments of the electorate are recorded.
Demographic factors and institutional barriers affect voter participation.
Learning Outcomes:
· Evaluate demographic factors that affect voter turnout.
· Evaluate institutional barriers to voter turnout.
Voter participation varies among groups and by election year. While Latino and Anglo voting rates largely remained the same from the 2012 election to that of 2016, other groups have shown significant variation in voting participation during recent elections. For example, over 66 percent of eligible African American voters participated in the 2012 presidential election, but that number dropped to roughly 59 percent for the 2016 presidential election. 2
The type of election also matters, with participation rates dropping in a non-presidential election year. Midterm elections—election years when the people vote for their members of Congress but not the president—show a drastic change in voter participation across all three groups. While 45.8 percent of registered Anglos and 40.6 percent of registered African Americans participated in the 2014 congressional elections, only 27 percent of eligible Latino voters did the same. 3
These numbers similarly fluctuate when accounting for participation by age. Age, race, and ethnicity, however, are not the only factors used to predict voter turnout rates. Annual income is also predictive of voter turnout, with people who earn a higher annual income being more likely to participate in a given election. While 80 percent of registered voters who earn $150,000 or more per year participated in the 2016 presidential election, only 62 percent of registered voters who earn between $40,000 to $49,999 a year turned out to vote in that election. 4 A similar trend is found during the 2012 and 2014 elections. This suggests that the preferences of the entire eligible electorate are not fully conveyed in elections.
In addition to the demographic characteristics that predict voter turnout, there are also institutional barriers that limit participation in American elections. Voters in some states face more restrictive registration requirements than voters in other states. The least restrictive states—including Colorado, Connecticut, Idaho, Illinois, Iowa, Maine, Minnesota, Montana, and Wyoming—allow eligible voters to register in person on Election Day. North Dakota does not even require citizens to register in order to vote! Most states have much more restrictive requirements, especially regarding when an individual can register to vote. In Texas, for instance, citizens must register to vote at least 30 days before a given election to be eligible to vote in it. The range of registration restrictions is important because states that have fewer restrictions on registering to vote often have higher voter turnout rates.
To help minimize the inconvenience of registering to vote for eligible Americans, Congress passed the National Voter Registration Act—also known as the Motor Voter Act—in 1993. The Motor Voter Act required states to allow citizens to register to vote at their state’s Department of Motor Vehicles, at public agencies, and by mail. The objective of this legislation was to increase the number of registered voters (and hopefully turnout in U.S. elections) by making it easier for most Americans to register to vote. The law is particularly advantageous for those who move from one state to another, as such individuals can get a driver’s license in their new state and register to vote in that state at the same time. It is also helpful to lower-income individuals who may visit government agencies to apply for public assistance, and who can register to vote while there. Although overall voter registration rates remained mostly flat after the law’s passage and increases in voter registration attributable to it vary by state, the Motor Voter Act was associated with a registration increase, particularly among lower-income earners.
Although the Motor Voter Act is the most recent federal law to reverse low voter registration and turnout rates, numerous states have also tried to increase voter registration and participation in elections. To date, 37 states—including Texas—allow any eligible and registered voter to cast a ballot before Election Day. Further, almost all states (47 of 50) allow some form of absentee voting, which means that registered voters are allowed to submit their vote prior to Election Day via mail or in person. Of the 47 states that allow absentee voting, 27 permit absentee voting without a specific reason. Three states (Colorado, Oregon, and Washington) have deferred to “mail voting,” which means that a ballot is mailed to each registered voter before Election Day. In these three states, there is no traditional in-person voting; all that is required is the submission of the completed ballot by mail. These less restrictive voter registration and voting laws are intended to attract broader participation among the eligible voter population.
Although many states have enacted legislation to relax the registration and voting process on a number of fronts, several states now mandate that voters show some form of identification to cast a ballot. These voter identification laws focus on two different aspects of verifying voter eligibility. One kind of law focuses on the type of identification required to cast a vote, while the other focuses on how to deal with voters who lack identification. As of August 2018, 34 states have voter identification laws in place. Fourteen states have voter identification laws in force that merely allow the state to request some form of identification (photo or non-photo). Eight states have voter identification laws that request a photo identification card. Two states have voter identification laws that require voters to provide some form of identification (photo or non-photo) to cast a ballot. Finally, nine states have the strictest form of voter identification laws, which require voters to provide photo identification to gain access to the voting booth and cast a ballot. Accepted forms of photo identification include a driver’s license, state-issued identification cards, military identification cards, and the like.
Among these states is Texas, which passed a voter identification law in 2011 that required voters to present photo identification. This was considered to be the most restrictive voter identification law in the United States. The Texas law, in particular, caused a good deal of confusion among voters in the 2016 presidential election. It was subsequently struck down in 2017 in federal court as being discriminatory and requiring revision to withstand further scrutiny. In April 2018, however, the revised voting law (titled Senate Bill 5) was upheld by the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. The Court ruled that due to Texas’s update to the bill, the legislation no longer posed an undue burden on voters, as Senate Bill 5 allows potential voters to sign an affidavit confirming their identity and attesting that it would be difficult to acquire one of the accepted forms of identification. Opponents of the affidavit, however, suggest that the penalties for lying on this official document will discourage poor and minority voters from using it. Combined with the original restrictions placed on Texas voters, critics remain steadfast in their claim that Texas’s voter ID law was drafted to intentionally suppress the minority vote, while supporters maintain that the importance of electoral integrity outweighs any perceived burden placed upon voters.
In addition to state voter identification laws, there is also a federal law that affects first-time voters. The Help America Vote Act, passed in 2002, orders all states to require first-time voters who register to vote by mail to provide photo identification or other documentation (a utility bill, paycheck, bank statement, etc.) before processing the applicant’s registration. This legislation establishes the minimum voter identification requirement that all states are mandated to enforce.
Supporters of voter identification laws argue that heightened requirements for identification ensure that every vote cast is legitimate and serve to avert voter fraud. Further, supporters argue that presenting some form of valid identification is not an undue burden on voters, as proper identification is essential in everyday life. Supporters also argue that voter identification laws do not discriminate against any group of citizens, as the laws are universally applied (meaning every voter has to comply with them). By requiring voters to provide valid proof of identity, supporters say, these laws reduce fraud, thereby increasing public trust in the electoral process.
Demographic factors and institutional barriers affect voter participation.
Learning Outcomes:
· Evaluate demographic factors that affect voter turnout.
· Evaluate institutional barriers to voter turnout.
There are several common characteristics that affect levels of voter turnout. Age, education level, socioeconomic status, and race all help to predict voter turnout rates among Americans. As a general rule, younger, non-Anglo, poorer, and less educated Americans participate in elections at lower rates than older, Anglo, wealthier, and more highly educated Americans. For instance, 46 percent of the voting age population between the ages of 18 and 29 voted in the 2016 presidential election, while 71 percent of voters over the age of 64 cast a ballot in the same election. These numbers are consistent with the 2012 presidential election. Further, according to U.S. Census data, 48 percent of eligible Latino voters participated in the 2016 presidential election, compared to 65 percent of eligible Anglo voters. 1
Voter participation varies among groups and by election year. While Latino and Anglo voting rates largely remained the same from the 2012 election to that of 2016, other groups have shown significant variation in voting participation during recent elections. For example, over 66 percent of eligible African American voters participated in the 2012 presidential election, but that number dropped to roughly 59 percent for the 2016 presidential election. 2
The type of election also matters, with participation rates dropping in a non-presidential election year. Midterm elections—election years when the people vote for their members of Congress but not the president—show a drastic change in voter participation across all three groups. While 45.8 percent of registered Anglos and 40.6 percent of registered African Americans participated in the 2014 congressional elections, only 27 percent of eligible Latino voters did the same. 3
These numbers similarly fluctuate when accounting for participation by age. Age, race, and ethnicity, however, are not the only factors used to predict voter turnout rates. Annual income is also predictive of voter turnout, with people who earn a higher annual income being more likely to participate in a given election. While 80 percent of registered voters who earn $150,000 or more per year participated in the 2016 presidential election, only 62 percent of registered voters who earn between $40,000 to $49,999 a year turned out to vote in that election. 4 A similar trend is found during the 2012 and 2014 elections. This suggests that the preferences of the entire eligible electorate are not fully conveyed in elections.
In addition to the demographic characteristics that predict voter turnout, there are also institutional barriers that limit participation in American elections. Voters in some states face more restrictive registration requirements than voters in other states. The least restrictive states—including Colorado, Connecticut, Idaho, Illinois, Iowa, Maine, Minnesota, Montana, and Wyoming—allow eligible voters to register in person on Election Day. North Dakota does not even require citizens to register in order to vote! Most states have much more restrictive requirements, especially regarding when an individual can register to vote. In Texas, for instance, citizens must register to vote at least 30 days before a given election to be eligible to vote in it. The range of registration restrictions is important because states that have fewer restrictions on registering to vote often have higher voter turnout rates.
To help minimize the inconvenience of registering to vote for eligible Americans, Congress passed the National Voter Registration Act—also known as the Motor Voter Act—in 1993. The Motor Voter Act required states to allow citizens to register to vote at their state’s Department of Motor Vehicles, at public agencies, and by mail. The objective of this legislation was to increase the number of registered voters (and hopefully turnout in U.S. elections) by making it easier for most Americans to register to vote. The law is particularly advantageous for those who move from one state to another, as such individuals can get a driver’s license in their new state and register to vote in that state at the same time. It is also helpful to lower-income individuals who may visit government agencies to apply for public assistance, and who can register to vote while there. Although overall voter registration rates remained mostly flat after the law’s passage and increases in voter registration attributable to it vary by state, the Motor Voter Act was associated with a registration increase, particularly among lower-income earners.
Although the Motor Voter Act is the most recent federal law to reverse low voter registration and turnout rates, numerous states have also tried to increase voter registration and participation in elections. To date, 37 states—including Texas—allow any eligible and registered voter to cast a ballot before Election Day. Further, almost all states (47 of 50) allow some form of absentee voting, which means that registered voters are allowed to submit their vote prior to Election Day via mail or in person. Of the 47 states that allow absentee voting, 27 permit absentee voting without a specific reason. Three states (Colorado, Oregon, and Washington) have deferred to “mail voting,” which means that a ballot is mailed to each registered voter before Election Day. In these three states, there is no traditional in-person voting; all that is required is the submission of the completed ballot by mail. These less restrictive voter registration and voting laws are intended to attract broader participation among the eligible voter population.
Although many states have enacted legislation to relax the registration and voting process on a number of fronts, several states now mandate that voters show some form of identification to cast a ballot. These voter identification laws focus on two different aspects of verifying voter eligibility. One kind of law focuses on the type of identification required to cast a vote, while the other focuses on how to deal with voters who lack identification. As of August 2018, 34 states have voter identification laws in place. Fourteen states have voter identification laws in force that merely allow the state to request some form of identification (photo or non-photo). Eight states have voter identification laws that request a photo identification card. Two states have voter identification laws that require voters to provide some form of identification (photo or non-photo) to cast a ballot. Finally, nine states have the strictest form of voter identification laws, which require voters to provide photo identification to gain access to the voting booth and cast a ballot. Accepted forms of photo identification include a driver’s license, state-issued identification cards, military identification cards, and the like.
Among these states is Texas, which passed a voter identification law in 2011 that required voters to present photo identification. This was considered to be the most restrictive voter identification law in the United States. The Texas law, in particular, caused a good deal of confusion among voters in the 2016 presidential election. It was subsequently struck down in 2017 in federal court as being discriminatory and requiring revision to withstand further scrutiny. In April 2018, however, the revised voting law (titled Senate Bill 5) was upheld by the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. The Court ruled that due to Texas’s update to the bill, the legislation no longer posed an undue burden on voters, as Senate Bill 5 allows potential voters to sign an affidavit confirming their identity and attesting that it would be difficult to acquire one of the accepted forms of identification. Opponents of the affidavit, however, suggest that the penalties for lying on this official document will discourage poor and minority voters from using it. Combined with the original restrictions placed on Texas voters, critics remain steadfast in their claim that Texas’s voter ID law was drafted to intentionally suppress the minority vote, while supporters maintain that the importance of electoral integrity outweighs any perceived burden placed upon voters.
In addition to state voter identification laws, there is also a federal law that affects first-time voters. The Help America Vote Act, passed in 2002, orders all states to require first-time voters who register to vote by mail to provide photo identification or other documentation (a utility bill, paycheck, bank statement, etc.) before processing the applicant’s registration. This legislation establishes the minimum voter identification requirement that all states are mandated to enforce.
Supporters of voter identification laws argue that heightened requirements for identification ensure that every vote cast is legitimate and serve to avert voter fraud. Further, supporters argue that presenting some form of valid identification is not an undue burden on voters, as proper identification is essential in everyday life. Supporters also argue that voter identification laws do not discriminate against any group of citizens, as the laws are universally applied (meaning every voter has to comply with them). By requiring voters to provide valid proof of identity, supporters say, these laws reduce fraud, thereby increasing public trust in the electoral process.
Rates of participation in elections vary across races and across groups.
Rates of voter participation in U.S. presidential elections tend to hover around 53 percent of the voting-eligible population. This means a large proportion of eligible voters are not voicing their preferences in elections. Are the rates of voter participation in other democracies similar to participation rates in the United States, or are they significantly higher (or lower) than in the United States? To examine these questions, consider Figure 1, which plots levels of voter participation in the United States, Belgium, France, and the United Kingdom (UK) across elections occurring between 1980 and 2012.
As noted previously, voter turnout rates in U.S. elections vary across the different types of elections (federal, state, and local). To explore differences in turnout rates in U.S. elections, examine Figure 2, which plots turnout rates in presidential and midterm elections in the United States between 1980 and 2016. Presidential elections occur every four years, when voters choose the candidate who will serve as the president of the United States. Midterm elections are elections that occur between presidential elections. In midterm elections, voters cast ballots for candidates running for the United States House of Representatives or United States Senate, candidates in state-level races (state house of representatives, state senate, governor, etc.), and candidates in local elections (mayor, city/county council, etc.).
