The Health Belief Model and smoking cessation behaviours
Articles
Enhancing Health Knowledge, Health Beliefs, and Health Behavior in Poland through a Health
Promoting Television Program Series
FIONA CHEW
S.I. Newhouse School of Public Communications
Syracuse University
Syracuse, New York, USA
SUSHMA PALMER
Center for Communications
Health and the Environment
Washington , DC, USA
ZOFIA SLONSKA
Department of Health Promotion
National Institut e of Cardiology
Warsaw, Poland
KALYANI SUBBIAH
S.I. Newhouse School of Public Communications
Syracuse University
Syracuse, New York, USA
This study examined the impact of a health promoting television program series on health knowledge and the key factors of the health belief model (HBM) that have led people to engage in healthy behavior (exercising, losing weight, changing eating habits, and not smoking=quitting smoking). Using data from a posttest comparison � eld study with 151 viewers and 146 nonviewers in Poland, we found that hierarchical regression analysis showed stronger support for the HBM factors of ef� cacy, sus- ceptibility, seriousness, and salience in their contribution toward health behavior among television viewers compared with nonviewers. Cues to action variables
The authors thank the Center for Communications, Health and the Environment, Washington, DC for funding this project.
Address correspondenc e to Fiona Chew, S.I. Newhouse School of Public Communications, 215 University Place, Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY 13244-2100 , USA. E-mail: cmrfchew@ syr.edu
Journal of Health Communication, Volume 7, pp. 179±196, 2002 Copyright # 2002 Taylor & Francis 1081-0730 /02 $12.00 + .00
DOI: 10.1080 /1081073029008807 6
179
(including television viewing) and health knowledge boosted ef� cacy among viewers. Without the advantage of receiving health information from the television series, nonviewers relied on their basic disease fears on one hand, and interest in good health on the other to take steps toward becoming healthier. A health promoting television series can increase health knowledge and enhance health beliefs, which in turn contribute to healthy behaviors.
In the past three decades, health promotio n entities in the United States and around the
globe have increasingly recognized the importance of lifestyle factors in the etiology and
prevention of chronic diseases (American Heart Association, 1996; American Institute
for Cancer Research=World Cancer Research Fund, 1997; Healthy People 2000, 1992; National Academy of Sciences, 1989; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
1988; World Health Organization, 1997; 1998). Key lifestyle risk factors included a poor
diet, alcohol consumption , tobacco use, and lack of physical exercise. Concurrently, these
organizations have proposed dietary and other lifestyle modi®cations to the general
public , and in some cases to subgroups of the populatio n at high risk, to lower their risk of
chronic diseases such as cancer, coronary heart disease (CHD), non-insuli n dependent
diabetes, hypertension , and obesity, among others. The general consensus among these
scientists and public health authoritie s is that smoking cessation, increased consumptio n
of plant foods, reduction in total fats (especially saturated fats), avoidance of excessive
alcohol consumption , and regular physical activity could signi®cantly curtail premature
deaths and disabilitie s as well as societal costs associated with unhealthy behaviors
(World Health Organization, 1997; 1998).
In examining global epidemiologica l trends, the scienti®c and public health com-
munities have highlighte d the following : Mortality from lifestyle-related diseases in
Western and other industrialize d nations has in general been declining in recent decades
while the converse appears to be true in developing nations and in various Newly In-
dependent States of the Former Soviet Union (Murray & Lopez, 1996). In the latter
societies as well as Former Communist countries, the transition to a market economy
without the necessary social support mechanisms has caused the health care systems to
collapse in many countries, exacerbating the trend toward poor lifestyle and a high
prevalence of CHD, cancer, and other chronic diseases.
The situation in Poland is complex. Since the 1990 s, total mortality attributed
to cardiovascular disease has decreased in keeping with declines in Western and in-
dustrialize d nations (La Vecchia, Levi, Lucchini, & Negri, 1998; Zatonski, McMichael,
& Powles, 1998). However, cancer mortality has increased and the total cancer mortality
among middle-aged males is one of the highest ever registered in Europe (Levi, Lucchini,
Negri, Boyle, & La Vecchia, 1999). Also, a rapid increase in alcohol consumption has
led to a correspondin g increase in alcohol-relate d problems (Swiatkiewicz, 1997). Con-
sequently, steps are needed to ameliorate various lifestyle-relate d diseases.
The World Health Organization, local governments, and local and internationa l
nonpro®t organizations have attempted various approaches to address the health crisis in
Central and Eastern Europe. Among these, a Washington-base d nonpro®t organization
promulgatin g communications, health, and the environment has engaged in health pro-
motion programs in Russia, Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic. One major focus
of this group’s activities is the use of mass media, particularly in the form of a series of
short or long television programs intended to inform the public about self-help steps to
improve their own health.
This study assesses the impact of one such television series, A Family Year, on targeted health-related behaviors of television audiences. It applies the health belief
180 F. Chew et al.
model (HBM) as a framework of analysis and assesses the contributio n of various HBM
factors on health behavior among television viewers and nonviewers.
Health Belief Model
The HBM has been used to investigat e a plethora of health promotio n behaviorsÐre-
ceiving immunizations, using preventive dental and health services, disease screenings,
and diagnosti c tests; assessing risk behaviors; and complying with medical advice. Its
development was derived from health assessments of risk in relation to health behaviors
made by U.S. public health service professionals in the 1950s, and its explanatory power
is predicated on two conditions . First, the bene®ts of a recommended action outweigh its
barriers, and, second, disease susceptibility and severity are high (Rosenstock, 1974). An
internal or external stimulus comprising a cue-to-action prompting health behavior has
been studied as a component of the HBM (Janz & Becker, 1984; Rosenstock, 1974), and
health motivation has often been included as a supplementary component (Gochman,
1971; Ogionwo, 1973; Rosenstock, 1974).
The application of the HBM as a framework to assess risk factors and promote
speci®c health behaviors has been well documented and has been a focus in the study of
CHD and its prevention (Mirotznik, Feldman, & Stein, 1995; Troein, Rastam, & Se-
lander, 1997). Its helpfulness in discriminatin g exercise behavior and participatio n in
physical activity has been demonstrated (Dolman & Chase, 1996; Sorensen, 1997; Swift,
Armstrong, Beerman, Campbell, & Pond-Smith , 1995; Taggart & Connor, 1995). Its use
in understanding and improvin g dietary behaviors has been increasing (Chew, Palmer, &
Kim, 1998; Hayes & Ross, 1987; Hollis et al., 1984; Kloeben, 1999; Kristal et al., 1995;
Schafer, Keith, & Schafer, 1995), and it has been used to understand lifestyle behaviors
such as smoking cessation and alcohol consumptio n (Conrad, Campbell, Edington , Faust,
& Vilnius, 1996; Minugh, Rice, & Young, 1998). Apart from one study focused on
general health (Cheng et al., 1996), little has been done to investigate its application in
improvin g overall healthy behavior.
In the HBM, ®ve basic factors in¯uence disease prevention behaviors (Janz &
Becker, 1984; Maiman & Becker, 1974; Rosenstock, 1974). Perceived susceptibilit y is
the ®rst factor. This refers to a person’s beliefs about the possibilit y of getting the disease
or being harmed by the condition. The second factor is perceived seriousness of the
consequences of the disease or health condition such as a disability or mortality. Per-
ceived bene®ts of performing the recommended behavior is the third factor and includes
feeling healthier or living longer. Perceived barriers to the suggested actions is the fourth
factor and may include cost, time, or inconvenience. Finally, cues to action complete the
model and may constitut e a physician’s advice, print or electronic advertisement, or
television program that elicits readiness to apply preventive health behaviors. Previous
researchers have also included a motivationa l factor (Gochman, 1971; Ogionwo, 1973;
Rosenstock, 1974), which has been incorporated in subsequent studies (Chew et al. 1998;
Hayes & Rass, 1987; Mirotznik, Feldman, & Stein, 1995; Schafer, Schafer, Bultena, &
Hoiberg, 1993).
The HBM states that preventive health behavior results when readiness to act
(presence of perceived susceptibilit y and perceived seriousness) and ef®cacy of the re-
commended response (perceived bene®ts outweigh perceived barriers) work cumula-
tively. Different factors or combination s of factors have produced major portion s of the
variation in taking preventive health steps depending on the disease, type of health be-
havior promoted, and=or individual’ s situation (Rosenstock, 1974). Two meta-analyses point to perceived barriers as the strongest predictor of health behavior (Janz & Becker,
Enhancing Health Knowledge 181
1984; Zimmerman & Vernberg, 1994). They also found that perceived susceptibility was
a strong predictor.
Cues to action have been examined in relation to health beliefs and these have
resulted in improved nutritio n behavior (Chew et al., 1998) and smoking reduction
(Mirotznik et al., 1995). In the ®rst study, researchers found that as a result of viewing a
television program that promoted good nutrition , viewers reported consuming plant foods
more often and foods high in fats less often. In the second study, working in a health
promotin g environment led to lower levels of smoking.
Health decision-makin g comprises a series of steps. At each step, interactions with
individual s or events may in¯uence the likelihoo d of a particular response (Rosenstock,
1974). When researchers analyzed speci®c factors as mediating variables in physical
safety behavior, these pointe d to a better understandin g of the paths of action (Witte,
Stokols , Ituarte, & Schneider, 1993). The case has also been made in dietary behavior
(Chew et al., 1998). Therefore, analyzing the impact of other factors as mediating
variables and the contributio n of the latter on preventive health behaviors may locate and
identify opportunitie s for more successful intervention approaches.
In promotin g healthy behavior, two additiona l mediators seem appropriate in the
context of a recently democratized societyÐhealth motivation and salience. These
variables provide a measure of an individual’ s sense of participatio n in and responsibilit y
for his or her own health. Health motivation refers to a general predispositio n toward
health such that if good health is valued, health motivation becomes an important
modi®er in the HBM (Kegeles, 1969). It is also considered an important organizer of
health beliefs and intentions (Rosenstock, 1974) and a key component of the inclinatio n
toward healthful diets (Kristal et al., 1995). It assesses the degree of involvement in
health issues. Previous research has measured health motivation as scaled measures for
concern with appearance and with health (Hayes & Ross, 1987), rating the importance of
food to health, and eating low-fat foods (Kristal et al., 1995) and the frequency of reading
food labels (Chew et al., 1998). When treated as a modifyin g variable, it has related
signi®cantly with health- and safety-conscious behavior (Hayes et al., 1987) as well as
dietary behavior (Chew et al., 1998). Consequently, it is worthwhile to investigate the
extent to which it mediates perceived readiness to act and perceived ef®cacy of re-
commended healthy behaviors.
Salience characterizes how close an individua l feels to the health condition and has
been shown to modify behavior (Cotugna, Subar, & Heimendinger, 1992). In a society
where information has been centralized and tightly controlled, health programming
provide d by governmental broadcasting stations and agencies would be scrutinized
carefully by individuals . How an individua l feels toward health bene®ts and barriers,
susceptibility , and seriousness is sometimes determined by its source. Under these cir-
cumstances, salience toward health re¯ects the psychologica l distance perceived by an
individua l between good health and him/herself. In previous communication research
salience has been assessed by using a scaled measure to indicate the degree of closeness
or distance from an event (Chew & Palmer, 1994; Ettema, Brown, & Luepker, 1983),
strength of feelings (Hanneman & Greenberg, 1979), and level of interest in a topic
(Becker & Preston, 1969; Bogart, 1957; Funkhouse r & McCombs, 1971). This analysis
propose s to assess the impact of salience as a component of the HBM. In addition it
propose s to assess the role of motivation in the HBM.
Some studies have shown that demographic and socioeconomic variables such as
age, gender, education, and income have modi®ed disease prevention behaviors (Chew
et al., 1998; Hayes & Ross, 1987; Rosenstock, 1974; Sensiba & Stewart, 1995; Taggart &
Connor, 1995). This study includes sociodemographi c variables in its analyses.
182 F. Chew et al.
Influence of Televised Messages on Health Behavior
Television has supplante d print media as the most frequently cited source of health in-
formation (Kaiser Family Foundation /Harvard School of Public Health, 2001, 2002; Dan,
1987; Signorelli, 1993; Wade & Schramm, 1969). A study showed that, in general,
mediated sources of informatio n (television , radio, newspapers, books, and magazines)
were used more frequently than personal sources of information (doctors, nurses, nutri-
tionists , dietitians, and home economists) as resources for nutritio n knowledge (Chew,
Palmer, & Kim, 1995). Television is able to reach large, diverse populations (Nielsen,
1998) and to stimulate healthy behavior (Atkin, 1981; Belicha & McGrath, 1990; Brown
& Einsiedel, 1990; Warner, 1987), but few efforts have been successful in promotin g
comprehensive healthy behavior.
Research shows that mass media have succeeded in increasing factual knowledge
and public awareness of health issues although they are less successful in changing
established attitude s and behavior (Rogers & Storey, 1987). Regular viewing of an
entertainment television program series resulted in new knowledge of as well as action
regarding a chronic disease (Sharf, Freimuth, Greenspon, & Plotnick, 1996). Nested
messages in entertainment programs and comprehensive public service announcement
(PSA) campaigns instilled the acceptance of the social norm of nondrinkin g or ``desig-
nated’’ drivers (Dejong & Winsten, 1990; National Highway Traf®c Safety Adminis-
tration, 1995; 1996; Winsten, 1994). Mass media messages improved knowledge of
cardiovascular health but were not suf®cient to sustain behavior changes (Farquhar et al.,
1990; Maccoby, Farquhar, Wood, & Alexander, 1977; Flora, 2001). A meta-analysis of
48 health communication campaigns showed that media exposure accounted for a 7% to 10% behavioral change, which was not homogeneous across campaigns, thereby pointin g to differences in moderator variables (Snyder, 2001).
Similarly, the evidence from non-U.S. contexts demonstrates the effectiveness
of televised campaigns on various health promotio n behaviors. Among others, these
include smoking cessation in Britain (McVey & Stapleton, 2000) and Finland (Korhonen
et al., 1992; Puska et al., 1987), child safety promotio n in Sweden (Sundelin , Rasmussen,
Berfenstam, & Troedsson, 1996), HIV testing in the United Kingdom (Ross & Scott,
1993), and family planning in Nigeria (Piotro w et al., 1990) and India (Singha l & Rogers,
1989).
Disease prevention campaigns are often considered less effective since the bene®ts
are attained in the future rather than in the present (Rogers & Storey, 1987). However,
many have succeeded, and the elements of a successful media campaign include the
following : speci®c attainable objectives (Mendelssohn, 1947), recommended behavioral
changes that are easy to perform (Bettinghaus, 1986), and message accessibility and
appeal (Brown & Einsiedel, 1990). Building on these lessons, we can develop messages
for a television series that can provide simple-to-follo w self-help tips for health. Such
media health messages are assuming a more signi®cant role in communities where
individuals must begin to take more responsibilit y for their own health and welfare
as public health services downsize. Such was the case in Central and Eastern Europe in
the 1990s.
This study assesses and compares the contributio n of the key HBM factors or health
beliefs toward healthy behaviors among television program viewers and nonviewers in
order to determine the impact of the television series. It focuses on whether health
knowledge increases as a result of viewing the series and how knowledge, in turn,
functions as a mediating variable. Finally, it identi®es the paths of action among health
knowledge, health motivation, and cues to actions on health beliefs.
Enhancing Health Knowledge 183
Method
Television Program Series
A Family Year, a series of ®ve half-hour television programs, was commissioned by a Washington-base d nonpro®t organization focused on communications, health, and the
environment and produced by a London-base d productio n company, with input from
health promotio n experts from the nonpro®t group and its partners in Russia, Hungary,
the Czech Republic, and Poland. The series was based on material derived from several
scienti®c reports. These included the global perspective issued by the American Institute
for Cancer Research=World Cancer Research Fund (1997), the Dietary Guidelines for Healthy American Adults (American Heart Association, 1996), the Surgeon General’s Report on Nutrition and Health (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1988), the National Academy of Sciences report, Diet and Health (1989), and formative research conducted to assess the health needs of adult population s in Russia, Hungary, the Czech
Republic, and Poland (Center for Communications, Health and the Environment, 1995).
The series featured the scienti®c basis for the connection between diet, exercise,
lifestyle , and disease; the debates about these relationships , and the health situation in
Central and Eastern Europe. It differentiate d fact from fallacy and suggested practical
ways to lower the risk of heart disease, certain cancers, and other major lifestyle-relate d
disabilities . It also included steps to reduce the adverse effects of environmenta l pollu-
tion, approaches to eating a healthy diet, and tips on shoppin g and cooking, increasing
physical activity, quittin g smoking, avoiding excess alcohol, and living healthily. It
featured four families, one from each country, tracked them through the cycle of a year,
and participated in their efforts to live healthier livesÐexercising, quittin g smoking,
avoiding excess alcohol, shopping for and eating more healthy foods, and taking steps to
live in a cleaner environment.
The television series was transmitte d via several broadcast entities in these four
Central and Eastern European countries between November 1996 and January 1998. Data
assessing the impact of the television series were collected in ®ve metropolita n areasÐ
Moscow, Budapest, Debrecen, Prague, and WarsawÐwith the participatio n of local re-
searchers from November 1996 through July 1998. Only the Polish data will be reported
in this study. An estimated viewership of approximately 141,360 Polish household s tuned
in each week to view the series (Center for Communications, Health and the Environ-
ment, 1998).
Sample
A two-stage longitudina l posttest comparison ®eld study was conducted among 151
viewers and 146 nonviewers aged 18 and above. Viewers living in Warsaw were ran-
domly selected to participate in the study in two ways. First, they were invited by tele-
phone to view the television series at a central location. Two screenings were organized
over a 5-day period in order to view one program a day, starting on February 26, 1998,
and March 6, 1998. Viewers were interviewed in person at home directly after the last
program was screened and 6 weeks to 3 months later. A third of the viewers participated
in this way. Second, the remaining two thirds of the viewers received a videocassette of
the series. They were interviewed 6 weeks to 3 months after they had viewed at least one
of the ®ve programs in the series. Any individua l who had seen any broadcast program of
the television series was excluded from the sample. Viewers watched an average of 3.36
programs out of the ®ve in the series. About half of them (50.7%) watched four or more programs, while the rest watched three or fewer shows. The sample re¯ected a quota
184 F. Chew et al.
distributio n of 50% females and males with 33% young (18±34), middle-aged (35±54), and older (55±65). In addition, education was equally divided among primary school-,
high school-, and college-educated viewers while work status was similarly split among
the employed, retired, and those not working.
A demographically matched group of nonviewers was randomly recruited and inter-
viewed at home twice, once during the time the viewers were interviewed after viewing the
television series and the second time about 6 weeks to 3 months later. About 80% of the origina l sample participated in the second phase of the study. Since healthy behavior is
the focus of this study, only these data will be focused on as the outcome. Technically, the
study design was not a true experiment because of the lack of respondent randomization
between viewer and nonviewer groups . However, this quasi-experimental design yielded
similar demographic characteristics between the two groups and provided insightfu l
comparative data. Most of the viewing and nonviewing groups were 45 years and older
(55% vs. 56%). Females composed 52.3% of viewers and 48.6% of nonviewers, while those who earned a college degree consisted of 24.5% and 30.8% of the respective groups.
Measures
Five sets of variables derived from the HBM were measured: (1) ef®cacy (index of bene®ts
and barriers), (2) readiness (susceptibilit y separate from seriousness) , (3) health motiva-
tion, (4) salience, and (5) cues to action. Health behavior was the dependent variable.
Efficacy
Five Likert-scale items measuring perceived bene®ts and perceived barriers were indexed
to obtain ef®cacy. Respondents were asked how strongly they agreed or disagreed with
two ``bene®ts’’ (healthy diet, cancer=heart disease prevention) and three ``barriers’’ (time consuming, costly, give up favorite foods) statements. The 5 items were scored and
summed (range of 5 to 25) so that high ef®cacy would be represented by higher scores.
Cronbach’s alpha reliability coef®cient for ef®cacy was .75.
Readiness
Two measures were used. Perceived susceptibilit y assessed respondents’ belief that their
health was at risk. The question asked whether respondents were currently considering
or were on a special diet for health reasons (yes=no). Perceived seriousness was assessed by summing 8 items (yes=no), which asked whether respondents had a speci®c health condition . These 8 condition s included high blood cholesterol, heart disease, high blood
pressure, respiratory problems, obesity=being overweight, liver damage, colon cancer, and lung cancer. A higher score (scale of 0 to 8) would indicate a higher level of per-
ceived seriousness of the diseases=health contraindication s resulting from not pursuing a healthy lifestyle .
Health Motivation
This general measure assessed whether respondents felt motivated to do something about
their health and comprised two Likert-scale items that asked whether respondents felt
they could in¯uence their own health and whether they felt they could do something
about their pollute d environment. The two items did not correlate with each other, in-
dicating that they were independent measures of motivation . They were scored and
summed so that higher scores (2 to 10) re¯ected a higher health motivation .
Enhancing Health Knowledge 185
Salience
This was measured using a single question assessing closeness to the topic of health. The
question was, ``How concerned are you about health and ®tness?’’ on a scale of 1 (not at
all concerned) to 4 (very concerned). Higher scores re¯ected higher salience.
Cues to Action=Media Message
Media messages function as cues to stimulate action, and previous studies have shown
that the populatio n can be alerted by newspapers, ®lms, television spots, and other
messages (Flora, 2001; Levy & Stokes, 1987; Rosenstock, 1974; Witte, Stokols , Ituarte,
& Schneider, 1993). In the United States a plethora of health-related informatio n is
readily available to the public in newspapers, magazines, television, and advertising
(Chew et al., 1995; Goldberg, 1992; Lunin, 1987; Squires, 1986). In contrast, health
informatio n in Poland is circumscribed by ®nancial access, motivation, and dif®cult
living conditions . Thus, this analysis focused on respondents’ con®dence in assessing the
quality of dietary informatio n (con-®dence in information ) and the availability of reliable
informatio n (reliable information). Two Likert-scale items (1 to 5) tapping these di-
mensions were, ``There are so many recommendations about healthy ways to eat, I don’t
know what is good or bad,’’ and ``If there were reliable information and easy steps to
follow, people would change their diets to lower their chances of getting heart disease
and cancer.’’ A high (disagree) score on the ®rst item re¯ected respondents’ con®dence in
their nutritio n knowledge base, and a high (disagree) score on the second indicated a lack
of reliable informatio n for change to follow. Exposur e to the television program series
was also considered a cue for action.
Health Knowledge
This measure consisted of 6 Likert-scale items (1 to 5) tapping knowledge about the
relationshi p between eating animal fats and heart disease, consuming fruits=vegetables and cancer, regular exercise and health, heavy drinkin g and liver damage, environmental
pollutio n and health, and smoking and lung cancer. Scores were recoded where relevant
and summed (6 to 30), so that higher scores re¯ected higher health knowledge levels.
Cronbach’s alpha reliability coef®cient for health knowledge was .67.
Health Behavior
This measure comprised four questions (yes=no) focused on healthy practices and in- cluded the following : exercising in the past month, changing eating habits, trying to lose
weight, and not smoking or trying to quit smoking. Scores were summed so that a higher
score would re¯ect healthier behavior on a scale of 0 to 4.
Sociodemographi c Variables
These included categories of age, education, income, and gender.
Analysis
First, the mean scores comparing viewers and nonviewers on the HBM items and
mediators were examined using t tests. Second, percentages related to HBM items for viewers and nonviewers were assessed. Finally, the determinants of health behavior were
analyzed using hierarchical regression to estimate their respective path coef®cients. This
statistical procedure was used to predict health behavior from perceived susceptibilit y
186 F. Chew et al.
and seriousness of getting diseases, perceived ef®cacy, health motivation , salience, and
sociodemographic variables. Additiona l regression analyses were run to assess the re-
lationshi p among cues to action, health knowledge, and the health beliefs, which were
signi®cant predictors of health behavior. Sociodemographi c variables were also included.
Tests were set at the probability level of p < .05.
Results
Statistically signi®cant differences were found between viewers and nonviewers for ef®-
cacy, susceptibility , seriousness, health motivation , and the cue to actionÐlack of reli-
able information, health knowledge, and health behavior (p < .01 to .05). See Table 1. Viewers tended to score higher on these items compared with nonviewers. Salience was similar
for the two groups (2.85 vs. 2.86), as was the cue to actionÐcon®dence in informatio n
(3.28 vs. 3.10). Health knowledge was higher among viewers than nonviewers (p < .001). Tables 2 and 3 compare the results of the regression equations predicting health
behavior from health beliefs, salience, motivation, and cues to action for viewers and
nonviewers, respectively. They list the semipartial correlation (sr2) or unique proportio n of variance explained by a speci®c independent variable, its standardized beta weight
(Beta), the correlation (R), and variance (R2) for each of the ®nal equations. In the ®rst regression, four variables were found to signi®cantly predict health be-
havior among viewers (r2 ˆ .31). In step 1, ef®cacy was entered with the largest beta (.42, p < .001), followed by susceptibilit y (beta ˆ .19, p < .001), salience (beta ˆ .20, p < .05), and seriousness (beta ˆ .19, p < .025). These HBM variables were direct and substantia l determinants of health behavior and accounted for 31% of variance. Health motivation did not contribute directly to health behavior and as a result was not examined as a
mediating variable. None of the sociodemographi c variables had any effect on health
behavior among viewers.
In the second regression predicting ef®cacy among viewers, three variables were
found to be signi®cant. In all, 50% of the variance was accounted for. The cue to ac- tionÐcon®dence in information Ðwas selected ®rst with the highest beta (.49, p < .001), followed by lack of reliable informatio n (beta ˆ .31, p < .001). Health knowledge was the ®nal factor contributin g toward ef®cacy (beta ˆ .16, p < .025).
Age was found to be a factor mediating health beliefs. Older viewers were more
likely to consider the seriousness of poor health and becoming ill (beta ˆ .16, p < .001, variance of 15%). In addition, they were more likely to consider themselves susceptible to a medical condition and therefore were on a special diet. Those with more health
knowledge were also more likely to consider themselves susceptible to a medical con-
dition (betas ˆ .30 to .32, p < .001, variance of 17%). Finally, more knowledgeable viewers rated health and ®tness as more salient compared with their less-knowledgeable
counterparts (beta ˆ .26, p < .01, variance of 6%). See Table 2. Among nonviewers, the regression picture has only slight similarity. Only two health
belief variables were signi®cant in predicting health behaviorÐsusceptibilit y was the
stronger variable (beta ˆ .27, p < .001), followed by salience (beta ˆ .24, p < .01). Per- ceived seriousness did not enter the equation as it did for viewers’ health behavior. Neither
did ef®cacy or health motivation . A total variance of 12% was accounted for by these two health belief model variables. In further regression analyses, no signi®cant strong single or
combination of variables emerged to optimally predict susceptibility or salience. See
Table 3.
As a cue to action, viewing the television program series enhanced the application
of the HBM in promotin g health behavior as the health belief variables among viewers
Enhancing Health Knowledge 187
T A
B L
E 1
C o m
p a ri
so n
o f
H e a lt
h B
e li
e f
M o d e l
V a ri
a b le
M e a n
S c o re
s, H
e a lt
h K
n o w
le d g e
a n d
H e a lt
h B
e h a v io
r M
e a n
S c o re
s, a n d
P e rc
e n ta
g e s
A m
o n g
V ie
w e rs
a n d
N o n v ie
w e rs
M ea
n sc
o re
s It
em (s
ca le
) V
ie w
er S D
N o
n v ie
w er
SD t
d f
E f®
c a c y
(5 ± 2 5 )
1 5 .6
2 4 .0
5 1 4 .6
6 3 .4
6 2 .1
0 *
2 6 8
S e ri
o u sn
e ss
(0 ± 8 )
1 .0
8 1 .2
8 0 .7
2 1 .0
7 2 .5
7 *
2 9 0
S a li
e n c e
(1 ± 4 )
2 .8
5 0 .6
5 2 .8
6 0 .5
5 0 .1
1 2 9 4
M o ti
v a ti
o n
(2 ± 1 0 )
6 .1
2 1 .4
6 5 .6
7 1 .3
2 2 .7
7 * *
2 9 0
L a c k
re li
a b le
in fo
(1 ± 5 )
2 .4
1 1 .0
7 2 .1
5 0 .8
5 1 .5
7 *
2 8 7
C o n ®
d e n c e
(1 ± 5 )
3 .2
8 1 .0
8 3 .1
0 0 .9
0 2 .3
1 2 9 3
H e a lt
h k n o w
le d g e
(6 ± 3 0 )
2 6 .5
2 2 .3
9 2 5 .4
0 2 .3
9 3 .9
4 * * *
2 8 5
H e a lt
h b e h a v io
r (0
± 4 )
2 .0
3 1 .1
6 1 .7
6 1 .0
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4 *
2 9 6
P e rc
en ta
g es
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o n d
in g
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’’ It
em V
ie w
er (%
) N
o n
v ie
w er
(% )
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d f
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e p ti
b il
it y
1 9 .5
1 1 .0
.1 1 8 *
1
* p
< .0
5 ;
* * p
< .0
1 ;
* * * p
< .0
0 1 .
188
TABLE 2 Hierarchical Regression Predicting Health Behavior, Ef®cacy, Seriousness, Salience, and Susceptibilit y Among Viewers (n ˆ 151)
Health Behavior Predictor variables sr2 Beta p
1. Ef®cacy .18 .42 .001
2. Susceptibilit y .10 .19 .001
3. Salience .02 .20 .05
4. Seriousness .03 .19 .025
R2 ˆ .31 R ˆ .57*
Ef®cacy
1. Con®dence in info. .42 .49 .001
2. Lack of reliable info. .07 .31 .001
3. Health knowledge .02 .16 .025
R2 ˆ .50 R ˆ .72*
Susceptibility
1. Age .09 .32 .001
2. Health knowledge .09 .30 .001
R2 ˆ .17 R ˆ .42***
Salience
1. Health knowledge .06 .26 0.1
R2 ˆ .06 R ˆ .26**
Seriousness
1. Age .16 .40 .001
R2 ˆ .15 R ˆ .40***
*p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001.
TABLE 3 Hierarchical Regression Coef®cients Predicting Health Behavior Among Nonviewers (n ˆ 146)
Health behavior Predictor variables sr2 Beta p
1. Susceptibilit y .073 .27 .001
2. Salience .057 .24 .01
R2 ˆ .12 R ˆ .36***
***p < .001.
Enhancing Health Knowledge 189
accounted for more than twice the health behavior variance compared with that for
nonviewers (31% variance for viewers vs. 12% among nonviewers). Four health belief variables were signi®cant predictors of health behavior among television viewers
compared with only two among the nonviewers. Ef®cacy (the assessment of bene®ts as
outweighing the barriers of actions taken) was a strong predictor of health behaviors
among viewers. This suggested that program viewing helped to provide a clear picture
of the bene®ts resulting from and barriers preventing health behavior. Program viewing
also boosted other cues to action, particularly the perception of a lack of reliable in-
formation about heart disease and cancer prevention. This variable and its counterpart
cue to action (con®dence in information ) combined with health knowledge to produc e
greater ef®cacy. Television viewing led to higher levels of health knowledge, which in
turn increased health salience and susceptibility .
Among nonviewers, susceptibilit y and salience led to the practice of health beha-
viors. Without the advantage of viewing the television series, these respondents had to
rely on their intrinsi c interest in health and ®tness and their own sense of the likelihood of
getting a disease or medical condition .
Discussion
This study examined the contributio n of various HBM factors toward the practice of
health behaviors in the presence or absence of viewing a health promotin g television
program series. The HBM factors included susceptibility , seriousness , ef®cacy, cues
to action, health motivation , and salience. In addition, health knowledge and socio-
demographic variables were analyzed as mediating variables. The ®ndings suggest that
viewing the television program series, A Family Year, improved ef®cacy, seriousness, susceptibility , health motivation and health knowledge, the perception of a lack of reli-
able information , and the practice of health behaviors. Age was linked to disease sus-
ceptibilit y and seriousness.
Overall, in the context of health behaviors such as losing weight, changing eating
habits, exercising, and smoking cessation, health decision-makin g seemed to occur in the
following way. Among recipients of health information, in this case television viewers of
the health promoting series, A Family Year, the ®rst step involve s a greater awareness of ef®cacy, susceptibility , seriousness, and salience catalyzed by the factors health knowl-
edge, con®dence in assessing dietary information, and perceiving a lack of reliable in-
formation. This seems logical, because when respondents are presented with scienti®c
health information , they not only become more knowledgeable, they are also con®dent in
their knowledge about health guideline s and recognize the bene®ts of and barriers to
practicing health behaviors. In addition, they realize the dearth of reliable health
informatio n around them. Consequently, they acknowledge that they are susceptible to
negative unhealthy behavior consequences and perceive the seriousness of negative
health condition s such as high blood cholesterol, high blood pressure, obesity, and the
like. Good health behavior thus becomes an immediate focus in their lives.
Older viewers in Poland are more likely to perceive the seriousness of the con-
sequences of medical condition s because these will constrain their abilities and com-
promise their quality of life. Compared with younger viewers, their aging bodies will
require a longer recovery period. In addition, older viewers are more susceptible to
contracting a chronic disease by virtue of their longevity. Thus they are more likely to be
on a special diet. It is also possible that viewing the television series stimulated viewers to
become more aware of the status of their health so that the seriousness of their health
conditio n is acknowledged and realized. This needs to be con®rmed in a future study.
190 F. Chew et al.
Among nonviewers who do not have the advantage of receiving health information ,
susceptibilit y and salience foster good health behavior. It is interesting that perceived
ef®cacy and seriousness did not signi®cantly contribut e to health behavior among non-
viewers. This could have been attributed to the lack of available health informatio n
apprising them of the symptoms of health contraindication s and the bene®ts of and
barriers to good health.
Overall, nonviewers were not as well informed about health compared with viewers.
When respondents feel a closeness to the topic of health and ®tness, this translates into a
general concern about health, which is expressed in taking steps toward health. The HBM
factor of perceived susceptibilit y also in¯uences the practice of healthy behaviors. When
respondents feel their health is susceptible and that they highly value health, they will
practice healthy behaviors. This applies to both viewers and nonviewers.
In comparison, viewers appear to engage in healthy behaviors when they have
con®dence in the correctness of their health knowledge. This knowledge base was con-
ceivably supplemented and strengthene d by viewing the television program series about
health and ®tness. Arguably, program exposure promoted healthful behavior via the
various mediating variables. These steps are represented in Figure 1, which displays the
factors predicting healthful decision-making.
Four implications are proposed regarding the steps involved in healthy behavior.
First, one strategy to promote healthy behavior is to increase perceptions of ef®cacy,
susceptibility , seriousness, and salience. Second, a television program series focused on
improvin g health through disease prevention can increase health knowledge and in so
doing boost viewers’ ef®cacy and salience. Third, the optimal opportunit y for stimulating
ef®cacy is to produce messages that provide respondents with information that enhances
their con®dence in their ability to differentiate accurate from inaccurate reports as well
FIGURE 1 Determinants* of health behavior.
Enhancing Health Knowledge 191
as help them recognize the dearth of reliable information around them. Both of these
factors enhance ef®cacy. Finally, the television program series, A Family Year, appeared to improve healthy behavior practices by enhancing viewer con®dence in assessing health
informatio n and pointin g out the lack of reliable information . The televisio n series also
sensitize d older viewers to their susceptibilit y to diseases and the seriousness of the
consequences of these conditions .
Helping consumers learn and understand disease prevention steps to improve their
health is a tried and tested approach. Viewers scored higher on perception of a lack of
reliable health information compared with nonviewers, who tended to perceive that there
was reliable information on health. This could have been a function of the comparatively
centralized system of informatio n in Poland. When viewers were exposed to science-
based health information in the television series, they may have become more sensitized
to the dearth of reliable health informatio n in their society. In contrast, it is interesting to
note that a U.S. study (Chew et al., 1998) found the opposite result, that viewers of a
science-based health promotio n television program were more likely to perceive the
presence of reliable information compared with nonviewers. Therefore, more programs or
a series of programs providin g evidence-based health information would likely enhance
health behavior. The effectiveness of the television series, A Family Year, could be at- tribute d to its clearly stated objectives, the presentation of easy health promotin g steps
(e.g., eating more fruits and vegetables and exercising regularly) and the appeal of fo-
cusing on and following a family with whom viewers could identify.
A limitation of analyzing health beliefs is that these beliefs are constantly evolving.
Previous health belief researchers acknowledged the dynamic nature of health beliefs that
were modi®ed by interactions with events and individual s (Rosenstock, 1974). Another
limitation focuses on the variable nature of HBM factors measured across studies.
Concepts of perceived susceptibility , ef®cacy, cues to action, health motivation , and
salience may be de®ned differently and consequently lack comparability. Until research
studies that are focused on similar concepts and use similar measurements accumulate,
these results need con®rmation.
Social desirabilit y response bias and memory dependence are limitation s of self-
reported measures. In addition, self-selection bias may be present among the program
viewers who chose to watch the shows. Since the results are derived from a quasi-
experiment where demographically comparable viewers and nonviewers are surveyed at
the same time, the nonviewer group functions as a control group in this regard and any
increase or difference represents a genuine shift. The sample size of 151 viewers and 146
nonviewers is not considered a major limitation in view of the fact that this is a ®eld study
where 30 respondents per group would provide usable data. For perspective, it is re-
assuring to note that other HBM studies have been publishe d with smaller sample sizes,
for example, 57 CHD patients in the following : Mirotznik and colleagues (1995), 82
smokers and 228 nonsmokers in Conrad and colleagues (1996), and 113 female college
students in Taggart and Connor (1995).
Finally, while the results of this analysis may not be generalizable to the general
Polish population , they are re¯ective of a sample of television viewers and nonviewers
with more upscale demographics, including a disproportionat e number of middle-aged
and older persons. The analyses provide a pro®le of a more upscale populatio n that
yielded useful information about the HBM, television program exposure, health knowl-
edge, and health behaviors. Further research should focus on sources of information and
health behaviors among other populations and assess how speci®c televized messages
in¯uence health beliefs, health knowledge, and health behaviors and whether the current
®ndings are reinforced.
192 F. Chew et al.
The study’s main contributio n has been its application of the HBM with its entire
array of health belief factors in assessing the in¯uence of a television program series on
health behaviors. The positive results support the model’s heuristic in explaining and
predicting disease prevention behavior. Consequently, the study emphasizes that the
HBM variables of ef®cacy regarding the bene®ts and barriers to healthy behavior, sus-
ceptibility , seriousness, salience, and cues to action are important dimensions in pro-
moting healthy behavior. Viewing a health promotin g television series was shown to
enhance health knowledge, health beliefs, and ultimately health behavior.
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