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12The Self and Moral Development
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Learning Objectives
After completing this module, you should be able to:
ሁ Articulate Erikson’s and Marcia’s theories of psychosocial development and evaluate their role in the development of identity.
ሁ From the viewpoint of Erikson, explain how children must balance independence of actions with possible negative consequences of those actions.
ሁ Outline the evidence for the emergence of self-awareness. ሁ Determine how self-esteem is developed and summarize demographic differences. ሁ Define ethnic identity and understand how it influences identity development. ሁ Distinguish among behaviors that are indicative of different stages of moral development.
Section 12.1Foundations: Erikson’s Stages of Psychosocial Development
Prologue I once coached a basketball team of 11-year-old girls. It was a highly competitive league, but we were out to have fun as well. My slight, 4½-foot-tall daughter was on the team, as was a girl she eventually befriended, Chrystal, who was about a foot taller, about 50 pounds heavier, and well into puberty. Chrystal could easily have passed for 16 years old. After one particu- larly hard practice, I gave a few of the girls hugs of encouragement as they were leaving. I did not really think anything of it at the time.
At the beginning of the next practice, Chrystal’s mother made a point of letting me know that my hug had a tremendous impact on Chrystal and later brought her mother to tears. Because of her size, adults rarely treated Chrystal as the young child she was. Sometimes adult men would flirt with her or otherwise look at her in a way that was entirely inappropriate even for a teenager, let alone an 11 year old. As a result, Chrystal had changed from an outgoing child to one who was more withdrawn.
Chrystal’s personality and emotional development was on par with that of my daughter. In nearly every way in which development is measured, Chrystal and Mariana were identical, but you would not know it by looking at the two of them on a basketball court. Even though Chrystal was able to throw around her size and weight to the team’s advantage, she still liked dolls, children’s music, and stuffed animals. My hug, and Mariana’s friendship, apparently allowed her to recapture the social and emotional processes that had become derailed. Her mother reported that the turnaround was immediate and sustained; Chrystal had once again become more outgoing and childlike.
Factors that directed Chrystal’s social, emotional, and personality development are even harder to pinpoint than those related to physical and cognitive development. As we explore development of the self in this module, remember that there are many ways to measure growth besides age.
12.1 Foundations: Erikson’s Stages of Psychosocial Development
Perhaps the most well-known theorist in the area of psychosocial development is Erik Erik- son. An important aspect of this development is that of the self, which is a conceptualization of how we evaluate our thoughts and attitudes about ourselves. Erikson stressed how the self develops as a function of the way we constantly interact with society. In many ways, Erikson is to psychosocial development as Piaget is to cognitive development. That is, his theory of psychosocial development remains a historical benchmark from which contemporary the- ory has evolved. And like Piaget, psychologists continue to find Erikson’s ideas practical and worthwhile.
Erikson was influenced by Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalytic theory. Both of these psychology pioneers emphasized the importance of early development on later personality and behav- ior. However, whereas Freud felt early development was largely a function of sexual conflict, Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development focused on social influences during the life- span (Erikson, 1950, 1993). According to Erikson, each developmental period is marked by a psychosocial conflict that can have either a favorable or an unfavorable outcome. Although
Section 12.1Foundations: Erikson’s Stages of Psychosocial Development
Erikson developed his theory to encompass the entire lifespan, this section focuses on psy- chosocial stages through the end of adolescence.
Basic Trust versus Mistrust (birth to 1 year old) Erickson proposed that the fundamental conflict of infancy revolves around the infant’s dependency needs and parental responsiveness. Infants need to feel secure that they will be fed, changed, nurtured, and comforted. If parents are responsive and dependable, infants become confident that their needs will be met; they develop a sense of trust. In contrast, an insecure infant (perhaps one who has been neglected) will develop a sense of mistrust. There- fore, the first of Erikson’s stages is referred to as basic trust versus mistrust.
Autonomy versus Shame and Doubt (2 to 3 years old) If infants do not develop trust, they become insecure and are hesitant to venture on their own. By contrast, trusting infants feel confident about exploring the world. They become mobile and are able to do more things for themselves. As they move into toddlerhood, they are often heard saying, “Me do it!” This expression reflects their inclination toward independent behav- iors. They want to dress themselves and explore garbage in the street, open cabinets, and run freely—they want autonomy.
Toddlers develop a sense of autonomy when parents set limits while also encouraging self- sufficiency, for example, by saying, “You may run on the grass, but not in the street” or “You may wear either of these two outfits.” By contrast, if parents are overly demanding or do not let children perform tasks on their own, a sense of shame and doubt may result. Parents who are patient while walking or waiting for their children to dress are encouraging a sense of self- sufficiency and competency; children who are rushed begin to doubt themselves because of a perceived lack of competence. This conflict is known as autonomy versus shame and doubt.
F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : A u t o n o m y v e r s u s S h a m e a n d D o u b t One night, just before my son turned three, he asked if he could clear the ceramic (i.e., breakable) dinner dishes and load them into the dishwasher. I did not think about it at the time, but it was a decision that is key to Erikson’s stage of autonomy versus shame and doubt: Should we let him do this task by himself and risk breaking dishes, or insist on set- ting limits on a task he felt he was capable of doing? It is not always easy to know if you are overcontrolling or undercontrolling—either of which, according to Erikson, can lead to shame and doubt.
While my anxious wife looked on, I guided Max over to the dishwasher, where he promptly displayed his pride and confidence after performing what was previously an adult job. He soon was clearing the dishes most nights and did not break a plate until years later when he was old enough not to want the job anymore. (Of course, by then he was stuck with it!)
Doing the dishes myself would certainly have been more efficient, but it also would have given my son the message that he was not competent in a task that he was absolutely able to do. Sometimes parents must struggle with issues related to patience as their children gain autonomy and take initiative.
Section 12.1Foundations: Erikson’s Stages of Psychosocial Development
Initiative versus Guilt (3 to 6 years old) When children gain autonomy, they begin to master the world around them. They become more independent but sometimes suffer negative consequences as a result. Early “experiments” with food flying off of a highchair, which first occur randomly, are now done with more purpose. Chil- dren might cut their own hair. Parents are again faced with dilemmas. If a 4 year old attempts to pour a glass of orange juice but ends up dropping the container and break- ing a glass, how should the parent react? Children can either be reinforced for taking the initiative or feel guilt for having done something wrong. The key to helping chil-
dren overcome this initiative versus guilt conflict is to set balanced limits in goal-directed activities like climbing on rocks or crossing streets alone.
Industry versus Inferiority (7 to 11 years old) Children develop an increasing sense of competence by taking the initiative, expanding their opportunities, and feeling a sense of accomplishment. They become productive. This pro- ductivity is reflected in self-reinforced learning and discovery. As explained in Module 9, this process occurs when children begin to use reading as a way to advance learning, not simply as a skill to master. Industry is reflected in the way children build, fix, organize, and acquire knowledge. For example, following recipe directions produces output, even if it is not perfect. The output translates to achievement in the conflict of industry versus inferiority, building esteem that leads to a sense of identity in the next stage.
Conversely, children who did not favorably resolve the earlier stage of autonomy versus shame and doubt are more likely to hesitate when they come across new situations. They may fear disapproval for independent actions and become less self-sufficient. Exploratory behaviors may be perceived as “trouble-making.” Restrictions lead to less exploration, fewer accomplishments, and a lowered sense of competence. Instead of feeling industrious, chil- dren feel a sense of inferiority.
Identity versus Role Confusion (adolescence) Erikson believed that the stage of identity development that coincides with adolescence was pivotal. Early stages lead up to it, and later stages are dependent on it. The earlier stages set the groundwork for the development of self-concept and self-esteem. In this stage, teenagers try to discover who they really are, including their sexual identity and what they want to do in life. Beginning in early adolescence, physical, sexual, and cognitive changes, as well as more complex social demands, contribute to confusion about identity. Erikson called this time of
© Curi Hyvrard/Corbis ሁ As part of their developing personality,
children must balance independence of actions with possible negative consequences of those actions.
Section 12.1Foundations: Erikson’s Stages of Psychosocial Development
potential upheaval the adolescent identity crisis. During this period, teenagers will often try out different behaviors before finding a clear path. The process of reconciling these conflicts results in an individual’s achieving a sense of identity. When children are allowed to explore, create, and accomplish, they develop the competence necessary to define goals and forge a unique sense of self. Conversely, if teenagers feel a sense of inferiority, they do not develop feelings of accomplishment and purpose. Current and future roles remain undefined.
The cognitive advancement associated with formal operations allows adolescents to hypoth- esize about different futures (and also makes them more self-conscious, as in Elkind’s imagi- nary audience). Identity formation therefore includes self-assessment about strengths and weaknesses, friendships, sexual identity, occupational possibilities, and values. The sense of “self ” and personal control emerge when there is a sense of continuity about these character- istics (Erikson, 1970).
Once again, according to Erikson, parents can facilitate adolescent psychosocial development by allowing teenagers to explore their own identities while setting limits. If, however, par- ents continually insist that children conform to specific views, identity development can be arrested. Instead of developing a strong sense of self, teenagers will face role confusion. They may engage in behaviors that are socially unacceptable. Role confusion may lead to difficulty forming close adult relationships. Relationships become more superficial because individuals have not developed the strong sense of self that is necessary for intimate emotional connec- tions. This outcome is sometimes referred to as identity diffusion since the self, or personality, lacks a unified core. Erikson proposed that identity versus role confusion was the key to developing into an adult.
Adult Stages The adult stages rest firmly on the successful resolution of the challenges of earlier devel- opmental stages. A strong sense of identity sets the foundation for adult success in form- ing intimate relationships, leading to successful resolution in the stage of intimacy versus isolation. The intimate expression of hopes, dreams, and fears results in the formation of deep emotional connections. Without the risk of vulnerability, a sense of isolation develops. In middle age, adults then seek to accomplish goals that they hope will provide a lasting influ- ence on children and the community. This stage is generativity versus stagnation, whereby adults either “leave a mark” (generate) or develop a sense of stagnation when they lack pro- ductivity. In Erikson’s final stage of integrity versus despair, people in late adulthood either accept their lives and what they have accomplished with a sense of integrity or live in despair as a result of knowing that goals went unfulfilled. Though these adult stages are summarized here only briefly, you can see how they are strongly connected to the earlier focus on identity development in adolescence.
S E C T I O N R E V I E W Summarize Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development.
Section 12.2Expansion of Erikson’s Theory: James Marcia
12.2 Expansion of Erikson’s Theory: James Marcia Using Erikson’s stage of identity versus role confusion as a backdrop, James Marcia suggests that there are four ways of resolving the crisis of identity that adolescence presents. He clas- sifies individual identity development in terms of two characteristics: crisis and commitment. Crisis refers to a period of some turmoil, during which adolescents begin to question previ- ous values. As a result, individuals explore different alternatives. A high school senior may consider a technical school, traveling, or several different college majors. Commitment refers to whether or not a decision has been made related to the exploration (Marcia, 1966, 2007). There is quite a difference, for instance, between an unmotivated high school student who jumps in and out of menial part-time jobs and one who attends college workshops and volun- teers at a health care agency. In the latter case, exploration will eventually lead to commitment.
As Figure 12.1 indicates, Marcia organized four observable identity statuses based on the two criteria of exploration (crisis) and commitment. Identity achievement occurs when occupa- tional and social challenges of education, career, and marriage are explored and pursued and there is a current commitment. The crisis occurs when various options are considered. For example, after an individual investigates a number of opportunities in the mental health field (e.g., social work, counseling psychology, research and teaching), identity achievement would occur when the individual commits to the pursuit of one over another. Early identity achieve- ment is associated with high achievement motivation, empathy, compassion, and self-esteem. However, for most, identity does not solidify until the early to mid-20s (Bang, 2013; Kroger, 2007; Kroger, Martinussen, & Marcia, 2010).
Figure 12.1: Marcia’s identity statuses ሁ James Marcia described four possible outcomes related to adolescent identity development.
Identity Diffusion
Identity Moratorium
Identity Foreclosure
Identity Achievement
AbsentPresent
Commitment
A b se
n t
E x p
lo ra
ti o
n (
c ri
s is
)
P re se
n t
Source: Adapted from Marcia (1966, 2007).
Adolescents sometimes commit to an identity without adequately exploring alternatives, per- haps because of the strong influence of an authority figure or societal norm. They join the military, work in the family business, or pursue a law degree because their parents have decided that is “what is best.” This status of identity foreclosure does not necessarily equal
Section 12.2Expansion of Erikson’s Theory: James Marcia
unhappiness, but it is associated with a high need for approval. Identity foreclosure is more common among Asian, European, and collectivist cultures than in mainstream, middle-class culture in the United States. Therefore, the independence that is indicative of identity achieve- ment is not necessarily a desirable goal for every group. Furthermore, secular changes within cultures also affect goals and values. For instance, among adolescents there has been a recent shift in attitudes, resulting in an increased concern for other people and the environment. As a result, career development in the contemporary cohort of adolescents and young adults includes relatively more collectivist goals and less materialism (Greenfield, Keller, Fuligini, & Maynard, 2003; Park, Twenge, & Greenfield, 2014; Rothbaum, Weisz, Pott, Miyake, & Morelli, 2000).
Traditionally, though, middle-class culture in the United States is usually associated with exploration. The common mantra of “you can be anything you want to be” is an example of parents encouraging the exploration of various alter- natives. When adolescents actively explore choices but are not committed, it is referred to as identity morato- rium. This struggle for identity is often associated with anxiety, since the future is unplanned. Those who are considering changing majors or colleges, or dropping out of school altogether, are often in moratorium.
Finally, adolescents who have neither explored nor committed to any social or occupational choices are in a state of identity diffusion. These individuals tend to be flighty, without clear direction for the future. They may be confused about goals, occupation, sexual identity, or gender roles. The lack of occupational or social dedication makes it difficult to sustain rela- tionships. Consequently, these individuals are more likely than others to become isolated.
It is considered a positive development when individuals move from diffusion to foreclosure to moratorium to achievement. However, adolescents are not necessarily fixed into one iden- tity status, and achievement does not mean identity will remain stable. For instance, it is com- mon for individuals to change statuses from moratorium to achievement and back again, in what has been called the MAMA cycle. This sequence is considered normal and may appear periodically throughout the lifespan, though moratorium status peaks during late adolescence and declines thereafter. Whereas research finds that about half of all adolescents have a stable identity status, more than one-third move in a direction toward identity achievement. Among a college research sample, status begins to change more during late adolescence. Although identity status is still not always solidified by the time these young adults graduate, perhaps a noncollege sample would yield different results (Kroger, 2007; Kroger et al., 2010).
The way in which Erikson and Marcia discuss the concept of identity development is both a culmination of sorts and a jumping-off point. That is, according to Erikson, we have a ten- dency to strive to reach a key phase of self-identity and carry that forward into marriage, community, and retirement. Note, however, that these processes apply mostly to Western- ized youth and young adults. (Neither Erikson nor Marcia suggested that their theories could be applied universally.) Cross-cultural studies have validated Marcia’s conceptual basis for achievement; however, identity development is quite different, even within Western coun- tries, when there are choices in career and education and everyday survival can be taken for granted (e.g., Brzezińska & Piotrowski, 2013; Cinamon & Rich, 2014; Crocetti, Sica, Schwartz, Serafini, & Meeus, 2013).
Critical Thinking In what ways can attending college and pursu- ing a degree be categorized as identity foreclo- sure? When is it moratorium?
Section 12.3Development of the Self
In coal-mining towns or other working-class communities, for instance, the menu of careers to explore often appears limited. Education might not be a high priority, and economic neces- sity may dictate when and where a young adult seeks work. Identity development through exploration would not even be considered when daily living remains a struggle.
S E C T I O N R E V I E W Describe an individual who is representative of each of Marcia’s identity statuses.
12.3 Development of the Self Because the people around us heavily influence the construction of self, the development of the self is tied to social norms and expectations. Children in the United States grow up in a culture that emphasizes individual traits and abilities over interdependence and group goals. Early childhood characterizations of self typically include mostly concrete descriptions (“I like to draw,” “I am smart”). In contrast, Chinese culture favors modesty and the social aspects of the self. As such, Chinese children are more likely than children in the United States to use more situational and social accounts to describe the self (“I play with my friends at the park,” “I like to help my teacher”). These differences are evident as early as 3 years of age (Wang, 2006). During adolescence, psychosocial factors expand to include romantic relationships and sexuality. Continuing into late childhood and adolescence, descriptions become complex, and include both personal and social aspects of self (“I am a good friend,” “I work hard in school, but sometimes I get lazy,” “I am Latino”).
Self-Awareness Psychologists agree that babies are not born with inherent knowledge that self is separate from others. To develop an expression of individuality, children must develop an understanding of themselves. Piaget and other cognitive psychologists suggest that infants do not demonstrate awareness of themselves until they begin to show intention (see discussion of sensorimotor substage 4 in Module 7) beginning at about 8 months. Other views hold that children lack the cognitive capacity to know that they are distinct persons until they recognize themselves in a mirror or in photographs. This process is called self-awareness. Children can define their identities only when they are able to recognize that they are separate from others.
The most common method for identifying the psychosocial milestone of self-awareness is the mirror-and-rouge test. In a clever experiment, infants are prominently marked on their nose or forehead. The children are then placed in front of a mirror. They may attempt to wipe off the mark, point to it in the mirror, or otherwise pay attention to it. If they do, it may be con- cluded that they are aware of their own physical characteristics—the first step in developing a sense of self that is independent from other people and objects.
Section 12.3Development of the Self
Infants as young as 12 months old react to the mark, but the median age is closer to 18 months. By 24 months, nearly every child attempts mark-directed behavior, suggesting an increased sense of awareness. They also recognize themselves in photos and videos by pointing and verbalizing their own name or saying, “That’s me” (Amsterdam, 1972; Lewis, Brooks-Gunn, & Jaskir, 1985).
So does awareness via the mirror-and-rouge test occur all at once, or is it a gradual process? Again the issue of continuous or discontinuous development arises. Ber- tenthal and Fischer (1978) attempted to reconcile this question by demonstrating that self-awareness occurs in at least five stages, rather than the one implied by the mirror-and-rouge test. They constructed a series of experiments with 6- to 24-month-old children that cor- responded to substages 3 through 6 of Piaget’s senso- rimotor development (as well as one level beyond sub- stage 6, referred to here as substage 7).
In phase 1, to be considered self-aware at the most basic level, infants needed to look at themselves in a mirror and within a short time touch some part of the image. In phase 2, infants were dressed in an outfit with a hat that was supported by a hidden wire attached to a vest. In this way the children were not aware of the hat, so when it appeared in the mirror, children with self-recognition would be surprised and perhaps try to grab the hat. Phase 3 was similar to phase 2 but included a toy that was lowered into view behind the infant. Unlike the hat that moved with the child, the toy was not connected physically. Infants demonstrated success by connecting the reflection with the toy, and locating it behind them. Phase 4 consisted of the mirror and rouge. As found by Amsterdam and others, successful infants indicated that the mirror image did not fit the schema for normal appearance. Finally, in the fifth and last phase, mothers stood to the side of the mirror and asked their children, “Who’s that?” Successful infants stated their names or an appropriate pronoun.
Table 12.1 shows that 46 out of 48 infants aged 6 to 24 months followed the progression of phases. That is, nearly every child who was successful at the most advanced task (responding verbally) was also successful at all the other tasks; children who were successful at the rouge task (phase 4) were also successful at phases 1–3, but not at phase 5; children who were successful at the toy phase (phase 3) passed the earlier tests, but not the more sophisticated ones. Only two children did not fit the profile, suggesting that self-awareness indeed does change incrementally and develops in a more continuous fashion than typically represented by the mirror-and-rouge test (Bertenthal & Fischer, 1978).
Digital Vision/Valueline/Thinkstock ሁ By 24 months of age, most
children recognize their distinct selves in a mirror.
Section 12.3Development of the Self
Table 12.1: Phases of self-awareness ሁ With only two exceptions, children showed distinctive patterns of self-awareness. Children
who showed more advanced self-awareness were always able to demonstrate more basic forms. Conversely, children who had limited ability to coordinate their actions (corresponding to Piaget’s substages of sensorimotor development) had corresponding limitations of self-awareness.
Phase
Stage of development
N
1 (Touches mirror)
2 (Attached
hat)
3 (Toy low- ered into
view)
4 (Mirror-
and-rouge test)
5 (Responds verbally)
Substage 2 (younger than 4 months)
2 Ø Ø Ø Ø Ø
Substage 3 6 + Ø Ø Ø Ø
Substage 4 18 + + Ø Ø Ø
Substage 5 8 + + + Ø Ø
Substage 6 4 + + + + Ø
Substage 7 8 + + + + +
Other (nonconforming) profiles
1 + Ø + Ø Ø
1 + + Ø + Ø
Note: + = successful with task; Ø = not successful with task.
Source: Bertenthal, B. I. & Fischer, K. W. (1978). Development of self-recognition in the infant. Developmental Psychology, 14, 44– 50. Published by the American Psychological Association. Reprinted with permission of the American Psychological Association.
Other Indicators of Self-Awareness Self-awareness is also noticeable in the development of the higher-order emotions intro- duced in Module 11. The self-conscious emotions of shame, guilt, and pride are accompa- nied by behavior that indicates self-knowledge. For instance, self-awareness is acknowl- edged when toddlers warily “challenge” parents by touching forbidden objects. They will not automatically take food from another child’s plate because they know their behavior will be met with disapproval. When children implore parents to “Look!” at a pose, a block design, or an arrangement of stuffed animals, it shows pride of accomplishment. There is ownership of the task. Self-awareness and a growing consciousness are also demonstrated when toddlers fail at a task. Tears of frustration show that toddlers understand their own limitations; they are able to separate outside forces from internal appraisals (Stipek, Rec- chia, & McClintic, 1992).
Section 12.4Self-Concept and Self-Esteem
F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : D e l a y o f G r a t i f i c a t i o n : T h e M a r s h m a l l o w T e s t Self-regulation is a precursor to delay of gratification, the ability to wait before engaging in a pleasurable activity, like purchasing a desirable item or eating. In a famous study, Walter Mischel and his colleagues at Stanford University placed a tray of marshmallows (and other highly desirable treats like cookies and pretzels) in front of children as young as 4 years old to see if they could resist temptation.
Children were placed by themselves in a small room and told they could have one marsh- mallow (or other treat). They were further informed that they could either eat the marshmallow right away or, if they waited for a period of time, they could have two marsh- mallows instead.
Some of the children ate the marshmallow right away, while others waited just a few min- utes before indulging; about 30% doubled their treat by waiting the entire 15 minutes for the researcher to come back.
In a number of follow-up studies, Mischel and his collaborators discovered insights into the importance of self-control. Children who were able to delay rewards were later found to be more attentive in school, had fewer behavioral problems, and were better at forming and maintaining friendships. As adolescents, they showed more independence, had more confi- dence, and were better able to cope with stress. Perhaps most surprisingly, this simple test also predicted cognitive differences, resulting in an average gain for the delayers of over 200 points on the SAT college admission exam!
Delayers developed strategies to distract themselves by covering their eyes, singing, or imagining something other than marshmallows in front of them, like cotton balls. Older children focused more easily on the greater rewards (using metacognition).
Maybe the ability to delay gratification as evidenced by the Marshmallow Test serves as a shield against cognitive or social disappointments that can sometimes lead to fur- ther failure. Perhaps those with better self-control are more likely to be persistent in the face of potential defeat (Eigsti et al., 2006; Mischel & Ebbesen, 1970; Shoda, Mischel, & Peake, 1990).
S E C T I O N R E V I E W Describe how evidence-based research explains the emergence of self-awareness.
12.4 Self-Concept and Self-Esteem Complete the activity on self-esteem. The descriptions describe who you are and illustrate your self-concept, or your own perception of characteristics related to academics, athletics, family roles, personality, sexuality, and more. Though the terms self-concept and self-esteem are often used interchangeably, they refer to different dimensions. Self-concept is concerned with constructing a sense of identity through self-expression. Self-esteem is the evaluation
Section 12.4Self-Concept and Self-Esteem
of that self-concept. An adolescent may think, “I am a fair student, a good athlete, and a nice friend. I wish I were better at video games, but I am really good at making people laugh.” If the person assesses those characteristics in an overly positive manner, it expresses a high self- esteem; if the assessment is particularly poor, then self-esteem is poor. A person’s assessment of self-concept may not be a reasonable reflection of self-concept, but nevertheless it defines self-esteem. Personal characteristics distinguish self-concept; the assessment of those char- acteristics is self-esteem.
A C T I V I T Y Take a moment and think of words that describe you. Formulate descriptions that are related to your culture and ethnicity, gender, and sex. Also include adjectives that relate to the way you perform at work or in school, and the way you behave around your family or in groups.
To increase self-esteem, children and adolescents must therefore increase their self- evaluations. Although programs and methods have been designed to boost self-esteem, it is not a “thing” that adults can simply hand out, like a sticker or a pat on the back. Instead, self- esteem is produced by accomplishment (which can be recognized and reinforced with a star or a pat on the back). But children cannot feel proud if there are no activities about which to feel proud. Therefore, to increase self-esteem, there need to be endeavors or personal circum- stances that result in greater perceived success. Although professionals often remark that high self-esteem in school or elsewhere leads to better performance, research finds that this directional relationship does not exist. In fact, evidence shows the reverse to be true: Suc- cessful performance leads to high self-esteem (Baumeister, Campbell, Krueger, & Vohs, 2003;
Crocker & Park, 2004). In Erikson’s terms, this is what is meant by industry. Being industrious fosters identity and self-esteem as children learn to integrate success- ful skills, strategies, character traits, and behaviors into personality.
During early elementary school, children also develop an understanding that there are differ- ent kinds of social competencies and friendship qualities; they develop a sense of emotion- ality, and self-regulation becomes a more conscious activity. Cognitive maturation helps to define one’s identity. It leads young children to transition from analyses of external traits, like producing drawings, to more internal, psychological characteristics, like what it means to be a good friend (Harter, 2006; Marsh & Ayotte, 2003).
Sources of Self-Esteem Like work and family for adults, a significant proportion of childhood self-concept is immersed in school and academics. For the most part, however, elementary-school chil- dren do not initially separate related characteristics. That is, though math and reading are
Critical Thinking How might grade inf lation affect self-esteem?
Section 12.4Self-Concept and Self-Esteem
separate skills, since both relate to school, children will identify themselves as either good students or not based on an academic evaluation of total ability. Each skill area is assessed as a function of perceived overall competence. For instance, in a study of nearly 2,000 German schoolchildren, subject-specific (e.g., math, language) self-esteem varied only as a function of global self-esteem; they did not separate different aspects of esteem (Arens, Yeung, Nagen- gast, & Hasselhorn, 2013). As children enter Erikson’s stages of initiative versus guilt and then industry versus inferiority, evaluation of identity becomes differentiated into “parts.” Additionally, stability of self-esteem during this time is low, probably because the sense of self is most plastic. Younger children are still discovering and assessing different parts of themselves, and there is generally less self-criticism than at older ages (Trzesniewski, Don- nellan, & Robins, 2003).
Early adolescence is generally considered a difficult time, during which self-esteem suffers (Erol & Orth, 2011; Huang, 2010). The physical changes of puberty can be awkward, and universally elevated expectations regarding academics may not be consistent with abilities. During this time of increased psychosocial challenges, there is a usually a simultaneous decrease in the physical and emotional availability of teachers. Furthermore, due to the development of abstract thought and the hypothetical reasoning that goes with it, adoles- cents are better able to evaluate their goals and limitations. For instance, this is the time when many children discover that the road to becoming a professional athlete is more lim- ited than the idealized version of middle childhood. Therefore, cognitive change is both a healthy way of assessing reality and a potential detriment to self-esteem (Harter, 2006; Harter & Whitesell, 2003).
According to a recent 17-year-long longitudinal study, after an initial drop, self-esteem increases gradually and remains fairly stable for 87% of adolescents. On average, there is a general increase well into early adulthood (Birkeland, Melkevik, Holsen, & Wold, 2012). How- ever, very high self-esteem is also associated with increased aggression and higher levels of risk-taking and anti-social behavior, so some interventions may backfire (Baumeister et al., 2003; Diamantopoulou, Rydell, & Henricsson, 2008). For instance, raising the self-esteem of bullies without pursuing positive goals can actually increase bullying behavior, since higher self-esteem makes them feel good about their current behavior (Baumeister, Bushman, & Campbell, 2000).
Jean Twenge has been particularly vocal in rejecting programs designed to increase self- esteem in isolation (Twenge, 2006; Twenge & Campbell, 2008, 2009). She and her col- leagues have found that self-esteem has indeed increased over the past number of decades, but without a corresponding increase in performance. That is, feel-good messages in athlet- ics, academics, art, and elsewhere have left many children with an inflated sense of worth that doesn’t make them happier or better people. Instead, according to Twenge, it has led to an increase in narcissism. This personality type is associated with reduced warmth and empathy, self-centeredness, and a need to have attention rather than engage in reciprocal relationships. Consequently, these individuals are more likely to become aggressive when flaws are identified. Though Twenge and her colleagues have critics, there is general agree- ment that participating in esteem-building programs alone fails to boost self-esteem and does not provide a remedy for academic or social difficulties (see also Focus on Behavior: Self-Esteem).
Section 12.4Self-Concept and Self-Esteem
F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : S e l f - E s t e e m In a practical way, how does someone increase self-esteem? When I was a practicing child therapist, parents often presented their elementary and middle-school children with “low self-esteem.” The underlying assessment usually revealed depression, anxiety, or conduct disorders—not very much different from adult symptoms. If you feel good about “who you are,” the chances of a mental or behavioral problem are significantly reduced.
So, part of my mission was to facilitate the development of self-esteem. To accomplish this, I offered ways for my young clients to feel capable and accomplished. Beginning with the very first meeting, I engaged children in unusual puzzles, games, and activities in which they could be successful.
My favorite activity was to perform card tricks. This fulfilled a number of goals: It delighted often-nervous children and encouraged them to return. Most important, after they were amazed at the “magic,” I taught them how to perform a trick and gave them a deck of cards to take home. Almost always my clients came back excited to report their successes fooling people and wanting to learn more.
I also had children attempt puzzles of different skill levels. Once they began mastering simple puzzles, the zone of proximal development for puzzles expanded quickly. Children felt good about accomplishing tasks that were previously out of reach. Self-evaluation as a “puzzle-solver,” thinker, game player, trickster, and so on improved, and so did self-esteem. These self-assessments simultaneously spilled over into other areas, including socializa- tion, academics, and overall image.
To improve self-esteem, the most important pursuit is accomplishment. Empower children to achieve, and self-esteem is a natural byproduct.
Differences Between Groups In a meta-analysis of hundreds of self-esteem studies, boys scored higher overall on self- esteem, though the difference was small (Kling, Hyde, Showers, & Buswell, 1999). More recent studies have continued to find little or no gender differences, including one longitu- dinal study that reported differences do not exist (Erol & Orth, 2011). Girls generally place greater emphasis on physical appearance than boys, but overall both boys and girls can be described as having high self-esteem (Bachman, O’Malley, Freedman-Doan, Trzesniewski, & Donnellan, 2011; Van den Berg, Mond, Eisenberg, Ackard, & Neumark-Sztainer, 2010).
Self-esteem also varies as a function of culture, race, and ethnicity, but, again, when dif- ferences exist they tend to be small (see Figure 12.2). In general, strong ethnic identity— regardless of the group with which you identify—is associated with high self-esteem (Smith & Silva, 2011). Furthermore, across 18 separate surveys over two decades, differences between and within various ethnicities, genders, and age groups have remained fairly con- stant. Blacks generally score highest on measures of self-esteem, followed by whites, Hispan- ics, and Asians. In contrast to gender similarities in other groups, studies show that black males have slightly lower self-esteem than black females (Bachman et al., 2011; Twenge & Crocker, 2002).
Section 12.4Self-Concept and Self-Esteem
Figure 12.2: Frequency distributions of self-esteem index scores by race/ethnicity, gender, and grade, 1991–2008
ሁ The percentages of students with low, medium, and high levels of self-esteem show similar patterns across gender and ethnic groups.
f12.02_PSY104.ai
45
40
35
30
25
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15
10
5
0 1,000– 1,500
4,625– 5,000
4,125– 4,500
3,625– 4,000
3,125– 3,500
2,625– 3,000
2,125– 2,500
1,625– 2,000
a. 8th-grade males
Self-esteem score
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t o
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0 1,000– 1,500
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4,125– 4,500
3,625– 4,000
3,125– 3,500
2,625– 3,000
2,125– 2,500
1,625– 2,000
b. 8th-grade females
Self-esteem score P e rc
e n
t o
f st
u d
e n
ts 45
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0 1,000– 1,500
4,625– 5,000
4,125– 4,500
3,625– 4,000
3,125– 3,500
2,625– 3,000
2,125– 2,500
1,625– 2,000
c. 10th-grade males
Self-esteem score
P e rc
e n
t o
f st
u d
e n
ts
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0 1,000– 1,500
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3,625– 4,000
3,125– 3,500
2,625– 3,000
2,125– 2,500
1,625– 2,000
d. 10th-grade females
Self-esteem score
P e rc
e n
t o
f st
u d
e n
ts
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0 1,000– 1,500
4,625– 5,000
4,125– 4,500
3,625– 4,000
3,125– 3,500
2,625– 3,000
2,125– 2,500
1,625– 2,000
e. 12th-grade males
Self-esteem score
P e rc
e n
t o
f st
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ts
45
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0 1,000– 1,500
4,625– 5,000
4,125– 4,500
3,625– 4,000
3,125– 3,500
2,625– 3,000
2,125– 2,500
1,625– 2,000
f. 12th-grade females
Self-esteem score
P e rc
e n
t o
f st
u d
e n
ts
WhiteAfrican-American Hispanic Asian-American
Source: Adolescent self-esteem: Differences by race/ethnicity, gender, and age. Jerald G. Bachman, Patrick M. O’Malley, Peter Freedman-Doan, Kali H. Trzesniewski & M. Brent Donnellan. Self and Identity 2011, 10(4): 445–473. Republished by permission of the publisher Taylor & Francis. Ltd.
Section 12.5Ethnic Identity
One factor that does appear to affect measures of self-esteem is socioeconomic status (SES). Substantial evidence shows that low SES has a negative effect on self-esteem, particularly during adolescence (e.g., Twenge & Campbell, 2002; Veselska et al., 2010). This is the time when children typically focus more on material goods like clothes, cars, and purchases that affect appearance. Coupled with adolescent egocentrism (Module 7), teenagers are likely to elevate the importance of appearances, which is affected by income level. These small (but statistically significant) differences are remarkably consistent throughout North America, Europe, Africa, and Asia, even in relatively poor countries (e.g., Amazue & Uzuegbu, 2013; Fagg, Curtis, Cummins, Stansfeld, & Quesnel-Vallée, 2013; Sanal-Erginel & Silman, 2005; Var, Paul, Kumar, & Shah, 2011).
S E C T I O N R E V I E W What is the difference between self-concept and self-esteem? How do they each connect to the development of the self, as in the title of this module?
12.5 Ethnic Identity Socioeconomic differences highlight the complex nature of how identity is formed and indi- vidually assessed. Feelings regarding race and ethnicity are part of this process, since “who you are” includes descriptors of group membership. Children and adolescents feel a sense of belongingness in their shared values, traditions, language, and customs. Ethnic identity evolves as beliefs and customs within the culture change, but it remains an enduring part of the self. A positive ethnic identity reflects a stronger self-concept and is associated with greater
school achievement and higher self-esteem (Eccles, Wong, & Peck, 2006). Increasingly, children identify with more than one race or culture, making for a stronger multifaceted foundation in the search for a sense of self, rather than one that is more diffuse (Jenson, 2003). The growing culture of globalization has expanded this con- cept worldwide, even to less developed countries (Rao et al., 2013; Trask, 2013).
Although younger children are aware of ethnic differences, individuals do not begin to reflect about the meaning of these differences until they reach the cognitive advancements of for- mal operations. A psychological conflict similar to the adolescent identity crisis arises when minority teenagers are exposed to possible negative cultural views during their exploration of identity. Developing metacognition accelerates this process as adolescents integrate cul- tural history with future possibilities.
According to Jean Phinney (1989, 1990), in order to fully develop a sense of self, adolescents need to reconcile the degree to which ethnicity is a part of identity. She developed a model based on the same dimensions of exploration and commitment as James Marcia’s model of identity statuses (see Section 12.2). After conducting interviews of Asian, black, Hispanic,
Critical Thinking If children were completely shielded from any mention of skin color or race, at what age do you think they would notice differences?
Section 12.6Lawrence Kohlberg’s Theory of Moral Development
and white 10th graders, she concluded that ethnic identity for minorities developed in three stages (white, mainstream American students could not be similarly classified):
• More than half of all minorities were in the beginning stage of unexamined eth- nic identity. They were either in diffusion (an absence of interest in adopting the attitudes of their ethnicity) or foreclosure (adopting views that they acquired from others, usually parents). These groups in general spent little time or energy in exploration. For instance, one Mexican American male remarked, “My parents tell me…about where they lived, but what do I care? I’ve never lived there” (Phinney, 1989, p. 44).
• A little less than one-quarter felt an increasing awareness of ethnic issues and understood the importance of placing more emphasis on its relation to identity development. They were categorized as being in moratorium, or ethnic identity search. A black female’s remark is indicative of this stage: “I think people should know what Black people had to go through to get to where we are now” (Phinney, 1989, p. 44).
• The remaining one-fifth were in ethnic identity achievement, characteristic of those who had explored, accepted, and internalized their ethnic identity and rec- onciled the differences between their minority status and mainstream culture. A male interviewed by Phinney is quoted as saying, “I have been born Filipino and am born to be Filipino…. I’m here in America, and people of many different cultures are here too. So I don’t consider myself only Filipino, but also American” (Phinney, 1989, p. 44).
This last quote also exemplifies the formation of a bicultural identity, which allows minority adolescents to identify with their ethnic heritage as well as mainstream culture. Individuals with a bicultural identity are neither consumed by mainstream culture nor restricted by atti- tudes and beliefs in their cultures of origin that may not serve them well in the United States. Identifying with two or more cultures often provides a richer background and a stronger foundation for identity development (Phinney & Rosenthal, 1992; Quintana, 2007).
S E C T I O N R E V I E W Describe how culture and ethnicity might become integrated into identity.
12.6 Lawrence Kohlberg’s Theory of Moral Development An additional example of how experiences merge with identity development is in the area of moral development. It is thought that moral values and attitudes follow a prescribed sequence of cognitive sophistication while being guided by a fair dose of social exposure. In perhaps the most widely accepted theory, Lawrence Kohlberg (1927–1987) proposes that morality emerges through a systematic three-level, six-stage sequence (Colby, Kohlberg, Gibbs, & Lieberman, 1983). By following the progression of boys aged 10 to 16 over a 26-year period, Kohlberg and his colleagues determined that the stages are invariant and follow a predetermined structure.
Section 12.6Lawrence Kohlberg’s Theory of Moral Development
The first two stages are part of the pre-conventional level, when people are mostly con- cerned with self-interest rather than what might be a universal standard. Children generally do not progress beyond these two stages until at least 10 years old or so.
1. Stage 1: Children are mostly concerned with adhering to authority figures in order to avoid punishment. An action is thought to be morally wrong if it results in a negative outcome for the perpetrator. Children know not to take a candy bar before dinner because it will result in an admonishment.
2. Stage 2: The lack of multiple perspectives results in concern for others being over- shadowed if the individual gets rewarded. Unlike in later stages, “Do unto others…” is not a typical social contract. A child will have a candy bar before dinner if her brother is having one, because it would not be “fair” if only one of them had a treat.
Unlike younger children, individuals in stages 3 and 4 show a concern for others. These stages are part of the conventional level and are based on societal norms.
3. Stage 3: “Everybody does it” makes behavior acceptable, and values are based on a concern for group functioning and conformity. There is logic to peer pressure and a focus on how others will feel about an individual’s behavior. “Do unto others…” now includes empathic understanding, so there is an emphasis on fairness for all, not just the individual. At this stage, children who lose privileges at school would be upset either that they were singled out or that everyone else who has engaged in the same behavior was not similarly punished. Into adulthood, equity must be maintained.
4. Stage 4: According to Kohlberg, this is the highest stage many adults reach. Indi- viduals depend on social rules and institutional order. There is an emphasis on fair justice and reward. A morally advanced adolescent might forego the advantage of parental assistance on an essay if it means there is a decided advantage in grad- ing against peers. Adults at this stage would self-sacrifice instead of disturbing the social order; they would not park a car in a manner that would inconvenience others if the only purpose were self-gain.
The post-conventional level of morality is distinguished by idealized principles in society and may transcend respect for authority. Morality is more abstract than a list of rules and may become situational. Research shows that 95% of children and 81% of adults do not reach this stage (Walker, de Vries, & Trevethan, 1987).
5. Stage 5: Individual rights and values are respected because it promotes good for all, regardless of any laws or list of rules. People are punished to protect society, not as an act of retribution (since that is what is best for everyone, even the perpetrator). Laws are unethical if they fail to promote the best outcome for the largest number of people. If interracial and gay marriages do not impose on the rights of others, then they should be supported in order to promote the general welfare for all couples.
6. Stage 6: Principles are based on self-selected ideas relating to equality of all. Though it has been said that “it is easier to fight for one’s principles than to live up to them,” the stage 6 individual fights for what is right—because it is right. If laws are not just, then there is an obligation to disobey. Stage 6 individuals are rare and difficult to identify. They may value rights over their own lives, like 2014 Nobel Peace Prize recipient Malala Yousafzai, who at 11 years old, and in the face of opposition from Pakistan’s Taliban, demanded an education; perhaps Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and Mahatma Gandhi are representative of this stage, as well.
Section 12.6Lawrence Kohlberg’s Theory of Moral Development
Alternative to Kohlberg: Carol Gilligan’s Approach Kohlberg’s theory has stood up well, although it has been criticized for failing to consider gender and cultural differences (e.g., Fuchs, Eisenberg, Hertz-Lazarowitz, & Sharabaany, 1986). For example, some cultures may value caring for family members over all other causes. Individuals may be acting according to the highest moral standards of their culture but would not meet Kohlberg’s concept of post-conventional morality. Another continuing criticism is that Kohlberg’s research was conducted exclusively with males, and yet it has been applied routinely to females. According to Carol Gilligan (1936– ), males and females have differing views of morality. Whereas boys are more likely to be concerned with justice and fairness, girls are more likely to engage in self-sacrifice and shared responsibility (Gilligan, 1977; Tay- lor, Gilligan, & Sullivan, 1995).
Gilligan found that females are more con- cerned with the context in which a decision is to be made and males are more absolute. Girls are more likely than boys to focus on care for individual needs; compared to boys, girls demonstrate more compassion. This behavior stems from their greater empha- sis on developing interdependent relation- ships. Children transition from an early stage of selfishness and practicality to the moral pursuit of goodness. For instance, a girl may participate in activities she does not like if she believes it is part of main- taining a strong friendship. According to Gilligan, the most advanced type of moral- ity occurs when women accept their moral equivalence to others. Though these views may not be consistent with Kohlberg’s definition of post-conventional morality, they may nonetheless represent the highest form of moral behavior (Sherblom, 2008).
The question about the nature of moral development remains unresolved. Although some studies have found gender differences in moral development, most evidence does not sup- port Gilligan’s view of distinctions either within mainstream U.S. children or among diverse children internationally (Jorgensen, 2006; Skoe, 2012; Turiel, 2006). The major criticism of Gilligan’s view is that she is too absolute in dismissing Kohlberg’s stages. Most research tends to find that boys and girls rely on both justice and caring. Children in general tend to use more care reasoning to make decisions concerning relationships and more justice reasoning for non-relationship issues, like cheating in school. The issues of care that Gilligan empha- sizes may stem from the types of dilemmas that girls are more likely to face rather than from the ways they are addressed. In this way, perhaps the moralities of care and justice operate together and depend on specific circumstances (Juujärvi, Myyry, & Pesso, 2010; Skoe, 2012).
S E C T I O N R E V I E W As children develop, how does their morality change?
Szefei/iStock/Thinkstock ሁ According to Carol Gilligan, girls are more likely
than boys to show compassion for others in their relationships.
Summary and Resources
Wrapping Up and Moving On You have learned that psychosocial development can initially be measured by variables such as the intensity of infant emotional reactions and how well infants can soothe themselves. Sometime in the latter part of the first year, infants begin to understand they are separate beings and begin to define their own identities. As children grow, they develop individual styles and more distinct personalities. Part of this process occurs as children integrate vari- ous parts of self-concept, including ethnicity and a sense of morality. Family, early childhood play, peer groups, dating, and romantic relationships also affect the trajectory of psychosocial development. These important factors are addressed next.
Summary and Resources • A neo-Freudian, Erik Erikson postulated that there are eight stages of psychoso-
cial development. Beginning with infancy, children navigate the environment and experience a set of psychosocial crises. Four stages lead up to the “identity crisis” of adolescence, which sets the stage for future interpersonal and intrapersonal development.
• According to Erikson, self-identity is formed when parents and other adults find the right balance between patience and appropriate restriction.
• James Marcia specifically focused on the crises of adolescence and whether or not teens have explored and committed to an identity.
• The formation of self-concept begins with self-awareness and continues during late infancy as toddlers develop awareness of others.
• Self-esteem is not the same as self-concept. Rather it is the evaluation of one’s self-concept.
• Research shows that self-esteem has remained fairly stable over time and across gender and ethnic groups. Though boys and girls may focus on different parts of themselves, on average both groups enjoy high self-esteem.
• Jean Twenge has been particularly critical of the self-esteem movement. She and her colleagues suggest that self-esteem has risen even though performance and output have not.
• Self-concept is influenced by factors related to race and ethnicity and sex and gender. • A country’s culture also affects self-concept. Children view themselves differ-
ently depending, for instance, on a culture’s orientation toward individualism or collectivism.
• Kohlberg’s stage theory of moral development integrates the advances we see in cognitive functioning with psychosocial advances. His theory has earned empirical support but has been criticized because he studied only boys while formulating his theory. An alternative theory proposed by Carol Gilligan has been similarly criticized for being too restrictive.
Key Terms adolescent identity crisis A time during which adolescents contemplate social, per- sonal, and cognitive demands.
autonomy versus shame and doubt The second of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial
development begins around the second year until about 3 years of age. Infants and tod- dlers develop either autonomy or shame and doubt, depending in part on the freedom they are allowed when exploring.
Summary and Resources
basic trust versus mistrust The first of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. Develops between birth and the middle of the second year. Trust develops when infants can depend on caregivers to fulfill basic needs; when caregivers do not respond adequately, infants develop mistrust.
bicultural identity The identity that is formed when minorities identify with their ethnic heritage as well as mainstream culture.
commitment According to James Marcia, one of two dimensions that determine iden- tity. Refers to whether or not a decision has been made regarding a crisis.
conventional level The second of three lev- els of moral development, according to Law- rence Kohlberg. People adhere to socially accepted (conventional) rules because they feel an obligation to others.
crisis According to James Marcia, one of two dimensions that determine identity. Refers to the exploration of alternative behaviors related to identity formation. See also commitment.
Erikson’s stages of psychosocial develop- ment A theory that explains how we come to understand and develop a unique sense of self.
ethnic identity achievement Ethnic identity development that is consistent with Marcia’s status of identity achievement
ethnic identity search Ethnic identity development that is consistent with Marcia’s status of identity moratorium.
generativity versus stagnation The seventh of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. Adults either “leave a mark” (generate) or develop a sense of stagnation when they lack productivity.
identity achievement The status of adoles- cents who have both explored and commit- ted to an identity.
identity diffusion The status of adoles- cents who have neither explored nor com- mitted to an identity.
identity foreclosure The status of adoles- cents who have committed to an identity without first exploring.
identity moratorium The status of ado- lescents who have explored but have yet to commit to an identity.
identity versus role confusion The key fifth stage of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. A time during which adoles- cents seek to develop a stable self-image.
industry versus inferiority The fourth of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial develop- ment. Occurs from about 6 to 12 years of age and focuses on competence, which leads to self-esteem. When children success- fully navigate tasks, they develop a sense of industry; when they are not able to become self-sufficient in tasks, they develop a sense of inferiority.
initiative versus guilt The fourth of Erikson’s stages of psychosocial develop- ment. Between the ages of 3 and 6, children expand their independence, but sometimes they must suffer the negative results of those actions.
integrity versus despair The last of Erik- son’s stages of psychosocial development. People in late adulthood either accept their lives and what they have accomplished or live in despair as a result of knowing that goals went unfulfilled.
intimacy versus isolation The sixth stage and first adult stage in Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. Adults express hopes, dreams, and fears that are intended to result in the formation of deep emotional connections.
MAMA Based on identity statuses identified by James Marcia, the cycling between mora- torium and achievement.
Summary and Resources
mirror-and-rouge test A test designed to measure whether or not children demon- strate self-awareness.
moral development A social and cognitive process that refers to an individual’s sense of justice and right and wrong.
post-conventional level The third of three levels of moral development, according to Lawrence Kohlberg. Based on idealized principles of morality and the demands of individual conscience.
pre-conventional level The first of three levels of moral development, according to Lawrence Kohlberg. A stage at which chil- dren adhere to rules and social norms due to restrictions set forth by authority figures.
self The conceptualization of how we evaluate our thoughts and attitudes about ourselves.
self-awareness The knowledge begin- ning in infancy that indicates individual distinctiveness.
self-concept An internal model of self and identity.
self-esteem The subjective evaluation of one’s sense of self, or self-concept.
unexamined ethnic identity A state of ethnic identity development that is consis- tent with Marcia’s statuses of either identity diffusion or identity foreclosure.
Web Resources See links below for additional information on topics discussed in the chapter.
Achievement Motivation
http://www.personalityresearch.org/papers/rabideau.html
Conduct Disorders
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmedhealth/PMH0001917/
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
http://www.thekingcenter.org/about-dr-king
Mahatma Gandhi
http://www.biography.com/people/mahatma-gandhi-9305898
Malala Yousafzai
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SbSO2akmKtM
Mirror-and-Rouge Test
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=k1KsJoG3NcU&feature=related
