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Land Reform Plans in China Author(s): Walter Sullivan Source: Far Eastern Survey, Vol. 19, No. 4 (Feb. 22, 1950), pp. 33-38 Published by: Institute of Pacific Relations Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3024006 Accessed: 22-04-2018 20:23 UTC

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hvt castviu Swioeq AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF PACIFIC RELATIONS

Land Reform Plans in China Communists aim at a revolution in land tenure but their present methods are cautious and orderly; reforms are farthest advanced in Manchuria.

BY WALTER SULLIVAN

A REVOLUTION IS BEING OPENLY PLANNED and pre- ** pared in China which in terms of numbers of people involved may be the greatest social upheaval of modern times. This is the land reform program of the Chinese Communists, which will presumably be in full swing by the end of this year.

A large proportion of the country's population, which itself numbers one fifth that of the world, will be in? volved. The stages of preparation and land realloca- tion are proceeding at different paces in various parts of the country. The Communists' chief concerns ap- pear to be:

1. To make the operation run as smoothly as pos- sible so that food production?even at best inadequate for China's needs?does not sag.

2. To retain the backing of the majority of the rural population by satisfying the poor peasants' yearn- ing for land and yet not alienating those of middle income.

The plans are thus distingushed by the compara- tively cautious approach which was in great measure a contribution of Mao Tze-tung to Chinese Commu- nism. The press in Communist areas has even reported "bewilderment" and "confusion" among some peasants when they did not receive land as soon as "liberation" came. The Communist Party has ruled, however, that organization and indoctrination must come first, with early reduction of agrarian rent and interest rates to bring quick relief to the poorer peasants.

Mr. Sullivan is a correspondent of the New York Times, who was stationed in Shanghai until late in 1949. This report is largely based on material from official Chinese Communist sources appearing in the Chinese press and available through various press translation services in Shanghai.

In the Russian Revolution the peasants drove out the nobility on their own, sacking their manors be? fore the Gommunist Party extended its control to the countryside. When Lenin assumed leadership of the revolution he recognized this situation and called for immediate nationalization of the land and distribution

of equal shares to the peasants. The great estates were cut up into minute plots and hence food production fell off perilously. In Ghina the situation, of course, is entirely different; for one thing, farm lots are generally small to begin with. Nevertheless the Chinese Goin- munists are apparently trying to avoid the practical dis- advantages which the early Russian land reforms en- countered.

This may be because they have had more experience in actual problems of government than the Bolsheviks of 1917. In the days of the Kiangsi and Fukien soviets (1930-1935) the Chinese Gommunists carried on a radical program of class war against landlords, with

FEBRUARY 22, 1950 VOL XIX No. 4

IN THIS ISSUE

? Land Reform Plans in China

by Walter Sullivan

? Students in West Pakistan

by Ruth Caldwell Wright

? The Philippine Balance of Payments by Konrad Beklcer

and Charles Wolf, Jr.

33

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redistribution of land to the cultivators. After their

move to the northwest in 1935 and their negotiations with Chiang Kai-shek on united resistance to Japan, they adopted a much more moderate policy featuring reduction of rents but no redistribution of land (except of "traitor" landlords). Following the end of the war in 1945 the peasants in many Gommunist-controlled areas themselves demanded a settlement of scores with

landlords and the Party again shifted to a drastic pro? gram of dividing the land. The policy for newly-oc- cupied areas, however, is moderate in its initial stages.

Gradual Land Reform Outlined

This policy was explicitly set forth in the eight- point proclamation issued on April 25, 1949 to ac- company the great Yangtze crossing and the conquest of the southern half of Ghina. Signed by Mao Tze- tung as chairman of the People's Revolutionary Military Committee and by Chu Teh as Commander-in-chief of the People's Liberation Army, Point Seven of the proclamation read as follows:

The feudal landownership system in the rural areas is ir- rational, but it must be eliminated only after preparation and stage by stage. Generally speaking, reduction of rent and interest should be carried out first and land distribution later.

Moreover, the land problem can only be really solved after the People's Liberation Army has arrived and work has been carried on for a comparatively long time.

The masses of peasants should organize themselves, assist the People's Liberation Army to carry out all kinds of pre- liminary reform work, and at the same time exert their efforts to cultivate the land, maintain the present agriculture level and then to raise it step by step in order to improve the livelihood of the peasants and to supply the urban markets with grain for the population. Land and houses in the cities cannot be dealt with similarly to those in the rural areas.1

Thus the experience of the Russians and the marginal food problem in Ghina seern to be very much in the mind of the Chinese Communist leaders.

Even though, in the past eighteen months, the Party has shifted its emphasis from the countryside to the cities, its future success rests as much as anything else on organization and indoctrination of the peasants. Not only is this, in their view, essential to land reform, but only thus can the foundations of their new society and new policy be laid.

The organic law of the new government opens by stating that the "democratic dictatorship" is to be "led by the working class, based on the alliance of workers and peasants."2

The peasants are overwhelmingly the largest seg- ment of Chinese society. By tradition they have been

politically inactive. If they are to join with the urban proletariat to form the elite class of the new society they must be organized and indoctrinated.

Hence an unprecedented program of indoctrination is now under way. A Rural Service Corps has been recruited by the tens of thousands from students, veteran Party members, and others, to go into every village across the land. They are organizing the inhabitants into nationwide "Peasants' Associations" and expound- ing the land program of the new regime.

Politically conscious peasants have also been selected and are now in training to play leading roles in these associations. This gigantic program appears to be a special province of the Communist Party, which has in most cases publicly issued the directives, rather than local military governments.

Attention to Middle Peasants The most recent reports on actual land reform in-

dicate the following procedure. Middle-income pea? sants are to keep their property intact. That of rich farmers will be "requisitioned" (possibly with some compensation) and that of landlords confiscated out- right. Redistributed land will go to the landless or to those with only meager acreage.

This is in contrast to the more punitive measures taken against landlords sixteen years ago. In Decem- ber 1947 Mao Tze-tung wrote: "The mistake, com- mitted in Southern Kiangsi between 1933 and 1934, of distributing no land to landlords and poor land to rich peasants must not be repeated. . . . Finally, the middle peasants must be won over through satisfaction of their basic demands."3

The wooing of middle-level economic groups is typical of the policy developed by Mao for the interim stage which he named "New Democracy." In the treatise entitled China's New Democracy he wrote: "It [the government] will adopt certain measures to confiscate the land of big landlords and distribute it to the peasants who are without land or have too lit? tle of it." The objective, he said, was to realize the principle of Sun Yat-sen, "land to the tiller," and to end feudal relationships in the rural areas.

"This is different from establishing a socialist agri- cultural system," he wrote. "It only turns the land into the private property of the peasants. The economy

1 New China News Agency, April 26, 1949. This and other citations below are from the Agency's English Service.

2 New China News Agency, October 9, 1949.

3 Report to Central Executive Committee, Chinese Com? munist Party, December 25, 1947. Wang Ya-nan, writing in Hsin Chung Hua (New China Semi-monthly), Shanghai, October 1, 1949, said: "The most precious, albeit painful ex? perience they [the Communists] took with them on leaving the Soviet area was the fact that in their land reform they neglected the interests of the middle class farmers, something which proved a great obstruction to the progress of the Revolution."

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of the rich peasants' agriculture is allowed to run as usual."4

Collectivism is thus deferred until after the period of New Democracy gives way to the stage of socialism. Manchuria seems in many respects an exception, how? ever, since government enterprises almost monopolize that region and even enter the field of agriculture.

Seventeen state-run tractor farms have been officially reported in Manchuria, thirteen of them with over 2,000 hsiang (4,942 acres) cultivated. A total of 500 tractors was reported in Manchuria last October by the agricul? tural production director of the Northeast People's Government. In the tractor farms 55,000 acres of wheat, rice, soya beans, corn, kaoliang, and flax were being grown last summer, it was claimed, with 231 tractors for cultivation. Emphasis this year, it has been announced, will be on industrial crops such as cotton, hemp, and tobacco.

Organization of a huge state farm fifty miles north- west of Kalgan in Chahar province was announced August 23, 1949. Between 23,300 and 33,300 acres are to be ploughed this spring by over 200 tractors, it was said. Plans for another such farm in northern Chahar were also mentioned.

Reforms in Manchuria and East China Land reform has been completed in Manchuria and

its manner of accomplishment may throw light on what is to come elsewhere. It began in July 1946, in north Manchuria, where it was completed by Febru- ary 1948. By the spring of 1949 a similar land revolu? tion had run its course in south Manchuria.

In the north Manchurian phase even the clothes of the landlords were divided. During the three months ending in February 1948, 12,000 carts were mobilized to collect and distribute 5,200,000 pieces of landlords' clothing, 780 pounds of gold and over 31 tons of silver. These figures are from official reports.

When the Northeast Administrative Council of the

Chinese Communists dissolved on August 26, 1949, in favor of the newly-established Northeast People's Gov? ernment, the chairman of the outgoing council, Lin Feng, summed up the work of the past three years. In the field of land reform he said that a grand total of 6,200,000 acres had been parceled out. The north Manchurian peasants got an average of 1.16 acres apiece and those in south Manchuria averaged half an acre. Lin Feng said "most" received one horse.

In north Manchuria 408,000 horses and oxen were distributed, with priority given to the poor, it was

reported. In Hokiang?the one region for which such figures were given?there was only one draft animal available for every 5.7 tillers. Large families had a bet? ter chance of getting a horse or ox, however, since distribution was based on tillers and not on families

(as a means of de-emphasizing the family). Lin Feng said that 3,560,000 acres were under cultiva-

tion?not much more than half the lands distributed, an indication of the disruption of rural areas after the revolutionary war. As an incentive for farm produc? tion a "par crop" is fixed for each farm, 20 percent of which must be given to the government as tax. Any production above par is tax free.5

Several basic directives for the preparatory stages of agrarian reform in other parts of China were issued in September 1949. Their manner of issue illustrates the overt function of the Communist Party. On Septem? ber 12 such directives, giving procedure for agrarian rent and interest reduction, were issued by the Central Plains People's Government.

Less than a week later the East China Bureau of the

Chinese Communist Party issued similar regulations, plus a directive on formation of peasant associations. These two directives of the East China Bureau were

then passed out on a provincial level by the provincial bureaus of the Party. For example they were apparently issued at a concurrent conference of the Chekiang Bureau and by October 5 the Shantung Bureau had also announced its rural reform plan.

The bailiwick of the East China Bureau of the Com?

munist Party is a vast, densely populated and intensely cultivated region which extends, apparently, from just below Tientsin all the way down the coast to the borders of Kwangtung. In issuing its long directives of September 18 this Bureau said:

These draft regulations are now published so that they may serve as reference materials for the people's governments of various places in the East China area, conferences of peo? ple's representatives and conferences of peasants' delegates or their standing committees. It is hoped that all these organi- zations will discuss and adopt these draft regulations and that each of them will enact detailed regulations by taking into consideration the particular conditions in their respective districts.

Thus the Party plays an open role in guiding the government and other organs. The East China direc? tives provide the most detailed information available on steps preliminary to actual land redistribution and probably indicate the pattern for all China Proper, except old Communist areas.

4 China's New Democracy (Workers Library, New York, 1944), chap. IV. Originally printed in Chinese Culture, January 15, 1941, under title, "Politics and Culture of New Democracy."

5 Material on Manchurian land reform from New China

News Agency, September 11 and November 26, 1948; and July 21, August 23, and September 5, 1949. Also from Libera? tion Daily, Shanghai, October 5, 1949.

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Land rent cuts of from 25 to 30 percent were ordered in East Ghina. This applied to all rented farm lands including those providing income to government or- ganSj schoolSj and religious institutions. Those leased out by "middle-class" peasants., however, were exempt.

Cancellation of Debts

Arrears for rental prior to arrival of the Communists were canceled but other debts had to be paid no mat- ter how old.6 However, if interest rates were "usurious" only the principal need be paid. A rate higher than 15 percent a month was considered usurious.

Debts in East China owed to "war criminals or no-

torious oppressors" were canceled outright and their lands confiscated, subject to approval by the provincial people's government. The East China directives were put into practice., among other places, at a "Conference of Peasants' Delegates" held during November in Feng- hua County5 Chekiang, where Ghiang Kai-shek was born. The conferees set the average rent ceiling at 35 percent of the crop from the rented land.

Among other items on the agenda of this meeting was arraignment of twenty-eight landlords before the 2,000 delegates. Each had to apologize to his "victims" and one had to pay a fine of 100 bags of rice.T

Comparing the new regulations to the 25 percent rental reduction program of the Kuomintang^ a con- tributor to the Economics Weekly in Shanghai recently commented that the Kuomintang plan failed because it was administered by those who represented the in- terests of the landlords. The landlords got back what was taken away from them by collecting money "under various guises/' he said.8

6 This may indicate a change in policy from the Party's Basic Program of Agrarian Law, adopted on September 13, 1947, which provided that "all debts incurred in the country- side prior to the reform of the agrarian system are cancelled" (Art. 4).

7 Sin Wan Jih Pao, Shanghai, November 7, 1949. 8 Material on East Ghina directives primarily from: Lihera-

tion Daily, Shanghai, September 18; Economics Weekly, Shanghai, October 6, 1949.

In the latter article reference is made to the "Central

Plains People's Government." The status of that government at that date was obscure. It had been formed about mid-

March as the "Provisional People's Government of the Cen? tral Plains Liberated Area." As such it moved its capital from Kaifeng to Hankow in June. Its population was put at 55,000,000, bounded on the north by the Yellow River, on the south by the Yangtze, on the east by the Tientsin- Nanking railroad and on the west by the mountains of Shensi. By September Ghina had been redivided and part of this region was in the East Ghina Area under General Ghen Yi. The Gentral Ghina Area under the new breakdown

embraced Honan, Hupei, Hunan, and Kiangsi. Possibly the Gentral Plains government adjusted its boundaries to coincide with those of the Central Ghina Area.

As one of the prerequisites to land reform the pea- sants of Ghina are being organized into Peasant As- sociations of various levels, from village to provincial associations. Ultimately there will probably be an all- union federation of Peasant Associations in Peking.

Power of Peasant Associations By mid-November about 10 percent of the peasants

in south Kiangsu had been enrolled. This is an intensely cultivated region of Yangtze bottom land inland from Shanghai. In its populous counties of Soochow and Wusih membership ran about 60 percent according to official figures. In eighteen districts with an estimated population of 7,660,000 about 830,000 had been signed up, it was claimed.

Within this same area "positive" elements totaling 12,458 peasants had been selected and put into seventy- three training classes. Here they were being schooled to assume leading roles in organization of the peasantry.

According to Article III of the East China regula- tions for formation of such peasant associations mem? bership is limited to the following:

Farm hands, poor peasants, middle-class peasants, handi- craft workers in rural areas and all revolutionary elements of the intelligentsia dedicating themselves to service for the working peasants, irrespective of racial, sexual, religious and political differences, as long as they support the Regulation of the Association and apply for membership spontaneously.9

Barred from membership are "landlords, rich peasants and reactionaries." About 70 percent of those attending the organizational conference in south Kiangsu were classified as "poor peasants."

Mass meetings were held in many cities and towns in recent months at which, after explanation of the program by Communist Party leaders, preparatory committees for peasant associations were formed. Such a "conference of peasants' delegates," for example, was held in the public park at Wusih, a cotton-milling city west of Shanghai, from September 12 to 15. Over 1,000 delegates attended. The meeting opened with a fusillade of firecrackers and the playing of an army band. Local Communist leaders explained the objectives of the organization and then unanimous approval of its formation was presumably called for.

Lack of peasant organization was one of the reasons for delay in land reform, Jao Shu-shih, secretary of the Party's East Ghina Bureau, told a rally at Sungkiang in October. Other reasons he gave were the continued presence of straggling Kuomintang troops in the coun- tryside and the continuation in office of village officials dating from Nationalist days.

The current political activity of the peasants in forming associations and effecting rent reductions

9 See footnote 8.

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seems to be regarded?in football terms?as equivalent to a pre-season warmup game, with actual land dis? tribution scheduled for the end of the season.

The Shanghai Communist Party organ, Liberation Daily, listed as chief obstacles to organization of the peasants their "feudal loyalties" and unfamiliarity with political activity. This newspaper also cited instances of infiltration of landlords and rich peasants into the associations which tended to affect their "solidarity."

By hard work rural political workers have, how? ever, been able to heighten the peasants' "class con- sciousness" and make them "recognize the necessity of having their own revolutionary organizations," the paper said.10

The great army of political workers known as the Rural Service Corps has now been at work for several months, carrying the word to every accessible village. In East China this corps was generally organized from Party members, army men, students, and government staff workers. During July, under direct supervision of the Communist Party, 10,000 were recruited for this corps in south Kiangsu and a similar number were trained in Chekiang.

These workers have sifted into the countryside, lived with the peasants and lectured them. This writer was able to visit the farming country west of Shanghai during November. Even in a remote cluster of mud houses there appeared in one doorway?to stare at the passing foreigners?a round-faced girl looking still in her teens, with black bobbed hair and the uniform of the Rural Service Corps.

Boys and girls from the American-endowed Christian colleges are among those who joined the corps, some of them members of wealthy families. The traditional concept still lingers in China that students are an elite group, excused from physical labor. The Com? munists have tried to destroy this idea. The Corps members are told to live with and live like the pea? sants. For some city dwellers the adjustment has been too much and they have returned to Shanghai in quest of a desk job.

A number of long reports were printed in Shanghai newspapers, describing the trials and tribulations of the rural political workers. One, in the Ta Kung Pao, said in part:

When the workers assigned to Mei Tsun County [near Wusih] at first established their living quarters in the home of a local landlord, the masses of the peasantry were afraid of them altogether, and did not dare approach them.

The mistake was soon eorrected and the workers moved into

the slum areas in the midst of the poor. From that time on the peasants began to fraternize with them.

The spreading of rumors designed to frustrate the Corps by "landlords and other local riffraff" was de? scribed. The corps members were pictured as carpet-bag- gers, living off the fat of the land, or agents sent to seize all wealth and luxuries and to regulate every detail of the peasants' lives.

In some counties there was a shortage of food when corps members arrived; the peasants reportedly expected and demanded that the political workers provide the needed rice. Some of these political workers, in the countryside west of Shanghai, were ambushed and killed early in the summer, but no reports of such at? tacks have been noted since then.

In certain areas where Nationalist guerrillas re? mained the organizers have not just been bobbed-haired girls. The team assigned to Tehching hsien (county), for instance, was "an armed force consisting of some sixty members, together with a regiment of troops." Tehching is twenty miles north of Hangchow in Chekiang province.11

During the fighting against the Japanese, land re? form by the Chinese Communists almost came to a standstill. They could not afford at that time to disrupt their home base or to antagonize any segment of the population. On September 13, 1947, the Party con- cluded a special conference on land problems by adopt- ing a "Basic Program of Chinese Agrarian Law." The north Manchurian land program had already begun.

In August 1948 the Communists' territory began expanding so rapidly that they devised their interim plan of interest and rent reduction in newly-entered areas. This was reaffirmed in the Eight-Point Procla- mation which accompanied the Yangtze crossing.

Plans for Peking Area Land redistribution is going on, however, in certain

areas this winter. Around Peking full-scale reallocation is taking place. Plans for the Peking area were out- lined at a meeting of Party leaders held October 12. Following three months of already-completed "ex? perimental land reform" the main show was to start after autumn harvest and to be completed during the four winter months.

The steps were to be as follows: 1. Confiscate the property of landlords "most hated

by the masses."

2. Subdivide the rural population into classes (land? lords, rich peasants, middle peasants, poor peasants, craftsmen, etc.)

10 Material on organization of peasants primarily from: Liberation Daily, Shanghai, November 12, 1949; Liberation Daily, October 13, 1949; New China News Agency, October 17, 1949.

11 Material on Rural Service Corps primarily from: Ta Kung Pao, Shanghai, July 27 and October 5, 1949; Libera- tion Daily, Shanghai, August 16 and October 25, 1949.

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3. "Confiscate" remaining lands of landlords; "re- quisition" land of wealthy peasants. Lands of middle- class and poor peasants to remain intact.

4. Allocate the confiscated and requisitioned lands. "Landlords who rely on land for subsistence will also be allocated one share of land."12

To keep food flowing into the city, farms using modern equipment were exempted from this process. These regulations will result in equal landholdings by the peasants only if those exempted as "middle" pea? sants hold no more than the original average for the village.

According to the agrarian law program issued by the Communist Party in 1947 the redistribution was to be handled by the Peasants' Associations of each village and on a village basis. In each the seized land was to be "equally distributed." The program said that "with regard to quantity, surplus land shall be taken to relieve dearth; and with regard to quality, fertile land shall be taken to supplement infertile, so that all village in- habitants shall equally share the land."

However, if the exempt land of a middle-class pea? sant exceeds the total farm acreage of the village divided by the total number of those entitled to shares, it would appear that he would end up with more land than his neighbors.

Meanwhile in north China, east China, and other areas the winter is being used for an intensive educa? tional campaign in agrarian reform. According to a

directive of the North China People's Government (since dissolved) at the end of October this was to be the chief subject of teaching in newly-acquired terri? tories.13

It is reported that the Communists' land reform measures in different regions vary in "degree." Certain it is that the land problem and vestiges of feudalism that go with it vary tremendously between different parts of China.

Statistics on the land situation are widely disputed. One recent estimate said that only about 20 percent of the peasants own no land at all, but that the bigger landholders, forming 2 or 3 percent of the population, receive in rents 20 percent of the total national in? come. The Communists themselves claimed on October

10, 1947, that less than 10 percent of the rural popula? tion held about 70 or 80 percent of the land. The remainder of the peasants, totaling over 90 percent, they said, "hold a total of only approximately 20 to 30 percent of the land, and toil throughout the whole year, knowing neither warmth nor full stomachs."14

In November 1948 Mao Tze-tung estimated the area in which land reform had already taken place as having a population of about 100,000,000.15 The fact that land reallocation is taking place around Peking this winter, plus the widespread preparations elsewhere, indicate that by next winter the Chinese Communists may be ready to initiate this process across a large por? tion of the vast territory which is theirs.

Students in West Pakistan Politically active during the upheavals of partition and independence, students are now asked to eschew politics and sticlc to their classrooms.

BY RUTH CALDWELL WRIGHT

The present generation of college students in West ? Pakistan1 has lived through monumental changes in

the status of the country. The older ones started college in institutions which were empowered to offer instruc- tion by a Governor-General appointed by the British

Dr. Wright is Dean of Women at the College of the City of New York. She has recently completed an extensive tour of India and Pakistan, during which she visited some fifteen universities and sixty colleges.

1 This article does not include a discussion of educational affairs in East Pakistan. West Pakistan accounts for 85 percent of the country's total land area, although it has only 43 percent of the total population.

Crown. As it became clear that the British would with-

draw, a new government was foreshadowed by the op? position of Mohammed Ali Jinnah to a united country jointly controlled by Hindus and Moslems. Talking with groups of all kinds, including students, Jinnah described a new country which was to be the greatest of all Islamic nations. The Moslems, caught up by his enthusiasm, not only followed him but dreamed dreams that surpassed any that he had expressed. They were not deterred by

12 New Ghina News Agency as printed in Wen Hui Pao, Shanghai, October 16, 1949.

13 New China News Agency, October 23, 1949. 14 Chen Chen-han in Ching Chi Ping Lun (Economic

Critic Weekly), vol. 2, no. 21; Resolution by Central Com? mittee, Chinese Communist Party, on publication of the Basic Program of the Chinese Agrarian Law, October 10, 1947.

15 In article, "World Revolutionary Forces United against Imperialist Aggression," New China News Agency, November 6, 1948.

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