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Literature Review

Japan’s historical development subsists as integration between domestic and external forces. The country’s modernization began when it encountered the influential Western countries in the early 19th century. Therefore, the course to Japan’s industrialization can be termed as the contribution of different domestic factors, such as the central government, commercial activities, individual and community roles, as well as the contribution of women who were priory considered irrelevant (Wiersema, Margarethe and Bird, 1993). Nowadays, this viewpoint is very important in every developing nation as development results from both internal and external globalizing pressure. The Japanese domestic society was the foundation on which the successful political, social, and economic systems were introduced. In essence, the society has exceptional features that reflect on its environmental, economic, and social cooperation to become an industrialized nation. As a result, the existing institutions in Japan are mutually dependent, forming a consistent whole in a phenomenon known as “institutional complementarity.”

According to Nawata, Kazumitsu, and Ii (2004), compared with the history of other nations in the non-Western world, such as China and Korea, it can be noted that Japanese received the incoming external shocks well, and then applied them positively to nurture changes and growth. In addition, the country hanged on to its national identity during this practice (Nawata, Kazumitsu, and Ii, 2004). All Japanese institutions demonstrate a multi-layered, onion-like arrangement, where both the old and novel aspects are integrated to coexist, and only surface on circumstantial demands. On the other hand, it can be held that China and Korea assume a hard ball. The ball cannot be changed unless through explosion, and then replaced with “another hard stone ball” referred to as “revolution”, and probably assuming a different color.

Yuki (2003) states that the Japanese government and different Western Europe countries were at a safe distance from the vast Eurasian civilizations, including China, Middle East, and India. As a consequence, they could appropriately suck up the cultural features of these civilizations. The adoption mechanism was facilitated by the fact that they were less invaded and shattered compared to societies found in the central region of Asian continent (Yuki, 2003). The advantage favored these societies to develop both organically and cumulatively. In comparison with the Asian countries of Korea and China, Japan developed autonomously, developing free from the centralized imperialism. The country later adopted power decentralization by instituting feudalism, absolutism, and ultimately capitalism. Consequently, the evolution explains why the Industrial Revolution originating from the UK was first adopted by Japanese rather than other non-Western countries in Asia.

As researchers explore various aspects of the society, most of the times they argue that certain cultural and social behaviors exist as they are presently due to the historical in these societies for a long time. According to Nakata, Yoshi-fumi, and Mosk (1987), the credibility obtained by these past arguments seems indisputable and an incontestable acts of. Consequently, when exploring the position of Japanese women in the society, there is a propensity to explain their lower status by referring to their past. In this regard, women were placed in a lower social status, while today they are only considered the successors of that minor rank impressed on them by the past. However, when the past arguments are wielded against these Japanese women and they decline to accept it as it is customary, it serves to deliberately and candidly ignore their earlier stages of evolution and assume today’s senior society roles.

By basing Japanese women’s evolution on mythological viewpoint, it is believed that god Izanagi and goddess Izanami (Moeran, 1995) gave birth to Eight Island Country. Subsequently, Amateratsu was molded out of a bronze mirror that was held in Izanagi’s left hand, as a beam of light pointed to earth. In this way, the goddess was made and gave birth to Japan, as an omniscient mother who would look after the rising sun’s nation. From the goddess, the imperial line emerged beginning with her grandson as the first Emperor, and then settled in the Yamato Plain by 660 BC (Harvey, 1995). As a result, the Japanese imperial line was continued all through including women, as it is demonstrated by female rulers such as Empress Suiko who ruled from 592-628 (Money et al., 1998). Additionally, it has been extensively known that women’s involvement in politics in the Nara period (710-794) (Burgess, 2004) was very significant. In this case, the Japanese society believed that women had special supernatural powers to converse with the world of spirits.

To date, the Japanese still believe that women are special creatures who possess an imperceptible and special power on men. For instance, the Japanese have a strong use of the expression dansei jo:i, josei yu:i that means men superior, women dominant (Lock, 1998). In addition, the last part of the Heian period (794-1185) (Wilkins, Alan and. Ouchi, 1983) saw the Japanese artwork and letters thrive with various monogatari (tales) and nikki (diaries) inscribed by elite women. The narratives are both magnificent pieces of literature and sensible women’s portrait demonstrating their inner life in those days. Up to the Muromachi (1338-1568) era, Japan was a matriarchal civilization that was occupied with a ruling class called the uji. The individuals had a large working group referred to as be, and was made up of a collection of hereditary and work-related specialized people.

Unlike in China where women were restricted to household duties only, the Japanese women groups worked in the sea and fields in addition to their household duties. Throughout the Edo period (1600-1868), the Japanese fathers assisted their women to take care of the children. There is a solid proof that men would take care of the infants, as it is demonstrated by childcare manual directing men to give milk to their babies if women were in short supply. On the other hand, Korean and Chinese mothers took responsibility of the children alone, until the fathers took over from them to train literature and martial arts (Cook, 1999). In order to demonstrate the higher status of women in the Japanese society, Christian missionaries who worked in Japan from the European countries of Spain and Portugal provide enough evidence in the 16th century. The missionaries reported that women were treated differently in Japan compared to other Asian countries, such as China. Another example is the observation made by Luís Fróis who worked in Japan from 1563 to 1597. The missionary stated that that in China and Korea, husbands and their wives shared their assets whereas in Japan each one of them had their own properties. In addition, some Japanese women who were better positioned gave loans to their husbands, who repaid it with 11% interest rate on the amount given.

As stated earlier, the role of women in the Chinese and Korean societies was at home. The women looked after the children, took care of the elderly, and were entirely devoted to their husbands. However, the misinterpreted picture of women in these societies portrayed them as non-productive society members in Japan (MERLNO, 1999). In essence, in the early part of 19th century, Japanese women made up two-thirds of workers in the textile industry. The women were economically empowered and worked mainly as cotton spinners, silk reelers, and weavers, although under horrible conditions. Noteworthy, many women who worked in these private institutions did not sign their contracts. Most of them came from poor backgrounds and their fathers signed the contracts on their behalf as they needed money to support their families. Nevertheless, unlike in China and Korea, these women played an important role in developing their country although their sacrifice ha s not been recognized well.

Back in the Taisho period (1912-1926), most urban areas in Japan portrayed a very different pace of development compared to the type-casted spinning wheels and rice fields utilized earlier (Wiersema, Margarethe and Bird, 1993). In this period, different service sectors sprung up providing new employment opportunities to women such as elevator girls, mannequin girls, and train girls. However, these tasks involved offering different services to the public that essentially destroyed the image of women as family and societal slaves. Therefore, the English version of the word ga:ru (girl) demonstrated that these were odd jobs that were meant for the young and unmarried women. The women would wear uniforms like English girls to emphasize that Japan was keeping up with modern times.

Throughout the 1930s and 1940s, the Japanese government stressed on the reproductive duties of women, and exploited it to encourage them participate in wars due to the escalating Japanese militarism. Japan as a country required enough soldiers to fight in these wars as well as leaders to administer the newly acquired territories by the Japanese army (Nakata, Yoshi-fumi, and Mosk, 1987). The well established image through the Showa period (1926-1989) revealed a conformist tendency that continued in the 70s, a period when motherhood was seen as a positive trait emphasizing the significance of women’s role in developing their nation. The government’s efforts were well received because even these women saw it as a step forward in recognition that they can form an important part of family system and their nation.

Japan’s growth and development to become one of the leading countries in terms of economical development and technological advancements, appeared to be an ideal stage for women’s ambitions. After WWII, the rights and responsibilities of these women saw great improvements provided by the various laws such as the universal suffrage law enacted in 1946 (Wiersema, Margarethe and Bird, 1993). Some other developments that covered for the rights of women include the establishment of secondary education and 26 universities for women. In addition, after 1947 several enactments advocated for equal payments for women and men, as well as maternity leave and other holidays. Although Korea and China tried to adopt these laws, the two societies were just trying to prove modernity. Noteworthy, the societies’ mentality was still based on the earlier laws set by their previous administrations that women should take care of the house, children, and husbands who in turn took care of their countries.

In Japan, several women have been appointed to be ambassadors of their country’s culture, although they lack proper empowerment thus far. Specifically, these women lack political empowerment, because every political leadership in Japan relies on declamatory skills, experience, and compelling personalities (Wilkins, Alan and Ouchi, 1983). However, in Korea and China, political ambitions rely on personal loyalty and status in an established group and support given to the politician. In order to be a triumphant politician in Japan, an individual must belong to a definitive uchi that is supported by a certain party. As a result, women have much power in the local areas as their contributions in environmental matters and consumption are essential to the welfare of their country.

Comparable to China and Korea, Japan is a nation that largely relies on industrial work for immense productivity and at a low cost. For example, in the early 1980’s Japanese women realized that the only means of advancing their lives and economic welfare of their nation was through demanding a place in the society (Wiersema, Margarethe and Bird, 1993). Consequently, in the mid and late 1980s, these women joined the Japanese production machinery. Due to the elevated cost of living and scarcity of labor, a large group of women was attracted to the labor market, although their life course was cautiously monitored by the nation. In this regard, women started working full-time after graduation, enjoy freedom, marry and have children, became inexpensively reliant to raise children, and then took a part-time job to care for the elderly.

As a consequence, starting in the 1990s marriage age for women was delayed, and Japan experienced a decrease in birth rate as the society demonstrated signs of aging. Women were encouraged to participate in industrial works as they could form a crucial part in the productivity of the country. As a result, the tasks assigned to them back in Meiji period were adopted in the 21st century industrialized society (Nakata, Yoshi-fumi, and Mosk, 1987). To date, women are receiving influences from a range of sources, such as social organizations, foreign powers, popular Japanese cultures, and the media. The development has shaped various behavioral patterns that make Japan a homogeneous nation without class, regional, political, and gender disparities, an important trend that highlights the consciousness of the ongoing process of socio-cultural and political integration.

It is important to know how japan have developed successfully from political

Post world war two, japan has been increasing women’s participation in politics. In 2016, Yuriko Koike is selected as the Governor of Tokyo first time as woman. This case shows women’s political participation and leadership have increased and

In comparison with Korea, the current president is woman for first time and she been trying to

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