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Politics, Groups, and Identities

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Picturing immigration: how the media criminalizes immigrants

Emily M. Farris & Heather Silber Mohamed

To cite this article: Emily M. Farris & Heather Silber Mohamed (2018): Picturing immigration: how the media criminalizes immigrants, Politics, Groups, and Identities, DOI: 10.1080/21565503.2018.1484375

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2018.1484375

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Picturing immigration: how the media criminalizes immigrants Emily M. Farrisa and Heather Silber Mohamedb

aDepartment of Political Science, Texas Christian University, Fort Worth, TX, USA; bDepartment of Political Science, Clark University, Worcester, MA, USA

ABSTRACT A growing body of evidence demonstrates that the way the press frames policy issues can foster fear, particularly with respect to portrayals of immigrants. Building on this research, we examine images of immigrants, borders, and legality in the media’s coverage of immigration. To do so, we collect a unique dataset of images appearing in three major national news magazines’ articles about immigration or immigrants in the U.S. between 2000 and 2010. We code the images based on whether they include visual representations of the border and immigration enforcement, whether illegality and/or criminal behavior is shown or implied, and the activities in which the immigrants are engaged. We find that the press frequently portrays immigrants as undocumented, presenting images of the border as well as immigrant arrests and detentions. Moreover, when immigrants are working, they are disproportionately engaged in low-skilled activities. Our analysis demonstrates a general tendency to frame immigrants in a negative light, consistent with a “threat” narrative but inconsistent with actual immigrant demographics. Our findings are particularly important in light of research establishing that such portrayals contribute to more hostile attitudes about immigration in the U.S. as well as greater support for punitive immigration policy among Whites.

ARTICLE HISTORY Received 31 October 2017 Accepted 26 May 2018

KEYWORDS Immigration; illegality; image analysis; framing; mass media; Latina/o Politics

The media’s choice of words and images shapes the way that people perceive and evaluate policies, particularly with respect to racialized issues (Iyengar and Kinder 1987; Gilliam, Valentino, and Beckmann 2002). The quantity and quality of press coverage also can influence the extent to which individuals both interpret and prioritize a given policy issue (Dunaway, Branton, and Abrajano 2010). With respect to immigration in particular, the ways in which immigrants are portrayed can influence White attitudes about immigra- tion, with racialized stories or images resulting in support for more restrictive policy measures (Brader, Valentino, and Suhay 2008; Abrajano and Singh 2009; Valentino, Brader, and Jardina 2013; Pérez 2016; Abrajano, Hajnal, and Hassell 2017).

We explore how the media contributes to the political debate over immigration in the U.S. by examining whether the press emphasizes criminality and fosters fear in its images of immigration and immigrants. Our study builds on research suggesting that the media develops a “threat” narrative in coverage of immigrants, which portrays Latinos as

© 2018 Western Political Science Association

CONTACT Emily M. Farris [email protected] Supplemental data for this article can be accessed at https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2018.1484375

POLITICS, GROUPS, AND IDENTITIES https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2018.1484375

immigrants unable or unwilling to integrate into the U.S. (Chavez 2008). This narrative disproportionately focuses on economic and societal concerns, with crime and illegality playing a prominent role (Chavez 2001, 2008; Abrajano and Singh 2009; Suro 2008; Pérez 2016). Our work extends the previous analysis of media framing of immigration by assessing the portrayal of immigrants in images from recent news publications. The photographs accompanying news stories themselves carry connotations, so understanding the visual depiction of immigration helps assess the media’s framing of the issue. Specifi- cally, we analyze photographs accompanying stories regarding immigration in three major U.S. news magazines – Time, Newsweek, and U.S. News and World Report – from 2000 to 2010 to evaluate whether such images are consistent with this threat narrative.

Given the dramatic increase in the unauthorized population in the early 2000s and a corresponding increase in political attention to immigration at the national level, this time period is especially relevant for understanding press coverage of immigration. We analyze whether images of immigrants overemphasize themes related to a threat narrative, particularly in regards to crime and illegality, and whether immigrants are disproportio- nately featured in low-skilled professions. In all cases, we find that the press is likely to feature negative aspects of immigration through images in a way that is inconsistent with immigrant demographics. Our findings are especially concerning in light of exper- imental evidence demonstrating links between press coverage of immigrants and immi- gration policy preferences, and the particularly strong effects of frames and visual representations emphasizing crime and illegality (Newhagen 1998; Grabe and Bucy 2009; Merolla, Ramakrishnan, and Haynes 2013; Pérez 2016).

Politics of immigration and legality

The persistent framing of the immigration debate around legality and criminality reflect what Jones-Correa and de Graauw (2013, 2) call the illegality trap, referring to “the single- minded focus on undocumented immigration in the contemporary immigration debate, and the inability to shift this focus.” We anticipate that the news media will contribute to this phenomenon by presenting negative images of immigrants that emphasize illegal- ity, and in particular, their undocumented status; that highlight crime and criminality; and that portray immigrants in low-skilled professions as part of a threat narrative.

While individuals from the Western Hemisphere were formally excluded from immi- gration laws in the early twentieth century, political debates over the legality of immi- grants, particularly from Mexico, nevertheless date back to this time period, with even early perceptions of illegality intricately linked to ideas of racialization and marginaliza- tion (De Genova 2002, 2004). The 1965 Hart-Cellar Act transformed the nation’s immi- gration laws away from national origin quotas, establishing a new system based on employment status and family ties with annual quotas for each country. Although this Act formally included immigrants from the Western Hemisphere for the first time, pat- terns of circular migration between the U.S. and Mexico continued, as demand for low- skilled, inexpensive labor persisted. After 1965, both documented and undocumented immigration significantly increased, and the category of “illegal” solidified (De Genova 2002; Ngai 2004).1

Over the last three decades, Congress has repeatedly debated immigration reform, and particularly the question of whether an estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants

2 E. M. FARRIS AND H. SILBER MOHAMED

currently in the U.S. should eventually be given legal status. These debates feature compet- ing narratives around legality. Liberals describe legalization as a “path to citizenship,” emphasizing factors such as family unification and economic opportunity. Consistent with the threat narrative, conservatives use the term “amnesty,” underscoring illegal activity and criminality (Merolla, Ramakrishnan, and Haynes 2013; Haynes, Merolla, and Ramakrishnan 2016).

Experimental research demonstrates that frames emphasizing illegality and criminality are particularly influential on immigration attitudes. For instance, Haynes, Merolla, and Ramakrishnan (2016) find that negative frames generally – and law-breaking frames specifically – are especially powerful in shifting public opinion. Such frames also lead to a disproportionate policy emphasis on immigration enforcement (Jones-Correa and de Graauw 2013), which remains a politically salient concern: since 2001, a majority of Amer- icans report they worry “a great deal” or “a fair amount” about the problem of illegal immigration (Jones 2017).

Despite the significant attention paid to undocumented immigrants by policymakers, this group represents a minority of the foreign-born, constituting only about one out of every four such individuals in the U.S. We hypothesize that in contrast to the minority of immigrants in the U.S. without legal status, media images will disproportionately feature unauthorized immigrants, as the news often exaggerates conflict as a result of profit-based incentives (Gilliam and Iyengar 2000).

Politicians also place significant emphasis on a border wall and border security, despite the fact that approximately one-third to a half of unauthorized immigrants in the U.S. arrived legally and attained undocumented status by overstaying their time on temporary, nonimmigrant visas (Rosenblum and Hipsman 2016); recent estimates suggest that the number of immigrants entering without documents has declined since 2005, and that since 2007, overstays have surpassed this group (Warren and Kerwin 2017). We anticipate that despite these figures, media images will focus significant attention on borders, walls, border enforcement, and border crossings, evoking a sense of threat from immigrant invasion.

Immigrants can also heighten feelings of economic threat and anxiety, particularly when portrayed in low-wage professions (Brader, Valentino, and Suhay 2008). We hypothesize that the press will over-represent immigrants in low-skilled professions, such as agriculture or construction, and under-represent immigrants in high-skilled professions, such as medicine or technology. Although immigrants, particularly unauthorized immigrants, disproportio- nately work in many lower-skilled, low-paying occupations, the Bureau of Labor Statistics shows that foreign-born workers are employed in a range of occupations, with 32.2% of foreign-born persons in management or professional occupations, compared to 40.7% of native-born workers (“Foreign-Born Workers: Labor Force Characteristics – 2016” 2017). Moreover, despite fears of economic competition, immigrant and native workers with low levels of education compete for different types of low-skilled jobs (Enchautegui 2015). Nevertheless, consistent with a threat narrative, we expect that the media will rely on stereo- typical depictions of immigrants as low-skilled workers.

Immigration and media framing

Over the last four decades, media attention to the immigration policy debate has both intensified and become more nationalized (Branton and Dunaway 2008; Branton et al.

POLITICS, GROUPS, AND IDENTITIES 3

2011). For instance, between 1980 and 2011, the New York Times averaged 227 articles per year on immigration, with the number of stories increasing during this time period (Abra- jano, Hajnal, and Hassell 2017). The ongoing stalemate over immigration reform and heightened attention to immigration issues by then-candidate and now-President Trump makes an analysis of press coverage of immigrants ever more salient.

Previous research demonstrates the role of the press in linking political issues to mar- ginalized groups. For instance, the media is likely to portray welfare recipients in a racia- lized and gendered fashion, connecting to stereotypes of a “welfare queen” (Gilens 1996; Clawson and Trice 2000; van Doorn 2015; van Doorn and Bos 2017). Similarly, the press disproportionately emphasizes stories about crime, as well as the prominence of non-white men in these news stories (Gilliam and Iyengar 2000). A broader, racialized threat narra- tive leads to the media’s “other-izing” communities of color.

With respect to immigrants specifically, research focusing primarily on textual analysis demonstrates that the press constructs negative portrayals of immigrants (Chavez 2001, 2008; Branton and Dunaway 2008; Haynes, Merolla, and Ramakrishnan 2016; Pérez 2016), invoking a sense of threat or crisis (Benson 2013, Coutin and Chock 1995), focusing on the border (Ono and Sloop 2002) and criminality (Suro 2008). Immigrants have also been portrayed as stealing jobs (Chomsky 2007) and as dangerous to society (Santa Ana 2002; Cisneros 2008), despite the fact that no evidence exists that immigrants increase crime in communities (Gonzalez, Collingwood, and El-Khatib 2017).

Our interest in images of immigrants is driven by evidence that media portrayals can significantly affect political attitudes (Iyengar 1991; Nelson, Clawson, and Oxley 1997). The press plays an important role in developing frames, or story lines that help people to interpret the world (Gamson and Modigliani 1987; Conroy 2015). Exper- imental research on framing effects demonstrates their power to shape what and how an individual thinks about issues (Nelson, Clawson, and Oxley 1997; Klar, Robison, and Druckman 2013).

Framing effects influence attitudes about policy issues generally, and about immigra- tion policy specifically (Brader, Valentino, and Suhay 2008; Abrajano and Singh 2009; Merolla, Ramakrishnan, and Haynes 2013; Pérez 2016). Valentino, Brader, and Jardina (2013) demonstrate that in the early 2000s, the media became more likely to associate immigrants with Latinos. As this association grew, White attitudes about Latinos became increasingly linked to attitudes about immigration policy. Portrayals of immigrant criminality also negatively influence White attitudes about immigration policy (Hartman, Newman, and Scott Bell 2014), as does language depicting immigrants as law-breakers seeking “amnesty” (Haynes, Merolla, and Ramakrishnan 2016). In contrast, positive econ- omic frames are linked to support of more liberal immigration policies (Cargile, Merolla, and Pantoja 2014).

Pérez (2016) argues that the media’s focus on illegal immigration, coupled with its emphasis on Latino immigrants, activates implicit attitudes that shape individuals’ opinions on immigration policy. Focusing on the number of stories including Latino and the terms “illegal” or “undocumented” and “legal immigration,” he finds that the press focuses extensively on illegal Latino immigration while providing little coverage of legal Latino immigration. This line of scholarship underscores concerns if certain frames dominate press coverage, particularly when these frames may be linked to negative attitudes about a group.

4 E. M. FARRIS AND H. SILBER MOHAMED

Much existing research focuses on the language used by the news media to describe immigrants. Yet, a growing body of scholarship demonstrates the powerful role that images can play in shaping public opinion about news stories (Grabe and Bucy 2009), evoking particularly strong emotional responses (Hariman and Lucaites 2002; Bucy 2003; Brader, Valentino, and Suhay 2008). Indeed, research on “visual primacy,” or dom- inance, demonstrates the power of visual images over textual cues (Posner, Nissen, and Klein 1976; Noller 1985; Grabe and Bucy 2009). In comparison to the text of an article, readers are more likely to see an image and more likely to remember its content as objec- tive evidence (Gilens 1996; Cisneros 2008). Our research builds upon scholarship demon- strating visual bias in press coverage of a range of topics (Gilens 1996; van Doorn 2015; Dixon 2017; van Doorn and Bos 2017).

We concentrate specifically on images related to immigration in our effort to under- stand whether the media disproportionately highlights themes of criminality and legal status, visually framing press coverage around a certain type of immigrant. Recent exper- imental evidence demonstrates that visual portrayals significantly alter the ways in which White Americans respond to immigrants. Manipulating cues about the race/ethnicity and profession of immigrants, Branton and Dunaway (2008) find individuals are more likely to oppose immigration after viewing images of Latino immigrants engaged in low-skilled work. Another example draws on the 2006 immigration protests, in which Latino protes- ters were urged to carry American flags and other visual representations of patriotism (Silber Mohamed 2017). In an experiment, Wright and Citrin (2011) demonstrate that participants who viewed images of immigrants with American flags (as compared to Mexican flags) had more positive views of these events. While a small body of scholarship examines immigrant images (see, for instance, Chavez 2001, Ono and Sloop 2002), our research updates and expands this work in the contemporary political context.

Given the experimental findings about the ways in which representations of criminality and socioeconomic status influence attitudes about immigration policy, and additional research emphasizing the particular power of images, we seek to understand whether the media disproportionately emphasized these themes in images that accompany stories about immigration. In particular, we are interested in understanding whether immigrants were portrayed as undocumented at higher rates than in the overall popu- lation, as well as whether the media emphasized themes of criminality. Finally, we are interested in assessing whether immigrants were disproportionately portrayed in low- skilled professions, potentially evoking a sense of economic threat among readers.

Data and results

To answer these questions, we constructed an original dataset of images accompanying all news stories including the words “immigration” or “immigrant” in three major national news magazines between 1 January 2000 and 31 December 2010. In collaboration with three undergraduate research assistants, we used EBSCO’s Academic Search Complete to identify all relevant stories from the “big three” newsmagazines (Chavez 2001): News- week, Time, and US News and World Report. After developing this preliminary list, we reviewed each story to identify articles related to immigration or immigrants in the U.S. that contained relevant images.2 We used this list to find hard copies of all original maga- zines, scanning each relevant image that appeared alongside the immigration stories.

POLITICS, GROUPS, AND IDENTITIES 5

In total, our analysis included 338 images from 181 stories, including 47 articles from Newsweek, 69 from Time, and 65 from U.S. News and World Report, for which 2010 data were unavailable.3 Coinciding with the widespread immigration protests that occurred across the U.S. in 2006 and a subsequent push for comprehensive immigration reform in 2007, the number of articles in our dataset peaked in those years before declining again in 2008. For instance, while Time featured an average of 6 immigration articles with images annually, the magazine ran 19 such articles in 2006 and 10 in 2007. Similarly, U.S. News averaged 6.5 articles with images but featured 13 in 2006 and 15 in 2007. Even Newsweek, which averaged just 4 articles annually, ran 8 in 2006 and 6 in 2007.

During the summer of 2017, we trained two students (one undergraduate and one recent graduate) to code the images in our dataset. Using research assistants to code the data allowed us to assess the images through the eyes of a non-expert, in order to best capture the views of the average magazine reader. Research assistants coded the images in a number of ways, including whether any immigrants were presented as undo- cumented or unauthorized. Legal status could either be implied – for instance, with immi- grants crossing the border illegally or immigrants in detention – or explicitly stated in the caption of the photo. We also coded separately for whether the image contained any visual indicators of border enforcement or border elements, including a border area; border fence/wall; border crossing checkpoint; water/shores; law enforcement/ border enforce- ment agents; detention center; visible weapons; or technology and equipment such as computers or helicopters. Finally, we asked coders to assess whether images contained immigrants who were working and if so, to differentiate between immigrants who were in a low-skilled profession (for instance, a day-laborer or a restaurant worker), or a high-skilled profession such as a computer programmer. We provided a separate category for immigrants who were in school or students.

As noted above, undocumented immigrants represent less than one-quarter of the foreign-born individuals currently living in the U.S. Yet, out of the 202 images in our dataset that depicted an immigrant, 54% included immigrants portrayed as undocumen- ted.4 Additionally, approximately 40% of all images included at least one indicator of the border or border enforcement. For instance, 19% of images showed a border wall or fence, while 13.9% included law enforcement or border enforcement agents. Given that a min- ority of immigrants are undocumented, and many immigrants become unauthorized by arriving legally but overstaying their visa, the high volume of images containing elements of border enforcement exemplify the media’s construction of a threat narrative inconsist- ent with immigrant demographics.

Qualitative examples also demonstrate the prominence of these themes. The border, with imagery focusing on enforcement and illegality, is featured in many images. Additionally, numerous photos show law enforcement or border patrol agents actively arresting or detaining immigrants. For instance, “Return to Sender,” a July 2006 article in Newsweek, shows a line of men in handcuffs, connected by chains around their ankles, as Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers watch them board a plane. A 2005 special report in U.S. News and World Report includes an image that spans the entire two pages. The article is titled “Border Wars” with the following below the title: “More illegal immigrants. More violence. More death. The public has had it. Now the Bush administration has a new plan. But will it matter?” The large, accompanying image is a nighttime photo with three Latino men lit in the shadows by the headlights

6 E. M. FARRIS AND H. SILBER MOHAMED

of a presumed law enforcement vehicle. Another image in the “Border Wars” special report shows desert land at the U.S.–Mexico border, marked by a barbed wire fence with the shadow of a Border Patrol helicopter. These images visually represent elements of the border, crime, and illegality.

With respect to immigrants' occupation, we found some support for our hypothesis that low-skilled workers would be over-represented. Only a small subset of images show immigrants engaged in work, so findings should be interpreted with caution; out of 202 images in which immigrants appeared, only 52 portrayed immigrants working. Yet, of that amount, an estimated 73.1% showed immigrants engaged in low-skilled jobs, compared to just 26.9% in high-skilled professions. For instance, a U.S. News and World Report story from 2001, “What’s in a Day’s Work” includes two images: first, a group of six Latino day laborers who are waiting on the side of a road, sitting on the curb and leaning against trees. A caption says they are waiting outside a hiring center, which is not pictured. Below, an image of a Latino man moving furniture includes the caption “Moisés, 35, an illegal immigrant, gets $8.50 an hour pulling up carpet.” Other stories show immigrants working in agriculture, like the 2007 Time story, “How Not to Treat the Guests,” which features Latino men harvesting tobacco leaves. One exception to the customary presentation of a low-skilled worker appears in the images of a 2000 Time story, “To Work We Go.” This story depicts a high-skilled Indian immigrant posing in front of a large computer system with the caption, “More than Welcome in the U.S.”

Discussion

Examining three major national news magazines from 2000 to 2010, we tested whether images accompanying news stories about immigration or immigrants disproportionately portrayed them in a negative light, emphasizing illegality and situating them in low-wage professions. Our analysis demonstrates support for these hypotheses. Similar to scholars who examine the text of immigration news stories, we find that images accompanying news stories also construct immigrants as a threat – a particularly important result in light of research demonstrating “visual primacy” in the interpretation of news stories.

Both the text and the images of the media often frame immigrants in a negative light and one that is inconsistent with actual immigrant demographics. Given the power of framing in shaping attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy, these results are troubling in their inaccuracy.

Our results lead to the question of why mainstream national news sources opt for such coverage. As some scholars have demonstrated, profit-seeking motivations and compe- tition significantly influence the content of different media outlets (Dixon and Linz 2000; Hamilton 2004; Dunaway 2008; Abrajano and Hajnal 2015; Abrajano, Hajnal, and Hassell 2017). One author recently dubbed this problem as “immigrant porn,” criti- cizing photographers and editors for failing to capture the complexities of undocumented, working immigrants (Tobar 2017).

Our findings also suggest avenues for future research on the topic of immigration and images. The observations from the data suggest ways in which race/ethnicity and the threat narrative interact in the framing of immigrants. Future research should continue to explore the ways in which different categories intersect, and whether these patterns

POLITICS, GROUPS, AND IDENTITIES 7

evolve over time and across news outlets. While a range of experimental research demon- strates the role of framing effects in influencing immigration attitudes, future experimental research should also expand our understanding of this process across racial and ethnic groups, and should broaden our understanding of the extent to which images of crimi- nality, borders, and low-skilled workers, such as those studied here, evoke distinct atti- tudes toward immigrants.

Notes

1. Consistent with the Associated Press stylebook, we use the terms “undocumented” or “unauthorized” immigrant rather than “illegal immigrant” to refer to individuals residing in the U.S. without legal status (Weiner 2013).

2. Since we were particularly interested in the ways in which immigrants were portrayed during that time period, we eliminated cartoons, historical images, and author photographs from our sample. We included all images in which the subjects were either identified as immigrants or implied as such, as well as all images of non-immigrants or images without individuals. To facilitate tests of intercoder reliability, before giving the images to the RAs, we assigned each individual a number, differentiating between immigrants and non-immigrants. We excluded one event that drew press attention during this time period, the 2000 case of Elián González, given public disagreements over the case and immigrant status. We also excluded images containing large groups of protes- ters, common during the 2006 and 2007 congressional consideration of immigration reform, in which individuals’ status as immigrants or non-immigrants could not easily be determined.

3. RAs were instructed to code based on their initial reaction to the photo, and were allowed to use headlines and captions to inform their interpretation of the photos, if appropriate.

4. Both RAs coded each image in our dataset. The results reported are from one research assist- ant after running an intercoder reliability check of all images. For all data reported, Cohen’s kappa >0.75 (Dewey 1983).

Acknowledgement

We are grateful to Alyssa Clark, Stephanie Shady, Chanel Vismara, Kallie McLaughlin, and Lauren Meininger for their excellent research assistance, and to Erin Cassese and Amy Erica Smith for their helpful feedback. Additionally, we are thankful to Texas Wesleyan University for their library access to the newsmagazine stories.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Funding

We are thankful to The Fund for Latino Scholarship from The American Political Science Associ- ation and to Clark University and Texas Christian University for their generous support of our research.

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