international study - environment essay

The Anthropology of Oil: The Impact of the Oil Industry on a Fishing Community in the Niger Delta Author(s): Alicia Fentiman Source: Social Justice, Vol. 23, No. 4 (66), Environmental Victims (Winter 1996), pp. 87-99 Published by: Social Justice/Global Options Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/29766976 Accessed: 12-01-2017 19:41 UTC

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Part Two

The Anthropology of Oil: The Impact of the Oil Industry on a Fishing Community in the Niger Delta

Dr. Alicia Fentiman

Introduction

THE AIM OF THIS ARTICLE IS TO EXAMINE, WITH SOME PARTICULARITY, THE IMPACT

of oil upon the lives of people in a small fishing community in the Niger Delta.1 It is hoped that this data will contribute to the scarce literature

available on the Niger Delta and help shed light on the various ways in which oil has affected the institutions of at least one ethnic group. Although it is a detailed descriptive study of one community, the basic problems and tensions discernible in the case study apply to much of the Niger Delta.

Ethnographic Background

My focus is on the village of Oloma, a rural fishing community on the Island of Bonny in the Eastern Niger Delta. Ethnically, the village's population consists almost entirely of the Ibani-Ijo. The population of Bonny Island is centered in Bonny Town with a number of satellite villages, of which Oloma is one, and several fishing ports dispersed throughout the meandering creeks and waterways. The island is situated within the tidal mangrove swamps of the Eastern Niger Delta. It is bounded by other Ijaw communities, such as those of the Elem Kalahari to the west, the Okrikans to the north, and the Andoni, Opobo, and Ogoni to the east. Bonny is located approximately 50 kilometers southeast of the industrial and commercial center of Port Harcourt. Tributaries of the Bonny River dissect the flat surface of the island, creating swamps and creeks that are bordered by mangrove trees. Much of the land is uninhabitable; fresh water resources are scarce.

Dr. Alicia Fentiman is a social anthropologist and Research Associate at the African Studies Centre, University of Cambridge, Cambridge CB2 3RE, England. She has done extensive fieldwork in southern Nigeria and northern Ghana.

Social Justice Vol. 23, No. 4 87

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88 Fentiman

Historical Overview

Traditionally, the Ibani were fisherfolk dependent on the creeks, waterways, and swamps of the Niger Delta for their livelihood. Fish were found in abundance, and salt was evaporated from the sea water trapped in the roots of the mangrove tree. The Ibani traded their fish and salt to the Ibo hinterland in exchange for agricultural produce. This interzonal dependency created the initial trade routes between the Ijo fisherfolk and the hinterland agriculturists. This internal trade network was well established before European contact and provided the mercan? tile infrastructure on which the success of Bonny's European trade was founded.

Bonny's coastal location certainly contributed to her involvement in the burgeoning trade2 that followed the advent of European adventurers in Bonny as early as the 15th century. Bonny had a pivotal role as the fulcrum of a two-way trade between the Ibo hinterland and the Ibani, on the one hand, and the Ibani and

the European traders on the other. Food, livestock, and, most importantly, slaves that came from the hinterland markets were brought to Bonny to be traded. The growing European demand for slaves assured the role of Bonny traders as middlemen in the West African-European trade. This lasted until the 19th century.

In the 19th century, the slave trade was abolished and during this period Bonny's merchants turned their attention from slaves to palm oil. The palm oil trade particularly flourished because this new commodity was easily traded along the old channels involving the same personnel. Fortuitously, palm oil became at the same time an important export item because of the Industrial Revolution in Europe. Palm oil was in great demand as a lubricant for machinery as well as for making soap and candles. Bonny prospered during the palm oil trade. Such was its success that the Bonny and Kalahari areas became know as the "Oil Rivers."

However, in the 20th century, the prosperity of Bonny began to decline.3 The major factor was the discovery of coal in commercially viable quantities further inland. A new mainland port was built by the British colonial administration, to exploit better the new coal fields. In 1913, a new industrial city, Port Harcourt, located 50 kilometers up Bonny River was opened. Bonny's pivotal trading role

was bypassed. "Business gradually moved away from Bonny and Bonny only saw ships passing their way up river. In 1916, there was a great exodus and Bonny faded away to join the ranks of other ports of the past" (Earl, 1962: 31). Bonny also lost its leading position with the colonial government as the center for the administra? tive, commercial, and religious headquarters of the Niger Delta. By 1930, Bonny

was observed to be in a "state of decay and utter stagnation" (Webber, 1931: 52) and in 1938 moves were made to abolish the third-class township that was accorded to Bonny.

Bonny became an economically depressed area and its isolation from the mainland further contributed to her decline. The creation of Port Harcourt

provided the Ibani with two alternatives; one was to remain in Bonny and return

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The Impact of Oil on the Niger Delta 89

to the subsistence economy of fishing; the second option was to migrate to Port Harcourt and compete for jobs in the urban sector.

Revival of Bonny: Discovery of Oil

Although Bonny declined as a port in the first half of the century, the discovery of crude oil in commercial quantities led to Bonny's revival. Evacuation and production facilities to process the crude oil and move it to world markets were needed. At first, a temporary export station was built at Port Harcourt; however, it proved unsatisfactory because only small tankers could visit Port Harcourt and even then they could load only half their capacity. Bonny became the ideal alternative because of its strategic location and its ability to cater to both inshore and offshore loading facilities. By 1961, the Shell Petroleum Development Company completed the first phase of the Bonny Terminal. Further terminals were added throughout the 1960s.

The establishment of the oil terminal in Bonny had a tremendous impact on the infrastructure of Bonny Town. There was an influx of people who migrated there, and by 1963 the population had risen to 7,740 people. Skilled jobs, however, were given predominantly to Europeans, whereas the unskilled jobs were given to Nigerians. A study conducted in Bonny on the spatial organization of the oil terminal revealed that most migrants to Bonny were from Rivers State, but were not necessarily Ibani indigenes.4 A large proportion of Bonny people works outside Bonny due to the lack of employment opportunities within the town and environs (Green, 1982: 11).

The educational system in Bonny Town was revived. In 1966, Shell helped to fund new departments in the Bonny secondary school. In 1977, the Finima Girl's Secondary School was opened, which provided further education for females. In addition, a teacher training college was reestablished, and it once again became an important educational center.

Money generated from the oil industry contributed to new commercial developments in Bonny. New buildings were constructed, such as a post office, a divisional office, Pan African Bank, a police station, and maritime clearing and forwarding houses. In addition, a new hospital was built. Transportation from Bonny Town to Port Harcourt was improved, thus ensuring better communication between Bonny and the mainland. An intermittent supply of electricity was provided by Shell to the main town, but the peripheral Bonny villages still went without. Indeed, the surrounding fishing villages did not enjoy the benefits that the inhabitants of Bonny Town experienced.

Although it may appear that Bonny Town improved with the new opportunities that were a result of the oil industry, there were many detrimental aspects associated with the establishment of the oil industry in Bonny, which often go unrecorded. The lives of the average Bonny person, especially those residing in the fishing villages, have deteriorated because of the impact of oil.

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90 Fentiman

Case Study Oloma, Bonny: The Seen and Unseen Effects of Oil

What of the effect of such changes on a fishing community? The environmen? tal impact of oil in and around Oloma is clearly visible. Throughout the surround? ing creeks and waterways, the intrusion of oil and oil excavation are markedly evident, The canalization and dredging of creeks by oil companies have signifi? cantly altered the landscape. A flow station is located at the end of the creek. Sea trucks pass daily to and from the flow station; the gas flares emit light 24 hours per

day. Pipes meander throughout the swamps, and signboards scattered throughout the area alert the villagers of "danger." These are the visible effects of oil. The presence of oil is all pervading.

However there is another aspect of the impact of oil that often goes unrecorded. This is the way in which the culture of the people has been affected, The institutions, central to the identity of the Ibani fishing community, need to be discussed to understand the overall effect of oil. The community has experienced both environmental and cultural degradation. The former is seen, the latter unseen.

In the course of my research, I frequently asked: How has Oloma changed? Each respondent mentioned that the oil industry has affected their economic livelihood and that oil has interfered with many aspects of their lives. The following interview with a senior male elder vividly portrays the various ways oil has affected the lives of the people of Oloma. He was asked what impact oil has had on the inhabitants of Oloma.

It wasn't until Shell started dredging the creek that everything started to go badly. For example, erosion of land. Before, there was a beautiful sandy beach; but look, it no longer exists. In the back of my house there was a big playground called ogbo-ngelege, but that land has eroded, and now our houses are eroding. Our traditional livelihood is fishing, but there are no more fish. We now buy tinned fish or stock fish. The chemicals from oil spillage have ruined the fish as well as the esem (periwinkles) and mgbe (mangrove oysters). We receive nothing from Shell. For example, no electricity, no piped water, no health facilities, nothing to make us happy. They were supposed to build a fish pond, but look around you, there is nothing. They destroyed our land and dredged our creek. Behind Ayaminima, the neighboring village, there used to be a small creek that was used when there was a storm and during the rainy season when the Bonny River was rough. But now Shell has closed it; they dredged it and filled it up with all their oil pipes. They put up a sign and did not think that many of our people are illiterate. Even if they could read English, the paint has worn off and the message alerting people of danger is no longer visible. Our people are told not to go there, so now we have to go to the main creek every time to get to Bonny. This has caused great problems because the sea becomes very rough and danger

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The Impact of Oil on the Niger Delta 91

ous during the rains, and we no longer have an alternative route. Shell promised to fill in our embankment; they came this year and look what the rains have done. It is already washing away. They put a sign on our soil saying that Oloma is part of their development project; but we have suffered. This is not development, but underdevelopment. They don't care about us. Some of the mangrove trees used for firewood spark and blow up. It used to be the village's major energy source; now women are scared and are going into the bush to find fuel; this is not traditional, and it takes so long.

Land where we have our shrines to the gods has been taken away. Parasu, a sacred area near Oloma where we performed Owu (masquerades and sacrifices), has been lost. We were forced to give the government our sacred land and our farmland. Economic trees such as mango, coconut, banana, plantain, paw-paw, and palm fruit have been taken away by the government for the oil industry. At the end of our creek there is a houseboat and flow station; the gas flares scare our fish and the noise of the sea trucks scares our gods and our fish. Sometimes we fish at night depending on the tide, and the sea trucks travel very fast up and down our creek, causing many of us to capsize in our canoes and lose our gear. Those of us who fish often find our nets destroyed and our traps broken; it is so hard to find fish. What are we to do?

Such a view highlights many issues that are associated with the impact of oil on the community. Every aspect of people's lives has been influenced by oil ? their economic, political, social, and ritual institutions have all been affected. Indeed, the very institutions that make them culturally unique are eroding at an alarming pace.

Changes in the Fishing Economy

A model of the economy of the past would show that the major economic activity of the inhabitants of the Eastern Niger Delta was fishing. In Oloma, there was very little farming because the soil was poor and inadequate. Although most families farmed small plots of land, they did not yield enough for subsistence. However, fish were plentiful and salt was abundant. As a result, the Ibani fishermen and women were able to barter their fish and salt with the hinterland

markets in exchange for agricultural produce. The fishing economy was unique in many ways and was structured very

differently from any agricultural economy. Most obviously, the private owner? ship of land was unimportant for the village's prosperity. Instead, the Oloma villagers' economic livelihood was dependent on common assets: on the creeks, waterways, and fishing ports that were owned by the village as a whole rather

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92 Fentiman

than by individuals. Therefore, there was communal ownership of the productive resources. The village claimed exclusive rights of access to certain waterways and creeks. This system united village members across lineage boundaries. It was thus important for it to remain a united community in order to protect its holdings from competing neighboring villages. The fishing grounds were not susceptible to demarcation as farmlands were; they were used by all members of the village without reference to lineage differentiation (see Alagoa, 1970; Horton, 1969).

However, the fishing economy in Oioma has dramatically changed. There are two prime reasons for this: one has been outward migration to urban areas in search of education and wage labor and the other is oil. It was reported:

[In the past] it was not unusual to see young and old beaming with smiles as they return home with canoe load of fishes of various description. That was the days of yore when fishing was really a worthwhile venture in this

part of the country (Niger Delta).... Fishing has become a very poor economic activity due mainly to rural-urban migration of able-bodied youths and oil pollution (Tide, February 27, 1982).

Migration from Oloma to Port Harcourt and other urban centers is frequent. The lack of young men in the community was observed while conducting fieldwork. A census survey revealed that the composition of the village consisted primarily of women, children, and the elderly. Men often migrated to Port Harcourt and other mainland towns in search of wage labor. The men who resided in the village commented that they can no longer rely solely on fishing as an economically viable occupation as they had done in the past. They therefore must leave the village. Those who remain behind encounter many obstacles, often attributable to the oil industry. Fishing as a way of life is becoming more and more difficult. Some of the problems they encounter are described below.

Damage by Sea Trucks: One of the major obstacles to traditional fishing methods in the creeks and waterways is a result of the constant movement of the sea trucks traveling to and from the flow station located at the end of the creek. Fishing lines, nets, and traps are often torn; the sea trucks continually destroy property despite protests from the community. The operators of the sea trucks appear to have very little concern or compassion for the fishermen, fisherwomen, and children. Although there are speed restrictions, it appears that they are often not enforced. Canoes are often capsized as a result of the waves from the sea trucks. The noise generated by the sea trucks is attributed by the local commu? nity as a prime reason for scaring away the fish, which is evidenced by low fish yields.

Oil Pollution: Spillage: Despite arguments that over-fishing and overpopu? lation are responsible for low fish yields, the community believes oil pollution has affected their fishing economy. In Oloma, fewer people reside in the community

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The Impact of Oil on the Niger Delta 93

than in the past and fewer people are fishing. As mentioned above, migration to urban areas has become the sought-after choice and necessity by many. This is consistent with remarks made in the local Bonny magazine, Ogolo.

Bonny people like other rivering people depend mainly on their water resources for their livelihood. But in the operation of the oil companies, all waste products are dumped into the rivers. The water is thus polluted, fishes are killed, and the fishermen are forced to find alternative sources

of livelihood ? which in Bonny is very difficult. Gradually people migrate out of the community to other areas to seek beneficial employ? ment, which has led to increasing depopulation of Bonny (Green, 1982: 10-11).

However, those who are left behind in the communities try to survive by fishing; there are no alternatives. They are responsible for feeding their house? holds, but are finding it increasingly difficult to make ends meet. The catches are low, and more and more time is spent gathering shellfish. A greater burden has been placed upon the women because of the massive outward migration of men. Each day, women spend hours in the mangrove swamps gathering shellfish such as winkles and mangrove oysters. As one fisherwoman remarked, "my life is my paddle; without my paddle we do not eat." It is, however, becoming increasingly difficult to find enough food. The community feels that chemicals and oil are affecting the fish production.

Oil spillage is a frequent occurrence in the Niger Delta, and many communi? ties, in addition to Oloma, in the oil-producing areas have provided descriptive accounts of the impact of oil spillage on their fishing economy. However, scientific data examining the impact of oil pollution on the aquatic life is scarce.

A symposium, The Mangrove Ecosystem of the Niger Delta, held in Port Harcourt in 1980, gathered scholars in different disciplines to discuss and share information on the changes in the environment; oil was shown to be a major factor contributing to the destruction of marine life. It was shown that crude oil contains compounds that are toxic to marine organisms and contribute to extensive mortality in finfish, shellfish, oysters, and birds. This was observed in the Apoi and Ojobo areas.

A study in Bonny River examined oil pollution and the brackish environment. An experiment that examined the effect of crude petroleum oil and refined oils on aquatic organisms confirmed that crude oil and refined petroleum products in high concentrations were toxic to marine life. By comparing different types of fish and shellfish, it showed that some species were more resilient than others. Data revealed that shrimps were more susceptible to pollutants, followed by oysters and fish. Periwinkles were the most tolerant. Tainting of the flesh confirmed that the effect of oil spillage was lingering. Even small, though continual, spills affected the productivity of the water. It also showed that pollutants had a pronounced effect on the growth and reproductive capacity of organisms (Onuoba, 1985:131).

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94 Fentiman

A recent spillage in Nembe in 1995 illustrates the problems with which oil producing communities must contend when there is a spillage. It was reported that,

An oil spill had occurred from an Agip oil pipeline. For several days, the oil flowed freely into the creeks and mangrove forest. The area went up in flames one night when a woman on a late-night fishing trip mistakenly set off the fire with her lantern. The fire destroyed much of the aquatic life in the area. In addition, farm crops were destroyed (Newswatch, Decem? ber 18, 1995: 12).

A problem that many communities face during oil spillages is that many of the oil companies are unwilling to pay compensation during spillages because they believe that they are caused by sabotage. The communities, however, stress that many of the spillages are "legitimate" ? not caused by sabotage, but instead by poorly maintained and faulty equipment. It is therefore necessary to monitor the areas regularly and to act immediately during spillages.

The mangrove fauna and flora are also affected by oil spillages; it was shown that there can be short- and long-term effects to the mangrove from offshore spillage (Odu and Imevbore, 1985: 133). Mangrove is an essential part of the Oloma people's economy. Mangrove wood has many uses; it is used for fuel and for making various items such as fish traps, trays, and hats. In Oloma, women complained that chemicals from the oil have absorbed into the man? grove wood, which they use for fuel, and that once ignited, it explodes and causes serious burns.

Gas Flaring and Pollution: Large quantities of methane gas are associated with oil. During oil production, this gas is burned off at flow stations above the oil wells. This introduces sulfur dioxide and oxides of carbon and nitrogen into the atmosphere. The impact of this on the environment has not been substantiated. However, it is said that this could contribute to global warming.

Land Filling: Another factor responsible for disturbing the way of life in Oloma is land filling. Nearby creeks and waterways have been filled in because of oil operations. This has affected the accessibility to surrounding villages and has taken from the Oloma villagers an alternative route to reach Bonny Town. The

Oloma community complained about the landfill because they relied on a specific water route to reach Bonny Town during the rainy season, which has subsequently been filled in. The alternative route was preferred during the rainy season because the Bonny River becomes very rough and dangerous.

Canalization also damages the environment. Oil companies create canals to either drain out an area for drilling and pipe laying or create channels to transport drilling and other oil production equipment to the site. The channels alter the ecology of the area; they can also alter the flood pattern of the delta by resulting in perennial flooding of the otherwise well-drained plains as was observed in many areas in the Niger Delta (Ekoriko, 1996: 31).

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The Impact of Oil on the Niger Delta 95

Erosion: The community believes that the continual movement of sea trucks up and down the creek and the dredging of the land and waterways have significantly contributed to the erosion of the land. In Oloma, several households lost their property due to erosion. Recollections by villagers mention the sandy beach area that use to be in front of the village; it has eroded away, and a sand-bank

was designed to prevent further erosion. The embankment was promised for several years; finally, in 1984 a contractor constructed an embankment, but it did not last. It quickly washed away during the rainy season. The community feels this was done in a substandard way. Interviews with the contractor at the time of the job revealed that his company had won the contract with the cheapest bid, and he admitted that the job was not going to be sufficient to endure the rainy season. As he rightfully predicted, the embankment gave way, and it became a hazard to the community. Instead of benefiting and improving the situation, it worsened the situation. Gaps in the embankment became dangerous for children and adults walking on the sandbags. One child fell in the gap and broke his leg.

Dredging: Indigenous fishing methods such as dragging a net along the creek bottom is very difficult to perform because the creeks have been dredged during oil exploration, and the water is now too deep to stand in, making this form of fishing obsolete. Dredging also destroys valuable freshwater and mangrove vegetation, which can cause an imbalance in the ecosystem because aquatic organisms depend on them for food and shelter during part or all of their life cycles (Wilcox and Powell, 1985). In addition, during the dredging process, oil is spilled into the water and the burning of fuel releases carbon, sulfur, and nitrogen oxides into the aquatic environment (Odu and Imevbore, 1985: 142).

Oloma and Social Change: Under the Land Decree Act of 1978, many communities throughout the Niger Delta lost valuable farmland. In addition, oil production contributed to the contamination of the land. Although Oloma suffered in many ways when parts of their land were taken away, they have suffered more by losing the access and rights of way to their creeks and waterways. Further, the destruction and contamination of their productive resources have contributed to vast changes within the economic, political, and social structure of the community. As members of the community are forced to migrate because their resources are destroyed, various changes are taking place within these institutions.

Ritual, Belief, and Oil

Another institution affected by oil in Oloma is the villager's belief system. The stability and continuity of village life are maintained by participation in a series of ritual practices. These ritual activities are a means by which the community retains their social identity and social stability in times of radical changes. Both rural villagers and urban migrants have in common a shared adherence to such practices and the beliefs associated with them. The principal type of ritual activity is the masquerades of the owu-ogbo society, which displays elaborate masquerades in

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96 Fentiman

honor of the water spirits. The owu-ogbo society is central to the social cohesion of the Oloma people. It is a time-honored institution and the practice of the masquerade was brought to Bonny by the Oloma descendants. The Oloma people are known throughout the Delta for their expertise in the owu-ogbo plays. Traditionally, when the Ibani engaged predominantly in fishing, the fishermen would return to Oloma during a period called Fongu-Mini, the break in the rains in August, to be reunited with their families. The masquerade serves two essential purposes. First, it honors the water spirits, upon whom the fishing economy is thought to be dependent. It is believed that by performing masquerades, the fisherfolk will be rewarded with a successful fishing season. Second, the masquerades are used as a means to unite all village members no matter where they may be.

The rationale of the masquerades is derived from the belief that they represent the imitation of the movements of the water spirits. It is believed that fishermen

would spy on the spirits in the water and then return to the village and imitate the dances and songs learned from them. There are several types of masquerades performed in Oloma. Each masquerade headpiece is different, and each represents a specific spirit. The person who plays the part of the masquerade is possessed by the spirit he is imitating. The masquerade society is strictly male. Although the owu-ogbo society has undergone many changes due to the impact of Christianity and migration, community members still return to Oloma every holiday season to participate in the masquerades. The masquerades provide a means of social cohesion and reunification of dispersed kin members.

Despite the stability and continuity of the masquerade society, it is clear that some rituals can no longer be performed because sacred shrines used for sacrifices can no longer be accessed. They have been taken over by the government under the Land Decree Act of 1978. The fishermen and women in Oloma are also

concerned about the constant flare in the creek; they believe it causes great distress

to the water spirits. This is an important consideration because the water spirits are an essential aspect to their belief system.

Little is known about the impact of oil on indigenous ritual beliefs. It is not only the physical destruction of oil, but also the metaphysical aspect that equally needs to be acknowledged.

Oil and Health

One aspect of the impact of oil upon the inhabitants of the Niger Delta that has received little attention is whether there are any health risks directly associated with oil. Data are scarce and research needs to be done to see whether there is any

significant long-term impact. The villagers complain about rashes and other skin ailments, but very little is known as to whether this is attributable to oil.

While conducting field research, it was observed that women and children suffered from skin problems as a result of oil and chemicals in the water. The

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The Impact of Oil on the Niger Delta 97

women who spend several hours in the water are engaged in the labor-intensive gathering activities of collecting shellfish. Most fisherwomen rub their bodies with palm oil before they fish in order to prevent rashes and other skin ailments. Elderly women mentioned that this is a recent precaution because they did not suffer from these skin conditions in the past. It been written that a variety of skin

conditions might be attributed to contact or exposure to oil. Acne, warts, boils, skin cancer, and photosensitization dermatitis have all been cited (Afiesiama, 1985: 169).

It has been reported that those living close to gas flaring sites may be at risk from respiratory illnesses (Newswatch, December 18, 1995: 15). In addition, it was reported that there are complaints of sterility by persons living near the flares (Ekoriko, 1996: 31).

Contamination of drinking water because of oil spillage or oil production activities is of great concern. It is feared that oil from spillage can seep into the freshwater drinking supplies. Procedures such as canalization or dredging can affect the freshwater drinking supplies by draining the water in the area that can then alter the ecosystem.

Some questions need to be considered: What are the health risks to the people who eat fish and shellfish contaminated with oil? Can swimming and bathing in the polluted creeks be dangerous to the health of the people? Can living near a gas flaring area be dangerous? Can the freshwater contaminated by toxic waste be hazardous? Research needs to be done to find out precisely what the dangers are to communities. It is also important that consistent guidelines be established and

monitored to examine the impact of oil on the health of the local inhabitants.

Conclusion

There exists widespread concern with the unfairness of the Nigerian political system towards Rivers State and other states in which the oil wealth of the nation is derived. And within such states, the communities

in whose home areas oil is mined suffer neglect from federal and state governments, and the oil companies. Their environment is damaged, and their sources of livelihood destroyed through oil pollution. The oil boom

which has done so much for and to the Nigerian economy has, therefore, been little short of a disaster for oil producing states, and even worse for oil producing communities (Alagoa and Tamuno, 1989: 220-221).

This case study of Oloma shows how one community has been affected by oil; this community is not unique. The problems encountered there are shared by other communities throughout the oil-producing area and are representative for the whole Niger Delta. The inhabitants feel that they have not benefited from the oil industry. Although oil is extracted from their areas, causing environmental

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98 Fentiman

degradation and disrupting their way of life, they have not been compensated. They are environmental victims.

It is paradoxical that in the past the communities within the Niger Delta who wielded great power, authority, and wealth are now labeled as "minorities" struggling to survive in Nigeria. The Nigeria they helped to create, it appears, is currently destroying them. The minority groups in the Niger Delta are, as a result, seeking fair representation and compensation from the government as the Ogoni experience has so aptly symbolized. Ken Saro-Wiwa fought for the rights of his people. With the establishment of MOSOP (Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People), he attracted international awareness to the position of those living in the oil-producing communities.

The executions of Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight fellow Ogonis on November 10, 1995, provided a catalyst for nations worldwide to condemn the situation in

Nigeria. In particular, the alleged human rights abuses by the military government have sparked a fierce debate about the current political and economic climate in Nigeria. Worldwide condemnation of the executions has highlighted the need to understand the underlying issues that ignited the problem. In particular, confusion over the roles and responsibilities of the government and multinational corpora? tions operating in the Niger Delta has led many oil-producing communities to speak out. Concern relating to environmental degradation has also been voiced within the country and outside by international organizations. Against this background of political and humanitarian debate it is, however, important not to lose sight of the fact that the environment must be seen in cultural as well as physical terms.

NOTES

1. Data for this article were collected while conducting anthropological fieldwork in Olorna Village, Bonny, for 12 months in 1983 to 1984.

2. For a model of an Eastern Delta fishing community before European contact, see R. Horton (1969: 37-58). See also EJ. Alagoa (1970: 319-329; 1971: 269-278).

3. See A. Jewett, Chapter Two, in Change and Continuity Among the Ibani (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University) for an overview of the decline of Bonny in the 20th century.

4. See Tumini Dagogo Waribor (June 1976).

REFERENCES

Afiesiama, S. 1985 "Medical Aspects of the Mangrove Environment," (Abstract) B. Wilcox and

C. Powell (eds.), The Mangrove Ecosystem of the Niger Delta. Nigeria: University of Port Harcourt.

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The Impact of Oil on the Niger Delta 99

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