reading response

Masculine and Unaffected: Inigo Jones and the Classical Ideal Author(s): Christy Anderson Source: Art Journal, Vol. 56, No. 2, How Men Look: On the Masculine Ideal and the Body Beautiful (Summer, 1997), pp. 48-54 Published by: College Art Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/777678 Accessed: 26-01-2017 16:33 UTC

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Masculine and Unaffected Inigo Jones and the Classical Ideal

Christy Anderson

rchitecture frames the measure of man. The contem-

porary photographer Karen Knorr offers the phrase

"The Search for the True Spirit of Antiquity" as a legend to her view of the interior of eighteenth-century Chiswick House (fig. 1).1 This image, part of her series

48 titled Connoisseurs, frames an elegant and somberly dressed man within the vista of two highly ornate classical

door frames. The man, turned away from us and gazing out

toward the garden, hides his identity and his emotions, while the architecture glows with gold against plain walls.

Architecture bears the burden of expression, preserving personal anonymity even in an interior, domestic space. In

this setting Knorr's use of the term antiquity evokes both the ancient models for the architecture as well as the

noblesse of the man in this space. The presence of antiqui- ty forms the past, and anticipation of its true spirit frames

the condition of the present.

Knorr's interest in this photograph is English classi- cism in the broadest sense, and she urges us to question the ways in which traditions and masculine identity are formed through the power of historical precedent and the inevitability of commonly held beliefs. Her photographs

employ the language of classicism, its balance, proportion, and symmetry. This is a visual language that carries with it

the strength of patrimony and an irrefutable parentage.

In early seventeenth-century England the propo- nents of architectural classicism employed these attributes

of inevitability and antiquity to promote its significance, using the vocabulary associated with masculine values to support classicism's superiority over a vernacular English architecture. In the early decades of the seventeenth cen-

tury a small group of courtiers sang the praises of a classi-

cal architectural vocabulary in spite of the widespread preferences of architects, patrons, and the general public for a style based on Gothic forms and the continuity of native traditions.2 (It was not until the eighteenth century that classicism, based on the work of the Italian architect

Andrea Palladio, became a dominant voice in the architec-

tural circles of William Kent and Lord Burlington.) The language of masculinity was an important part of the archi-

SUMMER 1997

tectural rhetoric of this stylistic shift, for it associated architectural forms with gender and therefore related to debates about gender identity. This article looks at one moment in seventeenth-century English architectural his- tory through an investigation of the language and connota-

tions of visual style.

Within this story of the rise of classicism, the archi-

tect Inigo Jones (1573-1652) serves as the "genius" who transformed English architectural history. His importance is equated with the great political and military events of

the period. A recent history of English classicism begins with Jones as the first of the "heroic" tradition of archi-

tects.3 Classicism, the Latin of architectural form, connect-

ed England with wider European developments, especially

with the interests of European courts. For some historians this marked a coming of age in English political and artis- tic culture. "For the English architects from Inigo Jones down to the first quarter of the nineteenth century reflect

the prosperity and the naval or martial pre-eminence of

England. They are no more inferior to those of the rest of Europe than was our reputation as an independent king- dom. That is to say, they are not provincial."4

Architecture before Jones-and continuing through the seventeenth century-was a mixture of forms from a

variety of sources, a combination of classical details, her-

aldry, and invented ornament. Two drawings demonstrate this contrast. In a gate design by Jones for Hatton House in

London (1622-23), he used the classical orders based on Continental models and the transformation of Roman

precedent (fig. 2).5 The mode of representation, orthogonal

projection as used by Palladio and others, emphasizes the

clarity and regularity of the design. Jones offers two alter-

natives for the Tuscan gateway: one on the left with rusti-

cated bands; the other with smooth applied columns against the rusticated surface of the gate.

In contrast, a drawing by Robert Smythson from the

end of the sixteenth century is also for a gate, but here the

draftsman is less interested in the symmetry of the whole than in the inventiveness and exuberance of the ornament

in the cresting (fig. 3). The bottom of the drawing is barely

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49

FIG. 1 Karen Knorr, The Search for the True Spirit of Antiquity, 1986, Cibachrome, 39 x 39 inches. Courtesy of the artist.

completed, in contrast to the even finish of the Jones design. Whereas Smythson manifests an Elizabethan aes- thetic of wonder, Jones appeals to a more measured sensi- bility and the options offered to the patron. Although the

drawing shows the changes made by Jones in the process of

design, the addition of extra rustication along the cornice of the pediment, variations for the entablature moldings along the right side of the page, and so on, it is still intend-

ed to be a presentation drawing to the patron. Jones signs the drawing in the upper right corner, "for my lo[rd] Stuarde for Hatton house 1622 1623." The drawing was intended as a point of discussion for patron and architect;

they could make choices about the degree of rustication and the placement of the inscription while examining the drawing. Jones's drawing was the medium for a client- patron relationship that highlighted Jones's specialized skill and knowledge in architectural design.

Restrained classical architecture and the design process itself were for Jones specifically connected with contemporary ideas of masculine self-presentation. Jones

made an explicit connection between architecture and masculinity in a note written soon after he returned from

Italy and Continental Europe in 1614. In the dead of win- ter, during the week of January 20, 1614, Jones must have

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FIG. 2 Inigo Jones, Elevation for a Tuscan Carriage Gateway for Hatton House, Ely Place, London, 1622-23, pen and brown ink with gray-brown wash on paper, 141/4 x 111/2 inches. Royal Institute of British Architects, London.

been engaged in a period of study and reflection on the nature of architectural ornament. On Thursday, January 19, Jones wrote:

As in dessigne first on Sttudies the partes of the boddy of man as Eyees noses mouthes Eares and so of the rest to bee

practicke in the partes sepperat ear on comm to put them toggethear to maak a hoolefiggure and cloath yt and con- sequently a hoole Storry wth all ye ornamentes

So in Architecture on must Studdy the Partes as loges Entranses Haales Chambers Staires doures windoues. and

then adorrne them wth colloms. Cornishes. sfondati. Stattues. Paintings. Compartimentes. quadraturs.6

For Jones, the body, and specifically the male body, is the model for architectural design. Jones would have read about the human analogy for architectural design in his copy of Leon Battista Alberti's treatises on architecture and

painting, bound together as one book on his library shelf.7

On the following day Jones wrote on the theme of

architectural decorum and the proper use of ornament. "In all invencions of Caprecious ornaments, on must first designe the Ground, or ye thing plaine, as it is for youse, and on that varry yt, addorne yt, compose yt with Decorum

according to the youse and the order yt is of."8 The build-

ing is to be built from the inside out, the bones organized

first, with the appropriate dress added later, according to

the status of the building and based on the status of its occupant. Jones then comments on the appropriate orna- ment for the interiors and exteriors of buildings. "And to saie trew all thes composed ornaments the wch Proceed out

of ye aboundance of dessigners and wear brought in by Michill Angell and his followers in my oppignion do not well in sollid architecture and ye fasciati of houses, but in

garden loggis stucco or ornaments of chimnies peeces or in

the inner parts of houses thos compositions are of necessi- ty to be yoused."

Composed ornament, such as that created by Michelangelo-and we can also add to this that type of ornament popular in Northern Europe at the end of the six-

teenth century-was to be limited to decorative elements on buildings. In the final section of this passage Jones equates this division in architectural decorum to the differ-

ences between masculine and feminine psychological makeups:

For as outwardly every wyse man carrieth a graviti in Pub-

licke Places, whear ther is nothing els looked for, yet inwardly has his immaginancy setfree, and sumtimes licen-

tiouslyflying out, as nature hirself doeth often tymes strava-

gantly, to dellight, amase us sometimes moufe us to laughter, sumtimes to contemplation and horror, so in archi-

tecture ye outward ornaments oft to be sollid, proporsionabl

according to the rules, masculine and unaffected.9

A building should be the embodiment of both the mascu-

line and the feminine, exterior bearing the public face of

gravitas, interior affected by the passions of "nature hir- self." The interior is aligned with the emotions and the emotive, the feminine domain. The exterior gives nothing away, for this is, as Jones says, "whear ther is nothing els looked for." The distinction between the exterior and the

interior had been discussed by Alberti: "In a town house the internal parts, such as the drawing rooms and dining rooms, should be no less festive than those of a country one; but the external parts, such as the portico and vestibule, should not be so frivolous as to appear to have obscured some sense of dignity."0l Jones, however, adds gender into this equation by specifically praising those qualities he associates with masculine architecture, equat- ing a building's presentation with that of a man in the pub-

lic domain. As men should present themselves with dignity

and gravity, that is, gravitas, so too should architecture. This note was written soon after Jones returned from his

travels abroad in the company of Thomas Howard, the earl

of Arundel, whose sober personal appearance was thought at the time to represent a political conservatism that rein- forced the status of ancient noble families in England.ll

The connection between architecture and ideals of

masculine nobility was explicit by the early seventeenth century. The facade of a man-represented through costume

and comportment-could define his nobility in the public

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51

FIG. 3 Robert Smythson, Design for a Gatehouse, sepia pen with brown wash, 8 x 73/4 inches. Royal

Institute of British Architects, London.

arena. "There is no one thing," wrote Henry Peacham, "that

setteth a fairer stamp upon nobility than evenness of car-

riage and care of our reputation, without which our most

graceful gifts are dead and dull, as the diamond without his

foil. For hereupon as on the frontispiece of a magnificent

palace are fixed the eyes of all passengers ... by gait, laugh-

ter, and apparel, a man is known what he is."12

Jones invokes a dichotomy of masculinity/femininity

to demarcate a difference in architectural style: classicism

as appropriate for the exterior of buildings; mixed and invented ornament for interiors. He followed this pattern

even at buildings intended for female patrons such as the Queen's House in Greenwich, built over a period of some twenty years from 1617 to the mid-1630s for Anne of Den-

mark, and then Henrietta Maria, queens of King James I

and Charles I respectively. There the exterior included simplified Doric loggias and classical balustrades, while highly ornamented fireplaces modeled after French designs appear on the interior.

Gender differences, presented as binary opposites, draw lines of demarcation between architectural spaces and

stylistic differences. As Joel Sanders has recently written,

"[The] opposition of public and private, upon which sexual binaries like male/female and heterosexual/homosexual

crucially depend, is itself grounded on the prior spatial dualism, inside/outside. Through the erection of partitions

that divide space, architecture colludes in creating and upholding prevailing social hierarchies and distinctions."13

For Jones, eager to establish his preeminence as court archi-

tect, such binary oppositions were extremely useful. Not

only did Jones equate classicism with a pattern of beliefs valued by the court, he also drew lines of demarcation between his own work and that of other architects at court.

Shakespeare's King Lear could well proclaim that "I dare do all that may become a man" (act 1, scene 7), though this is a dare the play tests at every opportunity. Macbeth concedes in his very hesitancy that there does exist the possibility of an effeminate paralysis of inactivity

on his part, which will ultimately be contrasted with the masculine activity of Lady Macbeth. Macbeth makes a ver-

bal pledge to act, but does not, and therefore leads to the

question, does he also "become a man"? Definitions of masculinity, and its varied manifestations, are at the heart

of many cultural moments in early seventeenth-century England. Susan Amussen has suggested how in the con- struction of masculinity in the years around 1600 there was a shift from a traditional model of manhood, based on vio-

lence, to a reformed notion of masculine power based on self-restraint and the recourse to law.14 As Amussen notes,

the reformed idea of manhood required economic, and one

might add intellectual, resources to achieve this indepen- dent and self-sufficient status. Masculinity cannot be sepa- rated from class distinction. We can see much the same

shift in architectural identity in this same period. Classi- cism as an architectural language based on antiquity also required a wide educational training to understand its

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52

FIG. 4 Andrea Palladio, I quattro libri dell'architettura (Venice 1601), bk. I, 50. Inigo Jones's copy. Worcester College, Oxford.

sources and significance. The viewer must share in the architectural knowledge of the patron and architect to know its references.

Jones's promotion of architectural classicism was predicated on the belief that it was the architectural expression of humanist educational ideals: rhetorical clar- ity, historical knowledge, and the grammar of the Latin lan-

guage itself.15 These educational ideals formed the basis for the training of the male aristocracy for public service,16

and Jones believed that architecture could similarly express these notions in built form. Throughout his career,

Inigo Jones sought to emulate the education of his patrons,

providing through self-study what he had never had in for-

mal training. The surviving books from his library indicate a concerted course of education in the standards of a

humanist education: philosophy, ancient history, geogra-

phy, and mathematics, in addition to the technical archi- tectural reading required for his profession.

Reading was at the center of Jones's practice as an architect. His careful and repeated study of the treatises of Andrea Palladio, Vincenzo Scamozzi, Sebastiano Serlio, and others provided the constant reference library of the vocabulary of classicism. Even these notes on ornament, quoted above, were Jones's interpretations of his reading. He had previously translated a passage in his copy of Gior- gio Vasari on the life of the Florentine architect Baccio

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d'Agnolo, where Vasari had described how the architect's son, Giuliano d'Agnolo, had replaced the outmoded "tedesco," or Gothic, windows of a palace with modern "finestre inginocchiate."l7 Jones translates the next pas-

sage of Vasari's text, writing that "Architecture must be masculine, Solid, Simpull. And inriched wth ye grace of design and of a varied subject in the Composition that wth not for too little or too much of that in ye Order of architec-

ture nor ye sight of the judicious."18 In his notebook Jones transforms his translation of

Vasari's text from "Solid" and "Simpull" into "sollid, pro-

porsionabl according to the rules, masculine and unaffect- ed." The change in language, with the addition of masculinity and decorum into the equation, illuminates his thinking about the application of these ideals into English architectural practice. The trajectory of Jones's career at court depended in great part on his ability to fulfill the architectural needs of his patrons, in addition to increasing

demand simultaneously for his "new" architectural style based on Continental precedent and antique authority.19 Solidity is opposed to fluidity, but in this context of talking

about ornament it would have juxtaposed classicism to the flat, applied ornament used by Robert Smythson and oth- ers, as in the gateway design discussed above. In the details of the entablature, capital, base, and so forth-that is, in all the elements of classicism-the ornament was understood as the expression of structural components in ancient architecture. Classical details were meant not to be

applied but to represent an assumed innate order of archi- tectural tectonics.

"Solid and proportional" is also the language of sci- ence, and specifically Euclidian geometry. In early seven- teenth-century England the use of these terms in conjunction with architecture would have located the dis-

cussion in a specific context of theoretical discourse about architecture. In John Dee's "Mathematical Preface" to the

1570 English translation of Euclid, architecture's serious- ness as a field of study is based on its roots in science and

mathematics.20 In discussing Jones's translation of Vasari,

David Cast notes that the choice of language is key to understanding Jones's interpretation of classicism and the

seriousness with which he approached his subject: "The term 'masculine,' as used by Jones, is a part of this whole

linguistic expansion, a word available in English already but transformed to evoke an ideal of artistic seriousness

and authority to which any Italianizer would quite obvious-

ly agree, the notion of male superiority being so ingrained

in this era that it becomes the common currency in lan- guage."21 One difficulty in the translation of Italian treatis-

es into English was the lack of accurate terms to describe

the parts of classical buildings. There was no exact equiv- alent, for example, for "loggia" in English. An architectur-

al style will not have a common currency if there is not the

language of description to allow a common discourse

between architect and patron, or architect and mason. Patrons at the court may have wished to build in the classi-

cal style and owned the architectural treatises; however,

they still required the expertise of Jones, a professional

architect, to negotiate the technical and visual language. In advocating the use of classicism in the public

arena, "whear ther is nothing els looked for," Jones is not only praising classicism as a more masculine architectural

style because of its ties to male educational experience, he is also promoting its masculine mode of textual reference.

Classicism, especially in countries so distant from a ready reference of Roman antiquities, required that its practi- tioners and patrons use books as source material. For Jones, books-and highly developed reading skills-were at the core of his architectural practice. The survival of his

library is the testimony to his careful study of words and

images (fig. 4). Henry Peacham urged young gentlemen to use their books, write in the margins, appropriate them as

their own: "for your owne use spare them not for noting or

enterlining (if they be printed) for it is not likely that you

meane to be a gainer by them, when you have done with them."22 To write in the margin was the mark of the scholar

and distinguished such a person from girls and gallants who carried their prayer books to church "but for their out-

sides." Annotating the text indicated a seriousness of study.

Classicism, and specifically Jones's practice of it, is

marked by just such a mode of seriousness and scholarly method. Through the metaphors of gender, science, and decorum he demarcates the boundaries of his scholarly understanding of the grammar and rhetoric of the orders.

Although this transformation of style may now seem an

inevitable development, the strength of Jones's language suggests that this change required the support of an irrefutable theoretical authority. Allon White's observa-

tions on the hierarchy of discourse of "high" and "low" language are particularly apposite here.

The language of most speech communities is stratified into

"high" and "low" language. That is to say, there is a hier-

archy of discourse which operates to distinguish certain lan-

guage users from others on the basis of prestige and power.

The "high" language is normally associated with the most

powerful socio-economic group existing at the felt centre of

cultural power, and this language is mediated through institutions of education, religion, politics, and communica-

tions. The "low" languages on the other hand are normally associated with the weakest socio-economic groups having limited control of dominant cultural agencies. Manual workers, women, adolescents, children, economic minorities,

subcultures, and rural regions remote from the main centres

all operate to a greater or lesser extent with "low" lan- guages in this sense.23

Classicism took on the role of "high" architectural lan-

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54

FIG. 5 British School, Portrait of William Style of Langley, 1636, oil on canvas, 80 x 53 inches. Tate Gallery, London.

guage through the work of its advocates in aligning its pre-

cepts with the seriousness of scholarly study and the ideals of masculine behavior. What is not serious must be the

trivial and the ephemeral. In her discussion of the materi-

ality of native English architecture, Lucy Gent notes that these issues of gender identity in architecture are often ignored, "for classicism tends to appropriate the language of purity, lucidity, beauty, and what is fundamental. It leaves to the Other impurity, obscurity, commodity and the trivial."24

Inigo Jones's architecture, as well as his practice of

architectural theory, intersected with ideas of masculinity and succeeded in establishing a "serious" language of design whose pedigree is irreproachable. As Allon White suggests, "the social reproduction of seriousness is a funda-

mental-perhaps the fundamental-hegemonic manoeuvre. Once the high language has attained the commanding posi- tion of being able to specify what is and is not to be taken seriously, its control over the language of its society is vir-

tually assured."25 Throughout the seventeenth century the taste for classicism came to define a gentleman as much as

masculinity defined the significance of classicism as a style (fig. 5).

SUMMER 1997

Notes

A version of this paper was first presented at the Architecture and Gender Confer- ence, Oxford Brookes University (England), October 1995. I am grateful to Louise Durning and Richard Wigley for the kind invitation to speak, and to the audience for the lively discussion during the conference.

1. Karen Knorr, Marks of Distinction (London: Thames and Hudson, 1991). 2. See my "Learning to Read Architecture in the English Renaissance," in

Albion' Classicism: The Visual Arts in Britain, 1550-1660, ed. Lucy Gent (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), 239-86.

3. Giles Worsley, Classical Architecture in Britain: The Heroic Age (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995).

4. Sacheverell Sitwell, British Artists and Craftsmen: A Survey of Taste, Design,

and Style (London: B. T. Batsford, 1945), 20. I am grateful to Ellen Chirelstein for this reference.

5. John Harris and Gordon Higgott, Inigo Jones: Complete Architectural Draw- ings, exh. cat. (New York: The Drawing Center, 1989), 134-35, cat. 44.

6. Inigo Jones, Roman Sketchbook, fol. 76v. Now in the Devonshire Collection, Chatsworth. This passage is cited and discussed by John Peacock, "Figurative Drawings," in Harris and Higgott, Inigo Jones, 285.

7. Ibid.

8. Jones, Roman Sketchbook, fol. 76r. 9. Ibid.

10. Leon Battista Alberti, On the Art of Building in Ten Books, trans. J. Rykw- ert, N. Leach, and R. Tavernor (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1988), bk. 9, pt. 4, p. 300. I am grateful to Georgia Clarke for this suggestion.

11. Kevin Sharpe, "The Earl of Arundel, His Circle, and the Opposition to the Duke of Buckingham, 1618-1628," in Faction and Parliament, ed. Kevin Sharpe (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978), 209-44.

12. Henry Peacham, The Complete Gentleman (1634), ed. Virgil B. Heltzel (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, for the Folger Shakespeare Library, 1962), 144.

13. Joel Sanders, Introduction to Stud: Architectures of Masculinity (New York:

Princeton Architectural Press, 1996), 17. 14. Susan Dwyer Amussen, "'The part of a Christian man': The Cultural Poli-

tics of Manhood in Early Modern England," in Political Culture and Cultural Pol- itics in Early Modern Europe. Essays Presented to David Underdown, ed. Susan D. Amussen and Mark A. Kishlansky (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995), 213-33.

15. On English educational practice, see among others, David Cressy, Educa- tion in Tudor and Stuart England (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1976); Anthony Grafton and Lisa Jardine, From Humanism to the Humanities: Education and the

Liberal Arts in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Europe (Cambridge: Harvard Uni-

versity Press, 1986); J. H. Hexter, "The Education of the Aristocracy in the Renaissance," in his Reappraisals in History: New Views on History and Society in Early Modern Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), 45-70; Lisa Jardine, "Humanism and the Sixteenth-Century Cambridge Arts Course," History of Education 4, no. 1 (1975): 16-31.

16. Hexter, "Education," esp. 64-70. 17. Inigo Jones's annotation in his copy of Giorgio Vasari, Le vite del'piu excel-

lenti pittori, scultori et architettori (Florence, 1568), 82. This copy is now in the collections of Worcester College, Oxford. See the discussion of this passage in Vanessa S. Chase, "'The Masculine Shew': The Country House as the Architecture of Masculinity in Late Stuart England" (Master's thesis, Courtauld Institute of Art, University of London, 1991), 12-15.

18. Ibid.

19. See the discussion of Jones's court career in J. Lees-Milne, The Age of Inigo Jones (London: Batsford, 1953); John Harris, Stephen Orgel, and Roy Strong,

The King's Arcadia: Inigo Jones and the Stuart Court, exh. cat. (London: Arts Council of Great Britain, 1973).

20. John Dee, "The Mathematical Preface," in The Elements of Geometrie of the Most Auncient Philosopher Euclide of Megara, trans. Henry Billingsley (Lon- don, 1570).

21. David Cast, "Speaking of Architecture: The Evolution of a Vocabulary in Vasari, Jones, and Sir John Vanbrugh," Journal of the Society of Architectural His-

torians 52 (June 1993): 187. 22. Peacham, The Complete Gentleman, 54. 23. Allon White, "'The Dismal Sacred Word': Academic Language and the

Social Reproduction of Seriousness," in his Carnival, Hysteria, and Writing: Col- lected Essays and Autobiography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 122.

24. Lucy Gent, "'The Rash Gazer': Economies of Vision in Britain, 1550-1660," in Gent, ed., Albion's Classicism, 378.

25. White, "Dismal Sacred Word," 134.

CHRISTY ANDERSON is assistant professor of Renaissance

and Baroque architecture at Yale University and is writing a

history of the origins of English architectural classicism.

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