how to compare and contrast in 500 words

Contrasting Arguments on Economic Recovery Part 1 includes a comparison of speeches dealing with 1930s economic policies. Before reading the speeches, examine the setting by reading the “Annotation” section. After you read the speech, answer the questions for part one. Read the second speech and then answer the questions.

... This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief

that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed

efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has

met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you

will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.

...Values [of production] have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of

all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the

withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many

years in thousands of families are gone.

More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number

toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. ... Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it

languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed,

through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. …. Faced by

failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. ...

The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.

Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative

effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of ...profits. These dark days

will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to

ourselves and our fellow men.

. . .

Restoration calls, however, not only for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now.

Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and

courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would

treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to

stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources.

Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by

engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the

land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to

purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through

foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. In can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State and local

governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of

Annotation: In his first speech as the new president, Franklin Roosevelt, outlines many of the main goals of

the New Deal. He hints at plans to address banks and farms, but note the focus on the value of work.

Programs such as the Civil Works Administration and Public Works Administration hired millions of people.

Roosevelt believed that this would not only provide temporary jobs, but also the newly employed people

would spend money, fueling economic growth again. Unfortunately for Roosevelt, this did not impact the

unemployment problem as much as he hoped.

relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for

and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities which have definite public

character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it. We

must act and act quickly.

Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of

the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to

speculation with other people's money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.

. . .

It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly adequate to meet

the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for un-delayed action may

call for temporary departure from the normal balance of public procedure.

I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a

stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience

and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.

But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, and in the event that the national

emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for

the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great

as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invade by a foreign foe.

. . .

We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their

need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction

under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.

In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He protect each and every one of us. May

He guide me in the days to come.1

1. Who or what does Roosevelt blame for the financial problems?

2. How does he believe the economy can be fixed?

3. How does he view the role of President? Does he believe that the president must obey the will of Congress?

Speech Two:

People of America: In every community get together at once and organize a share-our-wealth society--Motto: Every man

a king

...

Simple and Concrete--Not an Experiment

To share our wealth by providing for every deserving family to have one third of the average wealth would mean that, at

the worst, such a family could have a fairly comfortable home, an automobile, and a radio, with other reasonable home

conveniences, and a place to educate their children. Through sharing the work, that is, by limiting the hours of toil so

1 Franklin D. Roosevelt, First Inaugural Address (National Archives Identifier 197333, March 1933)

Annotation: One of the biggest opponents to President Roosevelt's New Deal was Louisiana Senator Huey Long. The following is from his Share Our Wealth plan. It was a pamphlet that was recorded in Congress titled "Carry out the Command of the Lord."

that all would share in what is made and produced in the land, every family would have enough coming in every year to

feed, clothe, and provide a fair share of the luxuries of life to its members. Such is the result to a family, at the worst.

…. As it is, no matter how smart a man may be, everything is tied up in so few hands that no amount of energy or talent

has a chance to gain any of it.

Would it break up big concerns? No. It would simply mean that, instead of one man getting all the one concern made,

that there might be 1,000 or 10,000 persons sharing in such excess fortune, any one of whom, or all of whom, might be

millionaires and over.

I ask somebody in every city, town, village, and farm community of America to take this as my personal request to call a

meeting of as many neighbors and friends as will come to it to start a share-our-wealth society. Elect a president and a

secretary and charge no dues. The meeting can be held at a courthouse, in some town hall or public building, or in the

home of someone.

. . .

There is nothing wrong with the United States. We have more food than we can eat. We have more clothes and things

out of which to make clothes than we can wear. We have more houses and lands than the whole 120 million can use if

they all had good homes. So what is the trouble? Nothing except that a handful of men have everything and the balance

of the people have nothing if their debts were paid. There should be every man a king in this land flowing with milk and

honey instead of the lords of finance at the top and slaves and peasants at the bottom.

...

To explain the title, motto, and principles of such a society I give the full information, viz:

Title: Share-our-wealth society is simply to mean that God's creatures on this lovely American continent have a right to

share in the wealth they have created in this country. They have the right to a living, with the conveniences and some of

the luxuries of this life, so long as there are too many or enough for all. ...

Motto: "Every man a king" conveys the great plan of God and of the Declaration of Independence, which said: "All men

are created equal." It conveys that no one man is the lord of another, but that from the head to the foot of every man is

carried his sovereignty.

Now to cover the principles of the share-our-wealth society, I give them in order:

1. To limit poverty:

We propose that a deserving family shall share in our wealth of America at least for one third the average. An

average family is slightly less than five persons. The number has become less during depression. The United States

total wealth in normal times is about $400 billion or about $15,000 to a family.… We say that we will limit poverty

of the deserving people. One third of the average wealth to the family, or $5,000, is a fair limit to the depths we will

allow any one man's family to fall. None too poor, none too rich.

2. To limit fortunes:

The wealth of this land is tied up in a few hands. It makes no difference how many years the laborer has worked,

nor does it make any difference how many dreary rows the farmer has plowed, the wealth he has created is in the

hands of manipulators. They have not worked any more than many other people who have nothing. Now we do not

propose to hurt these very rich persons. We simply say that when they reach the place of millionaires they have

everything they can use and they ought to let somebody else have something....

3. Old-age pensions:

Everyone has begun to realize something must be done for our old people who work out their lives, feed and clothe

children and are left penniless in their declining years. They should be made to look forward to their mature years

for comfort rather than fear. We propose that, at the age of 60, every person should begin to draw a pension from

our Government of $30 per month, unless the person of 60 or over has an income of over $1,000 per year or is

worth $10,000, which is two thirds of the average wealth in America, even figured on a basis of it being frozen into

a few hands. Such a pension would retire from labor those persons who keep the rising generations from finding

employment.

4. To limit the hours of work:

This applies to all industry.... Machines can never produce too much if everybody is allowed his share, and if it ever

got to the point that the human family could work only 15 hours per week and still produce enough for everybody,

then praised be the name of the Lord. Heaven would be coming nearer to earth. All of us could return to school a

few months every year to learn some things they have found out since we were there: All could be gentlemen:

Every man a king.

5. To balance agricultural production with consumption:

About the easiest of all things to do when financial masters and market manipulators step aside and let work the

law of the Lord. When we have a supply of anything that is more than we can use for a year or two, just stop

planting that particular crop for a year either in all the country or in a part of it. Let the Government take over and

store the surplus for the next year. If there is not something else for the farmers to plant or some other work for

them to do to live on for the year when the crop is banned, then let that be the year for the public works to be

done in the section where the farmers need work. There is plenty of it to do and taxes of the big fortunes at the top

will supply plenty of money without hurting anybody. In time we would have the people not struggling to raise so

much when all were well fed and clothed. Distribution of wealth almost solves the whole problem without further

trouble.

6. To care for the veterans of our wars:

A restoration of all rights taken from them by recent laws and further, a complete care of any disabled veteran for

any ailment, who has no means of support.

7. Taxation:

Taxation is to be levied first at the top for the Governments support and expenses. Swollen fortunes should be

reduced principally through taxation. The Government should be run through revenues it derives after allowing

persons to become well above millionaires and no more. In this manner the fortunes will be kept down to

reasonable size and at the same time all the works of the Government kept on a sound basis, without debts.

Things cannot continue as they now are. America must take one of three choices, viz:

1. A monarchy ruled by financial masters--a modern feudalism.

2. Communism.

3. Sharing of the wealth and income of the land among all the people by limiting the hours of toil and limiting the

size of fortunes.

. . .

I introduced in Congress and supported other measures to bring about the sharing of our wealth when I first reached the

United States Senate in January 1932. The main efforts to that effect polled about six votes in the Senate at first. Last

spring my plan polled the votes of nearly twenty United States Senators, becoming dangerous in proportions to the

financial lords. Since then I have been abused in the newspapers and over the radio for everything under the sun. Now

that I am pressing this program, the lies and abuse in the big newspapers and over the radio are a matter of daily

occurrence. It will all become greater with this effort. Expect that. Meantime go ahead with the work to organize a

share-our-wealth society.

Sincerely,

Huey P. Long,

United States Senator.2

2 The Congressional Record, Feb. 5, 1934.

1. Who or what does Sen. Long blame for the financial problems?

2. How does Sen. Long believe the economy can be fixed?

Evaluate: Compare and Contrast the Evidence

1. What elements are in both President Roosevelt and Senator Long’s plans?

2. In what major ways are their plans different?

3. Which one presented the more logical plan (which one do you believe would work the best)? And why do you

believe that plan is better?

Part 2: Remember that the purpose of this assignment is to develop comparison and contrast skills. Read the

following viewpoints and then answer the questions.

View One3: We have always had a shiftless, never-do-well class of people whose one and only aim in life is to live without work. I have been rubbing elbows with this class for nearly sixty years and have tried to help some of the most promising and have seen others try to help them, but it can’t be done. We cannot help those who will not try to help themselves and if they do try, a square deal is all they need, and by the way that is all this country needs or ever has needed: a square deal for all and then, let each paddle their own canoe, or sink…. The women and children around here have had to work at the fields to help save the crops and several women fainted while at work and at the same time we couldn’t go up or down the road without stumbling over some of the reliefers, moping around carrying dirt from one side of the road to the other and back again, or else asleep. I live alone on a farm and have not raised any crops for the last two years as there was no help to be had. I am feeding the stock and have been cutting the wood to keep my home fires burning. There are several reliefers around here now who have been kicked off relief, but they refuse to work unless they can get relief hours and wages, but they are so worthless no one can afford to hire them. As for the clearance of the real slums, it can’t be done as long as their inhabitants are allowed to reproduce their kind. I would like for you to see what a family of that class can do to a decent house in a short time. Such a family moved into an almost new, neat, four-room house near here last winter. They even cut down some of the shade trees for fuel, after they had burned everything they could pry loose…I will not try to describe their filth for you would not believe me. They paid no rent while there and left between two suns [sic] owing everyone from whom they could get nickels worth of anything. They are just a fair sample of the class of people on whom so much of our hard earned tax money is being squandered and on whom so much sympathy is being wasted…. Is it any wonder the taxpayers are discouraged by all this penalizing of thrift and industry to reward shiftlessness, or that the whole country is on the brink of chaos?

View Two4:

…One hears a good deal about “relief psychology” these days—that if it were all direct relief, with no work, thousands would never apply. No social worker out in the field would deny this. Through work the stigma has to some extent been removed from relief. Into every relief office in the country have come applicants, not for relief but for jobs. More of them than you would perhaps believe have shaken their heads and turned away when informed that it was really relief. Without doubt there are many thousands of families on work relief in this country who would not have applied had they not been able to call it—to themselves at any rate—“a job.” But when one hears the testimony of clinical doctors, school nurses, teachers, and social workers that the “marginal families” –those who haven’t yet come on relief—are

3 Minnie A. Harden (Columbus, Ind) to Mrs. F.D.Roosevelt, December 14, 1937, as reprinted in McElvaine, Robert, ed. Down and Out in the Great Depression: Letters from the Forgotten Man. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1983, 145-147. 4 Report Summary, Lorena Hickock to Harry Hopkins, January 1, 1935, Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, Federal Relief Agency Papers, FERA-WPA Narrative Field Reports, Surveys by Investigators, 1934-1938.

really worse off than those on relief, one wonders how long these people could have held out after all…This from a doctor in a medical hygiene clinic in Providence, R.I.: “most people we see are not on relief, but are starving. Many of these are white collar people and people in the skilled labor class who avoid relief, whose pride remains stronger than hunger. The result on the children is malnutrition and a neurotic condition produced by hearing and being constantly part of parental fear. The child grows obsessed with the material problems of the home and mentally shoulders them, and the nervous system cracks.” ….a FERA investigator a few weeks ago sent this poem from a town in Ohio. It was written by an 18-year-old boy:

We are the men who rise the swaying freights, We are the men whom Life has beaten down, Leaving for death nought but the final pain, Of degradation, Men who stand in line An hour for a bowl of watered soup, Grudgingly given, savagely received. We are the Ishmaels, outcasts of the earth, Who shrink before the sordidness of Life And cringe before the filthiness of Death. Will there not come a great, a glittering Man, A radiant leader with a heavier sword To crush to earth the enemies who crush Those who seek food and freedom on the roads? We care not if their flag be white or red, Come, ruthless Savior, messenger of God, Lenin or Christ, we follow Thy bright sword.

Evaluate: Compare and Contrast

1. What complaints does Minnie Harden make to the First Lady, and why does she make them?

2. What picture emerges from the field report, including the poem included at the end of the report?

3. How do you account for the differences between the two views?

Submit answers to part one and two, typed, on one file. Load this into the 1930 Views Q&A link. 20 points

Part 3: Study the current debates on Universal Basic Income. Use the link provided below (you may need to log in to

the library), then read for comprehension about the proponents of UBI, opponents, and history of welfare. Again, pay

attention to contrasting views, evidence, weaknesses of arguments, etc.

UBI: https://0-icof-infobaselearning-com.libcat.sanjac.edu/recordurl.aspx?wid=99140&ID=18812

Taxing Millionaires: https://0-icof-infobaselearning-com.libcat.sanjac.edu/recordurl.aspx?wid=99140&ID=2719

ESSAY: Using all sources in this assignment (speeches in part one, viewpoints in part two, secondary arguments in part

three) develop a 500-word essay addressing the following prompt:

Economic instability continues to hold a central position in national politics. Issues debated during the 1930s Great

Depression regularly resurface in heated discussions between elected officials and experts alike. How do the speeches,

policies, and viewpoints of the Great Depression era influence your thinking about the current debates on Universal

Basic Income and taxing millionaires? Does society think the government has a responsibility to provide for its citizens?

Did people think this in the 1930s? Did your thinking about these economic positions change after reading and studying

these sources, or did your position stay the same? Explain what information most influenced your changing viewpoint

or your renewed conviction in your original position. Save the essay for part three and load this file into the

Contrasting Views Essay link. 80 points