There are 3 prompts. Each one should be a successful academic essay, from introduction to conclusion. Use the article to provide at least one quote from relevant text. Please give the outlines of each one before the essay. In the beginning of the quarter

Rap and Race: It's Got a Nice Beat, but What about the Message? Author(s): Rachel E. Sullivan Source: Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 33, No. 5 (May, 2003), pp. 605-622 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3180978 Accessed: 31-10-2017 21:51 UTC

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RAP AND RACE

It's Got a Nice Beat, But What

About the Message?

RACHEL E. SULLIVAN University of Connecticut

This article examines adolescents' attitudes toward rap music, specifically

racial differences in Black and White adolescents' perceptions of rap. Rap

critics have long touted the allegedly deleterious effects of rap, but few

researchers have asked fans themselves how rap has affected them. This

study uses a survey of 51 adolescents in a Midwestern city to examine racial

differences in preferences for and interpretations of rap music. Survey

results indicate that racial differences in the popularity of rap music are lim-

ited. However, further questions reveal that African American youth are

more committed to rap music and are more likely to see rap music as life

affirming. Although both groups appear to have favorable opinions of rap,

their commitment to it and its significance in their lives varies by race.

Keywords: hip-hop; rap music; race; Black/African American studies;

White youth; music/media effects; Black youth

RACE AND RAP'S ROOTS

Rap music emerged in the mid-1970s in New York City. Since

that period, it has grown from a New York phenomenon to a main-

stay of popular music in the United States and around the world

(McGregor, 1998). Most of the research on rap music explores its

history and development as a social movement (Rose, 1991, 1994)

and analyzes the content of lyrics (Henderson, 1996; Martinez,

1993, 1997; Pinn, 1999). Although these studies have contributed

to our understanding of hip-hop, they are more focused on music

artists and less on rap fans.' Thus, this article marks a departure

JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES, Vol. 33 No. 5, May 2003 605-622

DOI: 10.1 177/0021934703251108

? 2003 Sage Publications

605

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606 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / MAY 2003

from much of the research because it focuses mostly on rap's listen-

ers and their interpretations of rap, specifically racial differences in

adolescents' opinions of rap.

In its early years, rap's fans were primarily Black and Latino;

however, the 1980s saw the popularity of rap music expand dramat-

ically. Artists such as Run DMC, LL Cool J, Salt N' Pepa, and the Beastie Boys all gained popularity not only with urban African

Americans and Latinos but also with White adolescents outside the

inner city (Rose, 1994). By the late 1980s, rap was no longer

viewed as a fad but as a distinctive musical form. In spite of the

increasing numbers of White rap fans, many people still viewed rap

consumers as African American.2

How these fans interpret and reinterpret rap music and how

important rap music is in their lives have not been thoroughly

explored. Furthermore, studies on the potential differences that

racial/ethnic groups may have are often limited in much of the liter-

ature. Given the racialized political themes in rap (Martinez, 1997),

it is possible that rap's White fans may see rap in a different light.

They may also try to avoid listening to rap that involves a more

explicit critique of racism.

During the 1980s, genres of rap became more noticeable, and

many rappers turned to more overtly political themes.3 They

addressed gang violence, police brutality, and other politically

charged issues, such as poverty and racism (Martinez, 1997). The

more politically oriented rap became very popular in the late 1980s

and early 1990s (Rose, 1991), a period that some refer to as the golden era of rap (Powell, 2000). The group Public Enemy was at

the forefront of this movement with songs like "Fight the Power," "By the Time I Get to Arizona," and "911 is a Joke" (Drayton,

Shocklee, & Sadler, 1990; Ridenhour, Shocklee, & Sadler, 1991;

Shocklee, Sadler, & Ridenhour, 1989), all of which addressed the effects of White racism in the United States (Rose, 1991, 1994).

Even "gansta rappers" injected political views into their music; for

example, Ice Cube's (1991) "How to Survive in South Central" crit- icizes the Los Angeles Police Department's treatment of African Americans.4

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Sullivan / RAP AND RACE 607

Although more overtly political rap lost popularity in the mid-

1990s, some critical discourse is still embedded in the lyrics of

many recent rap songs. Nevertheless, rap's more critical voices

have been marginalized in recent years. Some say that corporate

control and marketing have deadened hip-hop's political edge

(Powell, 2000). Rather than offering a critique of the postindustrial

United States, which was more evident in early rap (Rose, 1994), rap's critical voice has faded into the background. Even though this

may not be directly connected to rap's widening and "Whitening"

audience, it is probably not coincidental.

From the start, the public viewed hip-hop culture and rap music

through a racist lens. Rappers and rap fans were often portrayed as

menacing Black adolescents, and rap music was vilified as violent

and misogynistic (Feagin, Vera, & Batur, 2001; Rose, 1994). As

Rose (1994) noted, rap music has both overt and covert political

dimensions: "Rap's poetic voice is deeply political in content and spirit, but its hidden struggle-that of access to public space and

community resources and the interpretation of Black expression-

constitutes rap's hidden politics" (p. 145). She also pointed out the

"struggle between rappers' counter-dominant speech and the exer-

cise of institutional and discursive power against them." Rose

(1994) highlighted the role of institutional racism leveled against

rappers, who were given poor record contracts and forced into

recording divisions that had smaller budgets. Moreover, these same

acts found it nearly impossible to put together concert tours

because insurance companies refused to insure their concerts.

These companies argued that rap acts were a great risk because of

their allegedly violent fans (Rose, 1994). Thus, the struggle for rap

artists and fans to gain respect has taken place in the context of per- vasive, institutionalized White racism.

Of particular interest are the criticisms leveled by White politi-

cians, almost all of whom viewed rap as producing potential vic-

timizers. Vice President Dan Quayle attacked rapper Tupac Shakur

for promoting violence. President George H. W. Bush also voiced

his antirap (anti-Black) sentiments when he criticized Ice-T and

Body Count's song "Cop Killer" (Rose, 1994). (Ironically, neither

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608 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / MAY 2003

politician had heard these albums; in fact, Dan Quayle did not even

pronounce Tupac's name correctly, and Bush failed to realize that

Body Count was in fact a heavy metal group.) President Bill

Clinton also leveled similar charges at rapper Sista Souljah, argu-

ing that she advocated killing Whites (Feagin et al., 2001). Other

well-known political figures, such as Bob Dole and Supreme Court

nominee Robert Bork, have also added their own critiques of rap

music (Ogbar, 1999). All these criticisms of rappers were made by

politicians in a highly racialized (racist) context. Even though

many of their criticisms may have relayed legitimate concerns

about violence, their discussions also appealed to fears that these

rappers would somehow incite violence among Black youth; more-

over, they appealed to Whites' fears of Black youth.

Rap music has long been the target of criticism from the popular

media, White politicians, and even some older African Americans.

Often, antirap sentiments are thinly veiled anti-Black comments. Moreover, these antirap comments are often framed differently

from those attacking White musicians, as Binder's (1993) analysis

of media accounts indicates. Her study indicated that White heavy

metal fans were viewed as potential victims of the music, whereas

predominantly Black rap fans were viewed by media outlets as

potential victimizers.

A small number of African American leaders have also criti-

cized rap on similar grounds. C. Deloris Tucker and Reverend Cal-

vin Butts have both argued that rap music promotes violence and

misogyny and have publicly criticized rap music on these grounds

(Ogbar, 1999; Rose, 1994). White media outlets, possibly in search

of African Americans to make criticisms, have quickly picked up Black leaders' criticisms.

In the new millennium, critics from within the hip-hop commu-

nity have argued that many contemporary artists have abandoned

antiracism messages and focused instead on money and sexual exploits (Powell, 2000). They go on to say that corporate control and the desire to reach a "wider and Whiter" audience has led rap

away from overtly antiracist sentiments. Although hip-hop artists have always been diverse and self-critical (Ogbar, 1999), criticism

from within hip-hop seems to have increased in recent years.

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Sullivan / RAP AND RACE 609

Although many leaders have argued about the effects of rap on

its fans, studies exploring effects of rap are few. This is partly

because the small body of research on hip-hop focuses more on art-

ists, lyrical content, and the history of hip-hop. Moreover, any

social differences (gender, age, race, social class, etc.) in fans that

could be correlated with influence are generally overlooked.

RACE AND RAP'S AUDIENCE

Debates regarding the effects of rap music are missing one very

critical voice-that of fans. While politicians and other community

leaders argue over "how corrupting" rap can be and researchers

look at the themes and history of the music, few people speak

directly to rap fans asking them what they feel about rap and how

important it is in their lives.

In spite of the criticism, the popularity of rap continues to grow.

Billboard's top 100 albums of April 11, 1998, included 13 rap

albums, whereas Billboard's top 100 albums of January 20, 2001,

included 21 rap acts.5 Given the tremendous increase in rap's popu-

larity, it is evident that rap's White audience has grown dramati-

cally. In the early 1990s, Public Enemy's Chuck D estimated that

60% of his audience was White (Rose, 1994). However, it is very

difficult to make any precise estimates of the racial makeup of the

rap audience because no specific information has been collected.

Even though many people have made claims about rap music

and its effect on its listeners, research on music effects generally

focuses on young Whites and their attitudes about rock and roll,

punk, or heavy metal (Arnett, 1992, 1993, 1995; Fox, 1987; Gold,

1987; Rosenbaum & Prinsky, 1991; Roe, 1995; Snow, 1987; Stack,

Gundlach, & Reeves, 1994). Jonathon Epstein's (1994) collection

of essays, Adolescents and Their Music: If It's Too Loud, You're

Too Old, does include 1 essay on rap music, but this is surrounded

by 13 other essays all dealing with rock and heavy metal.

Many of the studies analyzing rap have been more qualitative

and theoretical, focusing on the role of rap music in popular culture

(Fenster, 1995; Martinez, 1997) and its use as a form of resistance

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610 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / MAY 2003

(Berry, 1994; Martinez, 1993; Pinn, 1996; Rose, 1991). However,

these studies did not examine multiracial samples and did not ask

specific questions focusing on the attitudes of rap's audience.

One study by Epstein, Pratto, and Skipper (1990) analyzed the

relationship between behavior problems and preference for rap and

heavy metal music. This study indicates that preference for heavy

metal and rap was highly correlated with race: 96% of those who

preferred heavy metal were White, and 98% of those who preferred

rap were Black. In addition, they found that preference for both

forms of music was not associated with behavior problems.

Three studies have focused on young people's opinions of rap.

One study written by Berry (1994) concluded that rap helps low

income African American youth develop empowering beliefs that

help them connect with their culture and develop positive identities.

However, the weakness of this study is that it does not give a

detailed analysis of students' responses or the questions students

were asked, so it is difficult to gain a thorough understanding of the

students' attitudes. Moreover, the sample only included low-

income African Americans in an Upward Bound program.

The second study from American Demographics magazine

reported on a survey conducted by Teenage Research Unlimited

(Spiegler, 1996). This study revealed that 58% of those younger

than 18 years and 59% of those 18 to 20 years liked or strongly liked

rap. This study also found that several fashions associated with hip-

hop were considered "in" by 12- to 19-year-olds. Seventy-eight

percent of adolescents said that baggy clothes were in, 76% said pro

sports apparel was in, and 69% said hooded sweatshirts were in.

The author argued that rap has expanded the market for White designers such as Tommy Hilfiger and DKNY; moreover, style of

dress has become a way for Whites to connect with Blacks without

actually having any face-to-face contact. Although this indicates

that there are racial differences, those differences were not the

focus of the survey.

Finally, the most detailed study of rap's effect on adolescents

was conducted by Kuwahara (1992). This study found that 13.3%

of Black college students listened to rap all the time, and 29.7% lis- tened to rap often. Kuwahara also found that Black men had a stron-

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Sullivan / RAP AND RACE 611

ger preference for rap than Black women. The analysis of White

college students revealed that 51.6% of White men and 68.9% of

White women seldom or never listened to rap. When the two groups

were compared, White students demonstrated less knowledge of

rap acts regardless of their preference for rap music. However,

Whites and Blacks did not differ much in their reasons for listening

to rap. Both groups preferred the beat most and the message sec-

ond. Drawing on qualitative responses from Black students,

Kuwahara argued that rap music and the styles of dance associated

with it serve as forms of resistance to the dominant culture. How-

ever, findings from this study may be dated. Rap's popularity has

increased significantly since 1992, and the White audience for rap

has increased (The Source, 1998).

Because of the rapid change in rap's popularity, it is necessary to

reevaluate youth's attitudes toward rap. More literature on rap is

also needed because the current writings are few and many theoreti-

cal claims have not been substantiated through empirical work.

METHOD AND HYPOTHESES

To explore the relationship between racial identity and prefer-

ence for rap music, I conducted surveys in a small Midwestern city.

I approached teenagers on a Saturday afternoon in a local mall and

asked them to fill out a brief survey about the music they listened to.

In creating this survey, I developed four major hypotheses related to

racial differences in adolescents' reactions to and interpretations of

rap music.

First, I predicted that Black adolescents would have stronger

preferences for rap music than White adolescents. Given the high

percentage of African American rappers and rap's history of articu-

lating concerns of Black youth, I expected that young African

Americans would like rap music more than Whites. Moreover, at

least two prior studies found this (Epstein et al., 1990; Kuwahara,

1992).

For the second hypothesis, I expected that Black respondents

would be more likely to agree with the statements, "Rap is a truthful

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612 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / MAY 2003

reflection of society," "I find myself wearing clothes similar to rap-

pers," and "I find myself using words or phrases similar to rappers."

If Kuwahara's 1992 study is still accurate and Black students like

rap music more than their White counterparts, then I expect that

Black adolescents will incorporate rap music and rap acts into their

everyday life to a greater extent than White adolescents.

Next, I hypothesized that Black adolescents would listen to a

wider variety of rap acts. In spite of rap's increasing popularity with

Whites, I expected that Black adolescents will still be more knowl-

edgeable about rap acts (Kuwahara, 1992).

Finally, I expected that Whites (who are rap fans) would be most

likely to say that rap has affected their opinions about racism. If rap

does act as an interracial socializer, then it may very well be that

White fans learn about the effects of racism and discrimination

through rap music. White adolescents may also be more affected

because African American adolescents are more likely to have

many more sources, such as parents, religious leaders, or peers,

through whom they learn about racism. On the other hand, White

adolescents are probably less likely to hear about racism through

peers and family members; therefore, they may be most affected by

rap. Although the study was generally guided by hypotheses, I also

put an open-ended question at the end of the survey, asking rap fans

why they listened to rap, which was designed to give the respon-

dents an opportunity to express their feelings outside of the narrow

categories that I previously provided.

FINDINGS

The response rate was very high: Only 3 adolescents refused to

participate in the study. There were a total of 51 respondents-21 Blacks, 17 Whites, 7 Latinos, and 6 who marked other categories.

Nineteen of the respondents were girls and 32 were boys, and the mean age of respondents was 16 years old. The questionnaire included 13 questions. Participants were asked their age, gender,

and race as basic demographic questions. Then they were asked how much they liked rap on a scale ranging from 10 (It's myfavor-

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Sullivan / RAP AND RACE 613

ite music) to 1 (I don't like it at all). Participants were also asked

how many hours they listened to rap and which three rap artists they

listen to most. The next 4 questions asked how rap had influenced

them, and the final, open-ended question asked those who listened

to rap why they listened.

Rap music appeared to be very popular within the sample. Over-

all, students rated rap 7.98 on the 10-point scale. The mean rating

was 8.57 for Blacks, 7.18 for Whites, and 8.29 for Latinos.6 How-

ever, the difference between racial groups was not statistically sig-

nificant.7 What was most surprising was that 22 of the respondents

gave rap a 10, saying that it was their favorite music. Within this

group, racial differences were more evident: 13 of these respon-

dents were Black, 3 were Latino, 4 were White, and 2 marked mul-

tiple racial categories or no category.8 This does provide some evi-

dence that rap is more popular with African Americans; however,

the difference did not appear to be significant in this sample.

Overall, respondents registered slight agreement with the state-

ment, "Rap is a truthful reflection of society." Moreover, there were

not strong racial differences. African Americans had a mean of 3.3,

and Whites had a mean 3.1 (on a 5-point scale where 5 represented

strongly agree). So the hypothesis that Blacks would be more likely

to agree with this statement was not confirmed. However, another

finding did come out of this particular question. Those who were

rap fans were much more likely to agree that rap is a truthful reflec-

tion of society.9

The hypotheses that African Americans were more likely to

agree with the statements, "I find myself wearing clothes similar to

rappers"" and "I find myself using words or phrases similar to rap-

pers" were supported. Black adolescents were much more likely to

report wearing clothes similar to rappers, and they were somewhat

more likely to say that they used words similar to rappers. Only 1

White respondent agreed that he wore clothes similar to rappers;

however, 8 Whites reported that they used words or phrases similar

to rappers.

White fans were more likely to say that rap had affected their

opinion about racism than Black fans. However, what was even

more interesting was that the overall agreement for Whites, regard-

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614 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / MAY 2003

less of whether they were fans, was higher than that of African

Americans. Even though there were racial differences in agreement

with this statement, overall the respondents moderately disagreed;

they did not believe rap has had much of an effect on their opinions

about racism.

The two open-ended questions in the survey provided the most

interesting answers. They were used to address the third hypothesis

that Black adolescents would be more knowledgeable about rap. I

asked the respondents to name their three favorite rap acts, and pro-

vided them with three blanks. African Americans did name a wider

variety of rap acts; they named a total of 27 different acts, and only 3

answers were left blank. In contrast, White adolescents named only

15 different acts, and left 14 blanks. Racial differences in whom

adolescents named as their favorite rap acts were small. 1

Although I formulated no hypotheses about racial differences in

reasons for listening to rap music, some differences were evident.

Whites, particularly young women, were much more likely to say

that they listened to rap because it had a "nice beat." Black adoles-

cents gave more diverse responses, and the most common response

was variations of "I like it." However, a significant number of Afri-

can American adolescents gave responses that indicated that rap

was an affirmation of their experiences. The following five

responses were indicative of these responses:

Teach me things or tell me things about life. (Black male, 17)

Because it hits home, when I listen to it it's something I can relate to. (Black male, 18)

Because it tells the truth about how us Black people live being raised in the ghetto. (Black female, 15)

Because I like the way it sounds and some rapper just tell the truth and the way things really are. (Black female, 17)

Mostly because of the way they talk and state about people's real

life. (Black female, 13)

Only one White respondent had a similar response:

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Sullivan / RAP AND RACE 615

Because some of the things the rappers rap about is the same type of shit that happens in everyday life to sombody [sic] from the hood. (White male, 18)

Even the response by this 18-year-old White male is written in

third person, indicating some distance between this young man and

"sombody [sic] from the hood."

These statements indicate that there are some racial differences

in why African Americans and Whites listen to rap and how knowl-

edgeable they are about rap. Unfortunately, the methodology lim-

ited the ability to probe on many of these questions, which could

have provided more detailed answers and revealed more specific

racial differences.

Overall, this survey indicates that the racial gap in adolescents'

desirability ratings for rap is closing. Nevertheless, racial differ-

ences in adolescents' perceptions of rap still exist. However, this

survey is primarily exploratory. It does not include a random sam-

ple and does not allow us to further explore how Whites and Blacks

are affected by and committed to rap."

RAP'S RACIAL IMPLICATIONS

The most striking finding from this study is that the racial gap in

preference for rap music is closing. Unlike the previous research

(Epstein et al., 1990), this study shows that preference for rap was

not significantly different for Blacks and Whites; however, this

may be misleading. Black adolescents named more rap artists and

were more likely to say that they wore clothes like rappers and used

words or phrases similar to rappers. Moreover, African Americans

were more likely to say that they listened to rap because it was

truthful and taught them about life. Although White adolescents

say they like rap, many of the White respondents in this survey had

difficulty naming three rap artists, which indicated that they did not have a high level of commitment to the music. Rap may only be a fad and a phase, as indicated by this statement given when a respon-

dent was asked why he listened to rap:

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616 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / MAY 2003

I used to but now I don't anymore. (White male, 16)

The responses to the open-ended questions on the survey sup-

port the idea that African Americans have higher commitment to

rap. The wider variety of rap acts Black adolescents listed provides

evidence that they have a broader knowledge of rap. Some of the

White respondents' answers to the question, "Why do you listen to

rap?" indicated that Whites were listening to rap because it has a

"good beat," so the message of the music was not as important as

the sound. This leads me to believe that although Black and White

adolescents are saying that they like rap, they may be getting two

different messages from the same music. Many young African

Americans appear to be looking at rap for its messages about life

and its aesthetically pleasing sound, yet Whites seem to be listening

almost exclusively because of the aesthetically pleasing sound. In

many ways, these findings support Berry's (1994) and Martinez's

(1997) arguments that rap is a form of resistance. Although young

African American rap fans are not arguing that rap leads them into

social protest, they seem to be indicating that it offers a counter-

dominant message that they use as an affirmation of their

experiences.

Not only are rap music and hip-hop culture a potential form of

resistance, they may also have broad-reaching implications for

identity development and maintenance. Although many may see

music as a passing phase, it is often a source of information about

one's group (or other groups), and it can also be a (re)affirmation of

one's identity. This could be particularly true for young African

Americans, who are less likely to have their experiences reflected in the dominant culture.

Therefore, future research needs to examine not just how much

adolescents report they like to rap but their knowledge and commit- ment to the music. Furthermore, the extent to which Black and

White adolescents are getting different messages from the same rap songs must be clarified.

Because so many young Whites listen to rap, future research

should also focus on rap as an interracial socializer. Whites in this study (who were fans) indicated that rap had affected their opinions

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Sullivan / RAP AND RACE 617

about racism. The survey did not measure how rap had affected

their opinions of racism or how it has affected their opinions of

African Americans more generally. However, rap as an interracial

socializer may be detrimental for many reasons. First, many Whites

who listen to rap may be motivated by curiosity. Rap may allow

White adolescents to satisfy their curiosities without ever having

face-to-face contact or interpersonal relationships with any African

Americans, so rap can be a way for Whites to vicariously learn

about African Americans. They may be able to satisfy curiosities

about African Americans and even mimic what they may see as

African American life without having an understanding or appreci-

ation of African American experiences. Second, rap music does not

reflect the diversity of African Americans. Rap often operates from

the perspectives of young, urban, Black men. White adolescents

may get a picture of African American life that is not inclusive of

those who are older, from rural areas, or female (or other important

social characteristics). The third reason this could be detrimental is

because it may perpetuate prejudices, particularly the view that African Americans are materialistic and hedonistic, which could

inadvertently promote stereotypes more than it dismantles them.

Although rappers themselves are not fully accountable for how

their music is interpreted, many fans may not be accessing alterna-

tive sources of information about African Americans. In addition,

many rap songs are fictional and do not even represent the artists'

true beliefs or those beliefs of African Americans in general. Rap,

like any other cultural product, is also subjected to corporate con-

trol, which could potentially limit antiracist messages because

those messages may not be as economically profitable.

I am not making the case that rap sends only negative messages

to White adolescents. Many artists do have images that are less ste-

reotypical (Ogbar, 1999); however, those voices are often less com-

mercially successful. Rap would probably be best when combined with other forms of interracial socialization, particularly in a soci-

ety that has been built on racism, sexism, and capitalism. Daily

interactions or interactions that are not from media could be

beneficial.

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618 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / MAY 2003

One of the more interesting findings in this study is the overall

agreement with the statement that rap is a truthful reflection of soci-

ety.12 Future research has many questions to answer in this respect.

If adolescents agree that rap is a truthful reflection of society, do

they value rappers' opinions about political and social issues?

Moreover, it is important to understand what aspects of rap adoles-

cents think are truthful. Do young people believe what rappers say

about topics such as gender, sexuality, racism, police brutality,

wealth, and poverty? This may be very difficult to ascertain, given

the ambivalence and the great diversity found within rap. This also

has practical applications for political organizers who want to

mobilize the hip-hop generation.

Rap music research has a very promising future. There is little

work in this field, so virtually any aspect of rap music is open to

research. Moreover, rap music and hip-hop culture are the products

of the first generation to be raised in the postindustrial era (Rose,

1994). Research on racial formations and their effects on the post-

baby-boomer generations need to be pursued further given the

unique technological and social changes experienced by the hip-

hop generation.13

Although this article focuses primarily on racial differences,

future studies can focus on several other areas. Factors such as gen-

der, class, age, and urbanicity affect the production and consump-

tion of rap and preferences for rap. The area of racial differences

also needs to be explored further. Many of the responses to this sur-

vey need elaboration. Precisely why and how there are racial differ-

ences in consumption of rap can be identified through in-depth

interviews. In addition, rap's effects on Latinos also need to be ana-

lyzed. Latino rappers, such as Mellow Man Ace, Kid Frost, Fat Joe,

Cuban Link, and Cypress Hill (who have Black and Hispanic mem-

bers), have made strong contributions to hip-hop, and much research, including this, does not explore Latino opinions. The role

of rap as a form of interracial socialization should also be analyzed

because such a large number of White adolescents are listening to rap, even those who are not fans cannot help being exposed to at

least some rap. Adolescents' interpretations of rap songs must also

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Sullivan / RAP AND RACE 619

be examined so researchers can better understand what they are lis-

tening to and why they think it is important or unimportant. Finally,

more research must be done because rap is constantly changing.

Even though rap music is a relatively new phenomenon, it con-

tinues to expand. The current market for rap and hip-hop products

is a lucrative business. What started out in the Bronx has spread

nationwide. Although rap music is reaching a multiracial audience,

this research indicates that Black and White adolescents are influ-

enced by rap in different ways. These differences need to be further

examined and interpreted.

NOTES

1. It is important here to explain the difference between the term rap and hip-hop. In the

movie Rhyme and Reason (Block, Spirer, & Sollinger, 1997), rapper KRS-One defines hip-

hop as the cultural phenomenon that appeared in the mid- to late 1970s. Hip-hop culture is

primarily organized around the experiences of urban, minority youth, and the primary

expressions of hip-hop culture include rapping, break dancing, and graffiti art (Rose, 1994).

Some also include DJing as the fourth pillar of hip-hop. So, rap music is a form of expression

used by people within the hip-hop community or culture.

2. It is interesting to note that the Puerto Rican members of the early hip-hop culture

were ignored and forgotten by the popular media and many later rap fans.

3. It is very difficult to make clear distinctions between the genres of rap. Some divide

rap into East Coast and West Coast. East Coast rap generally comes from New York, and

West Coast rap comes from Los Angeles and its surrounding cities. Dividing rap by coast has

some merit because most rappers come from these cities, but it fails to address differences in

rap beyond geographic subcultures. Moreover, the division also ignores the recent ascen-

dance of rappers from the South. Others have used the terms old school and new school-old

school rap would be anything before the late 1 980s, and new school anything after that point.

Rap has also been classified as gansta rap, political rap, dance rap, fast rap (The Source,

1998), and gospel rap. We would also argue that materialistic rap and bravado rap should also

be added to the list of rap genres.

4. Ice Cube and other rappers have long been critical of the Los Angeles Police Depart-

ment, which seems quite appropriate given the recent revelations about police brutality and

misconduct in that department.

5. Artists such as Snoop Doggy Dogg, Tupac, Notorious B.I.G., Eminem, and others

have produced multiplatinum records.

6. Because there were only 7 Latinos in the study, it is difficult to make any accurate generalizations.

7. All tests of statistical significance were conducted using chi-square. Results are sig- nificant if they have a p value of .05 or less.

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620 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / MAY 2003

8. Only 2 of the Black respondents giving rap a 10 were Black young women. In fact,

only 3 of the 22 were females.

9. Those who rated rap 6 or higher were considered to be fans.

10. Black adolescents chose Master P as their favorite rap act followed by Tupac, Puff

Daddy, Notorious B.I.G., and Ice Cube. The most popular rap artists, according to White

adolescents, were Master P followed by Mase, Tupac, Puff Daddy, and Bone Thugs In

Harmony.

11. Commitment in this study is operationalized as: the ability to name rap artists, wear-

ing clothes similar to rappers, using words or phrases similar to rappers, belief that rap is a

truthful reflection of society, and listening to rap because it is truthful or teaches about life.

12. This question was included in the survey because it is one main argument used tojus-

tify explicit and violent lyrics in rap.

13. I intentionally avoid using the term Generation X; we find this term to be racially

loaded. I argue that this term has been used almost exclusively to refer to young, middle-

class, White men and their experiences. Personally, I prefer the hip-hop generation.

Although many may think this is also racially loaded, hip-hop has always been a multiracial

movement, which makes the term more inclusive.

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622 JOURNAL OF BLACK STUDIES / MAY 2003

Rachel E. Sullivan is a Ph.D. candidate in sociology at the University of Connecticut.

Her research focuses primarily on the intersections of race and family. She is also

pursuing research on the construction of race in mass media and popular culture.

She is currently working on her dissertation, which examines family approval of

Black/White interracial relationships.

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