theater

ASIAN STUDIES ASSOCIATION OF AUSTRALIA Southeast Asia Publications Series

Since 1979 the So uth east Asia Publications Series (SEAPS) has brought some of the best of Australian scholarship on Southeas t Asia ro an international readership. Ir seeks ro publish leading-edge research by both young and established sch o lars on the countr ies and peoples of Southeast Asia across all disciplines of the humani ties and social sciences with particular encouragement ro interdisciplinary and compa rative research.

SEAPS is now published for the Asian Studies Association of Australia by NUS Press, a unit of the National University of Singapore, in alliance with the University of H awaii Press in North America and the Nordic Insti tute of Asian Studi es (NIAS) [non-Indonesia titles] and the KITLV Press [Indonesia titles] in Europe.

Editorial Board

Professor Howard Dick (University of Melbourne) (Ediror)

Professor Barbara Andaya (Un iversity of Hawaii and University of Hawaii Press) Professor Colin Brown (Curtin University of Technology) Associate Professor John Butcher (Griffith University) Professor Emeritus D avid Chandler (Mo nash University) Associate Professor Helen Creese (University of Queensland) Dr Robert Cribb (Australian National University) Dr Jane Drakard (Monash University) Dr Greg Fealy (Australian National University) Professor Robert Elson (University of Queensland) Professor Barbara Hadey (University of Tasmania) Professor Kevin Hewison (University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill) Professor Virginia H ooker (Australian National University) Professor Rey Ilero (National University of Singapo re) Gerald Jackson (NIAS - Nordic Institute of Asian Studies) Associa te Professor Paul Kraroska (NUS Press, Na tional University of Singapore) Professor Tim Lindsey (Un iversity of Melbourne) Professor Andrew Macintyre (Aus tralian National University) Emeritus Professor Camp bell Macknight (Australian National University) Professor Anthony Milner (Australian National University) Dr Harry Poeze (Director, KITLV Press, Leiden) Professor Anthony Reid (National University of Singapore) Associate Professor Craig Reynolds (Australian National University) Professor Merle Ricklefs (National University of Singapore) Professor Kathryn Robinson (Australian National U ni versity) Dr Mina Roces (U ni versity of New South Wales) P ro fessor Krishna Sen (Curtin University of Technology) Associate Professor Maila St ivens (U ni versity of Melbourne) Dr Philip Taylor (Australi an National University) Professor Carl Thayer (University of New So uth Wales, ADFA) Professor Adrian Vickers (Un ivers ity of Sydney)

Website: http:// iceaps.anu .edu.au/asaa_pu blicatio ns/so utheas casia.html

JAVANESE PERFORMANCES ON AN INDONESIAN STAGE

Contesting Culture, Embracing Change

Barbara Hatley

Asian Studies Association of Australia

in association with

UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI'I PRESS

HONOLULU

First published by:

NUS Press AS3-01-02, 3 Arts Link Singapore 117569

Published in North America by:

University of Hawai ' i Press 2840 Kolowalu Street Honolulu, HI 96822 www.uhpress.hawaii.edu

© 2008 NUS Press National University of Singapore

~J I I

"") J' ~ .' .

'T,h" ~ ~ .-I\IJ"'"

All rights reserved. This book, or parts thereof, may not be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any information storage and retrieval system now known or to be invented, without written permission from the Publisher.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Hatley, Barbara. Javanese performances on an Indonesian stage: Contesting culture, embracing

change / Barbara Hatley. p. cm .

Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8248-3295-7 (pbk.)

1. Theater - Indonesia - Yogyakarta - History - 20th century. 2. Theater and society - Indonesia - Yogyakarta - History - 20th century. I. Title.

PN2906.Y64H38 2008 792.09598'2709041 - dc22

2007052918

Cover: Bondan Nusantara introducing a community show held in the wake of

the devastating 28 May 2006 earthquake in Yogyakarta. Photo supplied by Bondan Nusantara.

Printed in Singapore

To the performers~

who made it all possible

38 Javanese PerfOrmances on an Indonesia n Stage

Performances staged rourinely as commercial shows and for com- munity entertainment continued to follow established patterns, reflecting the social and theatrical influences that had shaped ketoprak's develop- ment and giving expression to the experiences and attitudes of actors and viewers. Yet these familiar shows also contained novel elements, suggesting the responses of ordinary citizens to their changing social environment. To see how this process worked, and how reactions to

new influences blended with ongoing social reference, it is necessary to look more closely at the way performances were constructed. The next chapter shows how individual stories were played out through a framework of stage conventions characteristic of ketoprak as a theatre form and suggests how those conventions reflected aspects of the world

beyond the stage .

2

Theatre Conventions and Social Meanings

At the upgradings, seminars and competitions of the 1970s, defining the main features of ketoprak form was an issue of some contention. 'Progressive' bureaucrats and educationalists promoted their vision of

ketoprak as modern drama , characterised by linear plots and psycho- logical realism, while experts in traditional music and classical dance applied aesthetic concepts from older art forms. Active practitioners of

ketoprak explicitly denied any fixed body of dramatic rules like those governing other forms of Javanese theatre such as wayang and classical dance, which are marked by stylised patterns of speech and characteri- sation (pathokan) . Instead, they described ketoprak as 'natural' (wajar). Its speech style was see n as direct and straightforward, as opposed to the el a borate language of wayang, its reference 'realistic' (realistis) rather than symbolic. I Its very lack of fixed form demanded considerable skill

from actors, who could not si mply follow fi xed patterns bur had to be capable of continuous improvisation .

Such comments are highly revealing of ketoprak's self-image and the way it was shaped by influences from various directions . Ketoprak as a Yogyakarta-based form was identified with the hegemonic image

of Yogyakarta culture as Lugu, meaning 's traightforward' or 'unaffected ', as opposed to the showier, sophisticated cultural style of the rival court city of Solo. By distancing ketoprak from the intricate patterns of court art and asserting its directness and spontaneity, the actors may have

been asserting a pride in the plain strength of the 'little man', reflecting the populist, socialist ideology that had previously been strong among ketoprak troupes then. Talk of realism and spontaneity was reinforced with statements about ketoprak's reference to actual historical events ,

39

40 Javanese Perfo rmances on an In d onesia n Stage

in contrast to the mythological and symbolic resonance of wayang. Developing along with and as part of the emerging modern Indonesian state and society, ketoprak seems to have become associated with secular modern perspectives rather than traditional spiritual symbolism.

The notion of ' realistic' reference supports the suggestion of links

between the ketoprak stage and social experience. Ketoprak actors did not explicitly discuss how such reference was conveyed through

performances, yet what they did in preparing for and staging a show illustrated the operation of clear dramatic patterns. Such patterns con- tinue to order conventional ketoprak performances and are invoked in varying ways in experimental shows. Thus the following description is expressed in the present rather than the past tense.

STAGING A KETOPRAK PERFORMANCE

As actors gather to prepare for a performance - just an hour or so before the show for experienced professionals, at the first of several rehearsals in the case of in experienced amateurs - the first step is

the choice of story (/akon). The next is the drawing up of a list of scenes through which the particular lakon wi ll be played out. Scenes in standard locations and marked by particular kinds of interaction form

a kind of grid through which every lakon is interpreted. The director of the troupe often chalks the scene list on one half of a blackboard and a list of characters and the actors allocated these parts on the other.

Then he runs through the scenes one by one, summarising t h e action in each scene wh il e the assembled actors listen attentively. On the basis of these instructions , often lasting on ly 15 or 20 minutes , experienced

actors draw on the standard patterns of interaction of each scene to improvise an entire show. During the performance the scene list, placed in the wings, is consulted frequently by actors confirming their times

of appearance and by stagehands in charge of setting up backdrops and moving props. A copy is given to the leader of the gamelan orchestra, seated at the front or side of the stage.2 The li st thus constitutes the single common reference point for the show.

In each of these scenes, codes of theatrical representation - patterns of dress, makeup, speech , gesture, spatial distance between characters, scenery, musical accompaniment - work together to project familiar images of character, interaction and location. Theatre semioticians have

illustrated the way in which stage codes and conventions are grounded in and linked together by cultural codes and ideological conceptions

Theatre Conventions and S ocial M ean ings 41

pertaining to the world outside the theatre (Elam , 1980). General cul- tural rules of dress, for example, allow audience members to interpret stage costumes in terms of differences of status, age and personality between characters . In each of the standard scene types of ketoprak, stage codes and conventions can be seen to evoke particular areas of social experience for their performers and audience members.

As mentioned in the preceding chapter, the repertoire of ketoprak includes stories set in a wide range of geographical locations and historical periods, signified by distinct modes of dress. In keeping with ketoprak's putatively 'realistic' quality and its capacity to embrace the

new, the authentic costume style of each story type should be reproduced whenever possible, the unfamiliar and exotic marked and celebrated. 3

Yet as these stories from foreign sources are played out through the pattern of standard scenes, a process of domestication and incorporation within a recognised, familiar world takes place.

The scenes and their interactions show clear parallels with other

forms of Javanese theatre, particularly wayang. However, each ketoprak performance contains a slightly different mix of scenes, their order

determined by the events of the particular story as well as concern for dramatic effect, rather than by fixed rules as in the wayang tradi- tion. A minimal group of scenes appears in every performance - two types of palace audience , referred to on the scene list as "refined court" ([kra] ton alus) and "strong court" ( 'ton gagah) , or by the names of spe- cific kingdoms identified with these qualities; fight scenes; designated battle (perang) or forest battle (alas perang) scenes; clowning interludes, referred to as dalan gecul (literally 'impudent, cheeky [scene on the] road'); and garden (taman) scenes, the site of love scenes and other male-female encounters.

1. Court Audience Type a) - the 'Ton Alus

The standard opening for ketoprak performances is a gathering of officials before their king in a palace audience scene (jejeran) , like the open- ing scenes in wayang and other forms of Javanese theatre. Professional troupes sometimes open with a brief, dramatic sequence anticipating a thrilling incident in the action to come - a battle, a stealthy theft, a dramatic murder - or recalling an exciting event of the previous

night's performance. This theatrical device, modelled on the opening credits in films and television shows, is immediately followed by the standard commencement of performances in a royal audience hall.

Figure 1 Direcror o f W rin gin D aho no tro upe in stru crin g ac rors be fo re rh e sh ow,

LlS in g a bl ackb oa rd w irh a scen e lis e.

Figure 2 Pak Siswo ndho o f Siswo Budoyo w irh notepad briefin g perfo rme rs.

OJ\"\ . "161 R' ,!I \ \

Figure 3 Pak Sis givin g some additio n al instructions.

Figure 4 Pa k Muji , direcror o f Sa pra M a nd a la, pl ay in g th e ke pra k in th e w ings.

44 Javanese Pelforman ces on an Indonesia I'! Stage

Its function is to excite the interest of the crowd and hopefully sustain it through the slower-moving scene that follows. Most often the scene takes place in a 'ton a/us, a refined court.

Slow and stately music establishes the a/us and agung (exalted, august) atmosphere of the scene. Other theatrical codes of costume, speech, gesture and spatial arrangement reinforce this picture. Costumes are imposing in their rich fabrics and glittering decoration and refined in their fine patterns and subtle colours. Brown limbs and torsos are coated with yellow makeup to produce a lighter skin colour considered more refined; weather-darkened faces are powdered and rouged, eyes outlined in black to create the glamorous and imposing visages of king and courtier. The king and queen sit on thrones at th e right sid e of

the stage. The prime minister (patih), the highest-ranking official, sits facing them at an extended distance, with courtiers and military officials sitting cross-legged behind him. Those of lowest rank, the common soldiers at the back, and the female servants at the foot of the thrones,

crowd close together. Ph ys ical distance, both vertical and horizontal, signifies difference of social ra nk.

Gesture and speech mark th e difference of status between ruler and ruled and the nature of the relat ionship between them. The lowered

gaze of the courtiers and their gestures of obeisance - sembah (head bowed, palms together, thumbs against nose in a prayer-like pose) - as they address their lord, signal both subordinate status and loyal

homage. The gestures of the monarch towards his officials suggest both dominance and benevolence as he extends his right arm, held rigid in a chopping motion or stretched out in an expansive, inclusive curve,

to add emphasis to his words of command, information or encourage- ment. While the courtiers express their respec t and devotion in el eva ted high Javanese (krama), the king speaks down to them in the familiar, low-level register (ngoko). 4

In a formulaic exchange of greetings the monarch asks the officials whether they have performed their duties properly and whether all is

well in the realm. They respond positively. Then the discussion takes on a more specific focus. The Prime Minister may reveal that there is a rebel who refuses to accept the king's authority. The king may raise a matter that has been troubling him, or a nnounce an intended course of action. A messe nger may arrive with dramatic news. As the king

asks for explanation or advice concerning the issue in question, the patih and other officials weigh in with their views. Such discussions of affairs of state have a distinctive style. Speakers employ a serious,

Theatre Conventions and Social Mea nings 45

reasoning tone, with a n oddly chopped inton ation as individual phrases are separated by brief pauses. It is as if interlocutors are being given opportunity to take in the import of the speaker's words, while he himself draws breath to formulate his next utterance. While the style of enunciation is general, differences of speech level continue to mark the distinction between monarch and officials, ruler and ruled.

On th e basis of this discuss ion the king decides on the action to be taken, often the dispatch of one or more envoys to convey a mess age to a rebellious territory or hostile foreign state. Action now moves away from the central kraton , which has be en defined by its theatrical codes as a locus of calm, order and clearly defined social hierarchy. Such codes have likewise built up conventional patterns of characterisation - of benevolent, dignified lord a nd loyal , res pectful officials and soldiers.

2. Court Audiences Type b) - the 'Ton Gagah

The 'ton gagah or strong, bold palace forms the mirror image of the refined court just described. It is introduced by fast, lively gamelan music with forceful drumming and hearty male singing, conveying a suggestion of strength a nd masc ulin e vigour, which is reinforced by visual and verbal markers as the action commences.

In stories se t in mythical, pre-Islamic times, the se tting is the palace of a foreign king, ogre-like in appearance. He and his courtiers, like demon figures in wayang wong dance drama, have bare torsos , red and black painted faces, fangs and long ta ngl ed hair, and speak in roaring tones. The focus of the discussion is often the king's desire to marry the queen or princess of the alus kingdom. He may order a party of envoys to depart immedi a tely with his proposa l of m ar ri age . Alternatively, a delegation dispatched earlier with such a proposal may return with news of its rejection. This provokes an outburst of apoplectic fury, and the king rushes offstage, to do battle with those who have insulted him and to take (he princess by force. The action accords with codes of gesture and speech that signifY the king's passion , ferocity and lack of self-contro!'

In stories of the time of Demak and Mataram , within the period of 'factual', recorded history, the denizen of the 'to n gagah is generally the head of a territory on the periph e ry of the alus kingdom. This area is considered by the central !<raton as within its domain but by the local lord as an autonomous region. The lord sits facing his courtiers, red-faced, legs wide apart, a hand on each knee, looking about him with

Figure 6 AJus king in a village

performance.

Figure 5 Pak Sis in hi s finery as

a lus king, juSt before th e

commencement of the Siswo

Budoyo show. Figure 7 Co urtie r at a n Independ en ce Day show performs a se mbah gest ure to a1us king.

Figure 8 AJus prince em phasises a point in addressing hi s co urt.

48 Ja van ese Pelforman ces on an Indonesian Stage

a b o ld , fo rthright gaze. Cod es of ges ture a nd ex pressio n de fin e h im as ro u gh (b rasak) o r h o t- te mp ered , pass io n a te and brutal (brangasan). H is m e n , tho u gh res p ectful, a re less fo r mal a nd res trai n ed in d e m ea n o ur th a n th eir co unte rp a rts in the alus krato n . T h ey d o n o t s it in a hi e ra rc hi ca l lin e but bunched to geth e r a t th eir lead e r's fee t. Co d es of a pp ea ra n ce su gges t rel a tive equali ty a nd b o ld vi go ur. Their faces a re rudd y red , w ith thi ck bl ack moustach es and eye brows.

As h e t alks , loudly a nd fo rcefully, the regio n al lord twi rl s his m o ust ach e, turn s hi s h ead to loo k aro und the st age, oft en th row in g b ack hi s h ead to laugh lo udl y a t so m e p a rti c ul a rl y pl eas in g re p o rt o r a t o n e of his own j o k es. His foll owe rs sp eak so m ewhat m o re asse rtively tha n th e alus co urti e rs o f the p rev io u s sce n e, w ith fewe r el a b o ra te co n struc- tio n s. T h e chief issue is, o f co urse, th e dispu te w it h th e ce ntral kra t o n . T h e regio n al leade r prese nts his case, a n alte rna te v iewp o int to tha t of the alu s co urt. Hi s vo ice ofte n rises in a nger a t th e th o ught of th e injustice o f the king's d em a nds. T h e reaso n for refus ing to ackn owled ge t h e a uth o ri ty o f th e ce ntre m ay b e th a t h e is of a n o lde r roya l lin e th an th e upst a rt ce nt ral kin g, o r th at th e peo pl e o f hi s area sh o uld b e allowed to u se th eir reso urces for th eir ow n n ee d s rath er th a n h aving to pay t ribu te to th e ce n tra l co urt.

A p arty o f e n voys fro m th e ce ntral co urt arrives. Initi al gree tin gs a re co rdi al, bur w h e n th e v is ito rs d el ive r the message th at the regio n al leader mus t d e mon stra te his loya lty by a ppea rin g a t th e ce ntral p alace, h e veh e m e ntly refu ses t o co mply. H e c h alle n ges th e e n voys to a fi ght o utside o n the town squa re (alun-alun) . Eve n in a 'ton gagah , phys ical co mb a t sh o uld n eve r take pl ace ins ide a kra ton a udi e n ce h all wi th its co nn o t a tio n s of order and s ta b ili ty. T h e e n voys accept th e c h all e n ge. Eve ryo n e rush es from th e stage to fre n e t ic b eatin g o n th e woo d e n slit drum (keprak), u sed to sig n al sce n e ch a n ges and m a rk dra m a ti c m o m e nts. Lo ud ga mel a n music rei nforces th e m oo d o f m o untin g exc ite m e nt.

3 . Battle Scenes - Alas Perang

Ba ttl es are a n indi sp e n sa bl e in g redi e nt in a n y show, its chi ef a t t rac tion fo r m a n y yo ung m ale p erfo rm e rs a nd a udi e n ce m emb ers . T h e two sid es m ay h ave alread y m e t, as in the scene d escrib ed a b ove, o r th ey m ay e n co unter o n e a n o th e r by accide nt on th eir travel s in a fo res t, indi ca ted by a p ainted b ackdro p of d a rk trees a nd c urlin g vin es . In th e case of accid e ntal e n co unter th e two p a rti es must first discove r o n e a n o th e r's id e ntity. Co d es of dress a nd d e m ea n o ur di st in g uish th e alus krato n p a r ty fro m th e red- face d d e nize n s of th e 'to n gagah .

Figure 9 D em o n king sends hi s me n off to d o ba rri e.

Fig ure 10 Demo n kin g, morta ll y wo u nd ed in bar ri e, surro u nded by h is men.

Figure 11 Brangasan leader ex plains reasons for his reb e llion agai nsr

rhe cenrral kingdom.

Figure 12 Two bold , mousrac hioed figures in a '[O n gagah sce ne .

Theatre Conventions a lld Social Meanings 5 1

The alus party may b e led by a particularly handso m e, sumpruously dressed and beaurifully made-up yo ung man , the male star of the trOUpe, referred to variously as the rol (from Dutch hoofdrolor "main role" , seemingly borrowed from 5 tamboel) , peranan (from peranan utama, Indonesian translation of the Dutch term) or bambangan, a wayang term for the young knight who batrles demon s in th e forest in a wayang performance.

Verbal codes reinforce visual ones as the prospective combatants begin to converse. The regional lord and hi s so ldiers employ a gruffer and more abrupt tone th an the party from the central kraton. When it becomes clear that a fight is looming, they are the first to switch speech levels , from polite krama to aggressive ngoko, signalling a change of mood and intent. The two parties retreat to the wings at opposite sides of the stage as the gamelan plays loudly and furiously. The actors then reappear, pair by pair, in ascending order of military rank and fighting skill, all engaging in the same basic combat style . They first circle one another, knees bent, hands raised to deliver a chopping blow, then leap and so mersa ult in th e air, utte ring stylis ed grunts with eac h strike , combining moveme nts of the indigenous MalaylIndonesian self-defence form silat with tec hniques derived from other forms of Asian martial arts .5 Yourhs who have already worked our a routine together wait in lines in the wings on either side of the stage to come on as a pair. As they wait, they s ignal moves to one another with their hands. 6 Last of the series of combatants to appear are the s tar fighters of the troupe, who put on a particularly impressive display. After this it is time for the climax of the sce ne , the meeting of the two leaders.

Here the alus " hero" confronts his opponent in a matched co ntest of strength and vigour. There is no question here, as in wayang battles, of the alus hero warding off brute force with deft , delicate gestures, signifying superior spiritual strength. This fight, if not quite as skilled and acrobatic as the expert display preceding it , should nevertheless be hard-fought and e n e rgeti c, maintaining the momentum and excite- ment of the battle. 50 the actor play ing the leading role , though clearly defined as of a refined of character, should also be physically robust

and a good fighter. 7

4. The Clown Scene - Dalan Gecul

The scenes so far discussed, audiences in rival courts and battles between them, emp loy theatrical codes gro unded in Javanese understandings of political powe r and social order as well as contemporary im ages of

Figure 13 Alus king con fronts rural rebel. Figure 15 Indepe nd ence Day performance depicts nationa list s truggle.

Figure 14 King and co urti er from rival kingdoms battle. Figure 16 Fighting wit h luis an d swo rd .

54 Javanese PeljOrmrll'lces on al1 Indonesian Stage

manly s tren g th a nd valour. In the midst of th ese sce n es, h owever, r1.1 e re occurs an e n counte r w h e re these co d es a nd the c ultural unde rsta ndll1gs they draw upon a re pl ay fully subve rted - the cl own in g interlude .

Before th e c urtain ri ses, a bright a nd li ve ly c hildre n's so n g (fagu dofanan) signals the immin e nt arrival of the clowns an d a buzz of

exc ited a nti cipa tion runs through the a udience in res p o n se. The curtain rises on a pl ain cloth b ackdrop o r occasionally on p ainted forest trees, sce ni c markers indi ca tin g no particular location , m erely so m ewh e re 'a lo n g th e way'. After a m o m ent two figures d a n ce in from o pposite sides of th e stage. Their a ppea ra n ce is odd in so m e way - b o th are g ross ly fat, o r one is fat , th e other skinn y and sli ght.8 They a re a ttired in eith er a pl a in e r vers ion of the cos tum e style of the main ch a racters

in the lako n or contemporary vill age-style Java n ese dress. Their phys ical c h a racte ri stics connote humorous ungainliness; their cos rum es signifY low status a nd vill age connection. At the e nd of th e sce n e, when th eir master a ppears, their identity is revealed as that of servants to the

h a ndsome, nobl e h ero. Up until thi s point they a re simpl y a n o n y mou s j o k este rs.

Codes of m oveme nt , speech a nd ges ture in thi s sce n e unde rlin e the m argi n a li ty of thes e two figures to th e soc ia l ord e r so fa r portrayed.

W h ereas in pal ace a udi e n ce sce n es spa ti al distance b etwee n co urti ers indicates their differing ra nk, the constant bodily prox imi ty of the clowns - a rms round one a noth er's sh o ulde rs in camaraderie, o n e sla ppin g

th e other on the b ack or diggin g him in the ribs to emphas ise a point - su gges t equality a nd intimacy. In sp eech, both u se b as ic, uninfl ec ted ngo/eo, su gges tive of familiarity a nd equ ality of st a tus. T h ei r uttera nces

are m a rked by w ildly va ry in g intonation patterns, in co ntrast to the eve n tones of refined figures - crow in g cackles of deli ght at o utwittin g the o th e r ; aba ndon ed h owls of di sm ay w h e n a n gered o r upse t. And

there is mu ch phys ical roughhouse - pin ching, pun chin g a nd kicking in re t ali a tion for a trick; re m ov in g th e p a rtn er's h a t or pi cking his pocket when h e is not lo okin g. The overall a mbi e n ce is one of eq u ality,

intimacy, ea rthy direc tness a nd crudity, lacking emotion al restraint. Actors stress the sponta n e ity of th ese clown inte rludes, free of

stereotypical modes of inte raction a nd exch a n ges of di alo g u e. Yet amid thi s freedom there a re ide ntifi abl e p a tterns. Almo st always th e re is

s in g in g a nd d a n cin g, often in response to audience requests. Little parcels shower the st age - prese nts of cigarettes, swee ts, clothes, so m e tim es mon ey, acco mp a ni ed b y le tte rs requ est in g songs. T h e clowns duck to esca p e fl y in g mi ss il es, then o p en th ei r ar m s to so li cit m o re.

Theatre Conventions and SociaL Meanings 55

The le tters a re read in ga rbl ed fas hi o n a nd the co m e nts of th e packages pocketed , s tacke d for late r di stributi o n or flun g into th e w in gs to other performers. Very frequently th e cl ow n s stage so m e kind of sh ow, su c h as a co mp e titi on, a n exce rpt from a n o th e r dramati c ge nre o r role-play. Here their m a rg in ality to d o min a nt codes is ex tended into deliberate

parody. Competitions u su ally ce ntre o n la n g u age, tests of skill in la n g u age

form s co n si d e red by vill age a nd kampung J ava n ese as prestigious bur dif- ficult to reprod u ce. T h ese includ e hi gh J ava n ese, the n at io n al la n g u age taught in schools, Ind ones ia n , a nd th e la n g u age of modernity a nd

global outreach , E n g li sh. O n e tricks th e o th e r by ask in g fo r hi g h Java- nese equi vale nts of low-leve l words for w hi ch n o hi g h form ex ists.

The latter applies sta nd a rd rul es to concoct pre p ostero us invention s. Javan eselIndon esian h o m o n ym s co nfu se b o th clowns h opeless ly; English words a re mi spron o un ced in su ch a way as to resem bl e J ava n ese expres- sions and inte rpreted acco rdin gly. The clow n s' foo li sh bun g lin g evokes

laughte r. Yet th e re is also playful s u gges ti o n of th e ri c h n ess an d breadth of ngoko Java n ese, the fam ili a r a nd co mfortab le everyday tongue of p e rform e rs a nd the a udi e n ce. High Java n ese is revea led by co mp ar iso n as limited in scope, s tiff and art ifi c ial, while the newfangled lang u ages

of Indon es ian a nd E n gli sh h ave see mingl y ad opted much of their vocabulary from Java n ese.

The dra m a ti c exce rpt prese nted is ofte n a fragment of wayang wong dan ce drama . Favourite sce n es a re th e formal co urt a udi en ce and th e b a ttle b etwee n the refi n ed knight a nd his d e m o n o ppon e nt. In each case farcical hum o ur d e rives from the in co n g rui ty of th e cast-

ing. Bumbling clowns in th eir humbl e v ill age a ttire act o ut the parts of kin g a nd co urti e r; in th e ba ttle fragment a hu gely fat female clown m ay d ance th e part of th e delicate an d refined sa tria , Arjuna , wh il e a

skinny, woebegone acto r plays the cr ud e a nd volatile fanged m o n ste r, C akil. The ch a racter is ti cs of performers clash biza rrel y w ith the co d es of phys ical app earance, ges ture, move m e nt a nd sp eech by which these

dramatic fi g ures a re u su all y p o rtrayed. T h e n , in a further assa ult on thea trical co nve nti o n , the performers exc h a n ge ro les .

Acting our th e p a rts of kin g and co urti er provides pl enty of opp o rtunity for shrewd subversion of th e co nve nti o n s of en co unter

betwee n ru le r a nd rul ed. 'Accidental' blunders, offensive to th e sup erio r figure, are co mmon. In pl ace of the s tandard words of a co urtier to his king asking for p a rdon for a n y unime nd ed e rrors of ex press ion , th e clown pl ay in g th e unde rlin g m ay s t a te a iril y to his co mp a nion in an

56 Javanese Performa n ces on an Indonesia n Stage

imperso n ation of th e lord , "mena wi atur kula lepat panjenengan kula paringi aksami" [If I should say some thing wrong, I ex tend to yo u m y forgiveness.] Then the ' lord ' , h earing a so und b ehind him su ggestin g that so m eo n e else has e nte red the stage, without turning aro und gives the order " BaLia! Aja nganggu suasana!" [Go away! Don't disturb the atmo sph e re!] The other clown , facing th e new arrival, sta res in horror and m ak es fr antic warning sig n als. The a udi e n ce roars w ith mirth. But his companion blithely co ntinues, until finally he turns and almo st co ll apses w ith mortification. For the n ew a rrival is n o n e other than hi s m aster, ca tching the clow n s in th e ac t of parodyin g the relationship of master and servant - th eir relationship to him .

The prince, who until this p o int h as stoo d by, silently looki ng on, m ay mildly re buke his serva nts for their cheekiness or, on occasion, get ca u ght up in their b anter. Then h e informs them of th e miss ion which he h as b ee n instr u c ted to carry out a nd ann o un ces tha t it is time to depart. At the clo se of the sce n e the servants exit w ith their lord in the m ann er o f th e clown/servants (punakawan) in wayang, reap p earing frequently in th e co urse of s ubsequent eve nts. They ca use disruption in palace audiences with their ignora n ce of court etiquette; they participate with little military ski ll but much slaps ti ck hum o ur in th eir m as te r's b attl es; th ey parody hi s wooi ng of a royal lad y by m aking lewd advances to the lady's elephantine maidservant.

Aspects of the mode of inte raction of the clowns ap p ear in o th er en co unters b etwee n low sta tus figures su ch as so ldie rs, bandits, s tudents of a religious teacher and v illage rs. Here too, codes of gesture and speech co nnote intim acy and eq u ality, as ch a racters sit ch attin g in low J avan ese, or huddle , h ead s toge th er, sh aring a secret or co nsp iring over a plan. One favourite location of direct, informal co mmuni cat ion is the village home. Su ch h o m es co m e in two types - an omah bubrah (literally "broken dow n home"), indicated by a backdrop of rattan walls with a sin gle h a n ging cookin g pot, and a n omah perkutut, a co mfo rta bl e house wi th the cages of perkutut, si n ging birds, visible through a large window.

5. Love Scenes - Adegan Kaputren/Adegan Taman

Love e n co unters betwee n nobl e swee thearts usu a lly take pl ace in the palace garden or wo m en 's apartments, a nd are la b ell ed accord in gly o n th e sce n e list as adegan taman (garden sce ne) or adegan kaputren (scen e in the women's quarte rs). As th e scene co mmences , joyful flo w in g gamel a n music s ignifies a romantic mood. A nobl e lad y is see n conversing with

Figure 17 The famed Siswo Budoyo clowns, Jo gelo a nd Jorono.

Figure 18 Comic maidse rvant p utS male clown in his place.

Figure 19 Serva nts m a inta in p eace 111 th e kin gd o m b y res rra inin g the ir m as te rs fro m fi ghting. Figure 20 Anoth er scen e of servants resrraining their m as ters.

60 Javanese Perfo rmances on an Indonesian Stage

her maid , who later sings and dances to entertain her mi stress . C odes of physical appearance, dress and speech style mark the character type of the lady - either Luruh (refined and demure), with an even-toned, somewhat plaintive voice and delicately coloured costume , or branyakl kenes (spirited, assertive and flirtatious), with an animated manner and sharp, staccato speech, dressed in brighter colours . Differences of rank between the lady and her companion are signified spatially, visually and verbally. The glamorous lady reclines on a chair or bench; the maid, plain-faced and plainly dressed, often comically fat, kneels at her feet. The maid addresses her mistress in respectful krama while the latter speaks in ngoko.

Yet the tone of their exchange is warm and intimate, punctuated by jokes and laughter, suggestive of a close, companionable relationship. Gestural codes signify friendly intimacy: the lady gives the maid a

playful tap to emphasize a joking remark, or the maid places a consoling arm about the lady's shoulders when her mistress appears troubled. Frequently the problem concerns a man - a husband , a lover, the prince of a neighbouring kingdom. If the lady laments the long absence of her husband or the lateness of a sweetheart in arriving for a tryst, the maid often advises her to forget him - "men are all the saIne",

she says, "always open to distraction by another pretty face." At this there may be derisive shouts from young men in the audience or

muttered grumbles of gombal (rubbish) . Eventually the man in question arrives, announced by a burst of keprak beating. A husband or long- term sweetheart is received warmly, intimately or sometimes with edgy coldness; if, however, he is a new acquaintance, the pair first greet one

another in correct, formal fashion. The smooth, soft tones and elevated speech levels of the two

figures suggest noble refinement and a polite mutual respect, which is somewhat at odds with their physical demeanour. While their elegant costumes indicate high status and refinement, the snug fit of their clothes, outlining a manly torso and curvaceous female figure, together

with skillfully highlighted eyes and voluptuously drawn mouths, radiate sexual allure. While they converse, codes of facial expression - the dazzling smiles of the handsome hero, the shy blushes of the refined lady or flirtatious glances and repartee of her assertive counterpart - set up an undercurrent of sexual attraction beneath the surface of

their verbal pleasantries. E xcitement builds as a udience members wait for the moment of acknowledgment, when the couple will declare their love for one another.

Th eatre Conventio ns and So cial M eanings 61

When th e gamelan orches tra plays a few soft notes, a nd the man begins to sing, the a udience whoops and whistles with delight, for this song cons titutes the standard signifier in ketoprak of amorous

intent, leading on to intimate touching and declarations of affection. Musical codes are redolent with sensuality. As the man advances with

extended arms in a gesture labelled gandrung (impassioned), and the woman slowly retreats, the couple's movements connote male sexual initiative and female reticence. Yet eventually the woman begins to sing in response. A change of speech codes, a shift by the man to the intimate ngoko speech level, signals the couple's newfound intimacy.

When the man decl a res his love for the lady, she may ask for assurances of his serious intent: he responds with fervent pledges of devotion. Sometimes one of them may assert that love and marriage between them are impossible because of differences in their background

and status . There follows a standard response , expressed in very similar wording in all performances: "Love does not depend on position and status, wealth or poverty. What is important is that we love one another. "

(Tresna menika mboten gumantung dhateng drajat La n pangkat, sugih utawa miskin. lngkang baku menika tresna Lan tresna.) Soon the reluc- tant lover is convinced. The couple then talks of their future life together, of building a harmonious family and having children. The rhetorical tone and formal construction of these statements convey a sense of seriousness and virtuous intent. A s these words are spoken, the

sweethearts stand intimately close, holding hands and gazing into one another's eyes. Codes of gesture and facial expression signify warmth, intimacy, sexual attraction and affection.

Before long the fond encounter is interrupted. The lady's maid may return from the kitchen where she had previously retired to make tea, the prince's servants may arrive making cheeky comments , or out-

raged parents burst in with demands for explanation . Or the sweethearts themselves may bring the meeting to a close with tender farewells and promises to meet again soon.

6. Constrasting Types of Male-Female Encounter

Amorous encounters can take other forms and in different locations, in keeping with the events of the particular lakon. A common motif is the attempted seduction of the woman by an unwelcome suitor.

An ogre king may attempt to abduc t from her bedroom the princess of his crazed fancy; a royal minister may take advantage of the king's

62 Javanese PerfO rmances on an Indonesian Stage

absence to make advances ro his queen; an old and trusted teacher

expresses his passion for a female pupil a fraction of his age. As the pursuit commences, codes of gesture and facial expression signify the man's lecherous predation and the woman's horrified recoil. The man

advances, knees bent, feet wide apart, arms outstretched and curved in an arc, in an exaggerated and menacing version of the impassioned gandrung gesture described earlier. He attempts ro encircle the lady, leering suggestively in between phrases of his passionate love song, sometimes breaking into a crazy cackle of anticiparory delight. The lady backs away, her facial expression a picture of amazement and repugnance, weaving about the stage in order to evade his grasp. A gentle, refined figure will protest politely in krama that, "I don't yet wish to marry (literally 'se rve') any man." [Kula dereng remen ngladosi satunggal ing priya.] As her pursuer persists in his protestations of love , proposals of marriage and attempts to grab her, she implores him to iling (literally 'remember, be aware'), to recover his composure, remember his station. An assertive heroine , after recovering from her initial shock, will roundly chastise her would-be suitor for sullying the honour of his position and presuming upon her womanly rights. As the man blusters about his power, wealth and high station and may threaten ro use force, both

refined and assertive ladies are firm in their response: "Living together in marriage is not something that can be forced. It must be based on mutual love. " [Tryang bebrayan menika mboten kinging dipun peksa. Kedah lelandhesan tresna Ian tresna.]

For the audience there is great excitement in the sexual tension and menace of such scenes. Young men respond with shouts and whistles and occasional cries of "Pick her up! Carry her off!" [Dibopong waif] Players, too, often treat such scenes as a pleasurably exciting game. A middle-aged professional actor, appearing as a guest star in an amateur performance, gleefully pursued the 'princess', acted by the teenage daughter of his neighbour, to the girl's quite genuine discomfiture and

alarm. A more experienced amateur actress, reporting ro a friend on a performance she had recently been involved in, was heard to boast, " I was digandrungi (passionately pursued) five times!" The frowning, troubled expressions of women audience members and their clucks of sympathetic concern for the beleaguered heroine, indicate a different response. They react strongly to the codes of the scene, which mark the male figure as lustful, selfish and cruel, while presenting his victim

as innocent and virtuous, voicing approved sentiments about love and marriage.

Theatre Conventions and Social Mea nings 63

The lady is never act u ally forc ed to submit ro th e amoro us adva nces

of her pursuer but at the last moment is either rescued or manages to escape, running off into the forest with th e man following. She may appear in a following scene, alone against a backdrop of sinister dark crees, kneeling with her head bowed, sometimes with her baby in her arms, in tearful, plaintive tones lamenting her fate. The gamelan plays melancholy music. Here th e stage se tting, plus codes of gesture, speech and music, all work together to create a pitiful picture of wronged and suffering womanhood. Apart from unwelcome male purs uit, other causes of the lady's lonely, frightening sojourn in the wilds might be

abandonment by a now wealthy and prominent husband, or a husband's belief in the evil sla nders of a rival wife.

On occasion the opposite situation occurs, when a virtuous man

or men suffer at the hands of a scheming and heartless woman. Such figures represent a variant of the assertive character type described as sarak (literally 'wicked', 'evil-hearted') . The physical appearance and demeanour of such women - tall , of statuesque build, with a com-

manding manner and strong voice - signify formidable power. In pursuit of a desired goal, however, they can be seductively feminine and charming. The contrast between their us ual demeanour and th e codes of gesture an d speech with which they entice and manipulate men signals their deviousness and cold, callous determination .

Nevertheless it is the isolation and vulnerability of the wronged female that emerges as the domin ant motif in the keroprak battle of the sexes. Women in the audience are often emotionally moved by the

imagery of such scenes. One of my neighbours would occasionally report having trouble sleeping at night, thinking about the terrible trials of the heroine in the ketoprak radio broadcast she had been listening to earlier in the evening.

***

KETOPRAK SCENE TYPES - INTERPRETATIONS OF SOCIAL REFERENCE

Each of ketoprak's scene types depicts a particular form of interaction in its appropriate social setting. Palace audience halls display imagery of political leadership and of social order. Battles, disruptive of social order, take place outside these domains on an open square or in the forest. Likewise, outside palace order, simply 'along the way', appear the

Figure 21 Princesses a nd the ir m a idse rva n (.

Figure 22 Lady and he r m aid

e nj oyin g a joke.

66 J avanese Pelformances on an Indonesian Stage

Figure 24 Teenage princess being advised by her father.

clown figures, servants - representatives of the underclass, humorously flouting rules of social interaction. Village homes extend the picture of the social and domestic world of the common people, while in the gardens and female living areas of royal palaces occur love scenes between 'hero' and 'heroine' , as well as other male-female encounters.

Ketoprak's scenic structure is strongly grounded in Javanese theatrical tradition, exemplified most fully in wayang. Details of characterisation and dialogue have clear wayang equivalents. 9 Like all forms of Javanese theatre, ketoprak draws on a common store of images - dignified kings, hot-tempered, red-faced foreign kings and ogres, refined knights and humorous, earthy clown-servants. As it reworks and supplements Javanese theatre conventions, it throws light on the understanding among actors and audience members of longstanding hegemonic Javanese values and on their response to other, newer ideological influences . References to old and new blend throughout the show. However, the settings that

Theatre Conventions and S ocial M eanings 67

display the stronges t influence of Javanese theatrical tradition convey most clearly ongoing concepts of political order and social hierarchy. These include scenes in palace audi ence hall s and other loca tions where political leaders and subordinates interact. Romantic encounters and emotional, melodramatic events such as sorrowful partings, joyous reunions and agonising deaths draw on models from modern media such as film and television drama. Through new theatrical images such scenes arguably connate changing values and standards of behaviour, particularly in the domain of rom ance and gender relations. The fol- lowing discussion looks first at 'political' sites such as palace audiences, then at love scenes and other types of domestic encounter, as they reflect on different strands of lower-class social values and experience

in the 1970s.

POLITICAL ORDER AND CLASS RELATIONS

In general terms, Yogyakarta ketoprak performances of the late 1970s reproduced palace audience scenes depicting the interaction of the 'good' king with his court so as to endorse traditional understandings of kingly power and social hierarchy. The ongoing aura of ari stocratic title and connection , pride in Yogyakarta as a court centre and the power of an authoritarian government system identified as 'traditional' by its leaders, combined to create this effect; however, the familiar image of king and court also incorporated elements suggestive of more 'modern' notions of political order and state administration. As officials and military leaders participated in the di scussion of strategies for handling political problems, their exchanges had a formal , speech-like quality, and sometimes escalated into heated debate. Actors spoke of pemerintahan (governance) as a key area of meaning of ketoprak performance. Perhaps at work here were traces of influence from the mass political mobilisation of the 1950s and ea rly 1960s,1 0 along with more contemporary notions of modern, ration al administration.

The circumstances of production naturally shape the image of the king and the court projected in performance. Inexperienced amateurs stumbling through their parts create a very different effect from a skilled troupe performing for an official event; yet, in th e ketoprak performances I observed in the 1970s, no deliberate satirising of kingly power took place. Political play on the image of refined king may have occurred in the p ast, 11 and was beginning to appear in Indonesian- language theatre, but in the ketoprak of that time , tightly controlled

68 Javanese PerfOrmances on an Indo nesian Stage

by military patrons and government authorities, it remained only a

remote potential. Images of e n em y figures embodied intriguing ideological sugges-

tion. Leaders of territories on the edges of the central Javanese cultural area were depicted with the same theatrical markers as demonic foreign kings - red faces, clumsy movements and lustful outbursts. Such portrayal seemed to reinforce both centrist political ideology and regional cultural prejudice. Mea nwhile, scenes in strong, rough establishments ('ton gagah) , always contained assertio ns by regional leaders of their own version of the conflict with the central kraton . Their words

might be minimal and perfunctory, wildly ranting, or persuasive and convincing. Such statements constitute a distinctive feature of ketoprak not inherited from other theatrical forms. Just how they were used by different troupes to contest contemporary political iss ues is illustrated

in the following chapter.

CLOWNS AND THE PEOPLE

While the doings of kings and rebels reverberate with state politics, clown servants and their masters evoke the immediate , familiar politics

of hierarchical relations in everyday life. The signification of clowns , as servants of the heroic characters and symbols of the mass of ordinary

people, has been much discussed in writing on J ava nese performing arts. Observers debate their potentially critical, satirical function. Clifford Geertz sees wayang clowns as conveying "a rather general criticism" of the values of the dramas in which they appear, and reports that

in popular stage dramas of the 1950s clown figures "nearly swallow the heroes entirely, leaving the latter rather as overbred fool s than the descendants of satriyas (noble knights)" (Geertz, 1960: 290-3). By contrast, Ward Keeler locates the key role of wayang clowns in their

freedom from the normal constraints of social interaction. Clowns offer no alternative viewpoint to the "heroic ideals and structures" that dominate their form. They are simply unfettered, because of their

rock-bottom social status and dependence on their master, by concern with status, etiquette and proper speech. What appeals so much to Javanese audiences, who are themselves constantly constrained by status rules, is the clowns' "relaxed, unself-conscious and spontaneous mode of interaction" (Keeler, 1987: 210) .

Clara van Groenendael describes wayang kulit performances where clowns and foot soldiers give expression to the views of lowly audience

Theatre Conventions and Socia! Meanings 69

members in ways that co ntras t with the dal ang's instru c tion s from th e elite sponsors of the show (Groenendael, 1985) . Richard Curtis co nfirms

this picture of th e dalang speaking through the clowns in voicing soc ial critique from the masses but emphasises tha t the clowning segment of a wayang performance has no inbuilt, invariable meaning. In particular

contexts it can b e approp ri ated by elite figures to convey propaganda messages , or turned into sup erficial commercial entertainment (Curtis, 1997: 232-3).

Many of these o bservat ions m ay be applied to ketoprak. Variation in clown sequences according to context was clearly evident during

the 1970s. In commercial shows government propaganda themes were briefly mentioned ami d clown b anter, in keeping with the conditions for obtaining performance permission . In government-sponsored compe- titions the short clown segment was n ecessarily packed with ideological messages, while in p erformances for village weddings, didac tic concerns could be dispensed with and clowns and audiences simply had fun.

In ketoprak much of the banter of the clowns is indeed just light-hearted play, their singing and dancing pure fun . Their appearance represents an eagerly awaited theatrical break from the structured, form al exchanges of the 'se rious' characters, co nstrained by theatrical

codes, which are in turn grounded in the dominant social rules of Javanese life. Inasmuch as the clowns are styled unequivocally as village

figures, while the formal interaction they are defined agai n st tak es place in noble courts, there is an inbuilt reference to distinctions of social class. Refined formality is associated with th e social elite, earthy fun and spontaneity with the little peo ple. The caricature b y the clowns

of high art forms and interaction between ruler and ruled reinforces this suggestion.

Yet the clowns' interaction is double-edged. Codes of gesture and speech convey not only the intimacy and familiarity of their relation- ship, but also its a brasive ness, venality and selfishness . When they make

ludicrous errors in reproducing high art form s and refined speech, audience members la ugh both with them, as they expose the pompous artificiality of the form s in ques tion , and at them as they di sp lay their ignorance and incompetence. The routine where the master enters the stage and watches, unnoticed, as his servants engage in a ludicrous parody of their relationship with him never fails to evoke uproarious

laughter from the audience, despite or perhaps b ecause of its familiarity and predictability. The priyayi master, the "overbred fool " of Geertz's

description, is a telling focus of derisive laughter. 12 But there is also

70 Javanese Performances on an Indonesian Stage

much to laugh at in the situation of the clown se rvant, unwittingly, inattentively courting disaster. Audience members , along with the smiling noble, are aware of what is happening while the servant is not; they laugh together at the servant's squirming embarrassment at being caught out. Audience members seem likely to experience a mixture of sentiments watching this scene: shudders of empathetic horror at the thought of being caught out in this way by a superior; enormous relief that this is happening to someone else rather than themselves; satisfaction at the effrontery that the subordinate does , after all, manage

to get away with. Javanese of all social levels are constantly engaged in hierarchical

social interactions and are constantly subject to concern with status,

etiquette and proper speech. However, members of the wong cilik underclass arguably experience the pressures of hierarchy particularly sharply in their daily encounters with people of higher status -

employers, kampung and village officials, richer neighbours - to whom they must display appropriate subservience and respect. Hence they identify with the clown figure, socially, emotionally and 'politically'. Class antagonism is clearly a strong potential reference of the codes of representation of clown servants and noble Inasters; however, to what

extent are clown servants and other subordinate figures, with their ambiguous suggestiveness, earthy humour and bumbling ignorance, able to represent underclas s interests in a positive , tra nsformative way?

This is an issue addressed in the next chapter.

ROMANTIC LOVE AND OTHER MODERN EXPERIENCES

In the blend of old and new characteristic of ketoprak, different situa-

tions bring to the fore particular elements of the mix. Battle scenes, as suggested earlier, introduce techniques from martial arts movies and promote an active and robust image of the 'hero' in place of the ultra-

refined noble knight of Javanese performance tradition. In the palace garden, the encounter of this Javanese version of the Hollywood hunk

and his alluring partner display various markers of modernity. The experience of romantic love endorsed by ketoprak sweethearts

- an e motionally thrilling a nd deeply spiritual attachment that outweighs all other ties of family and status - is widely celebrated in modern Indonesian culture. At odds with traditional notions of a

parentally arranged partnership embedded in family and community, the concept of a marriage based on love and individual choice found

Theatre Conventions and Social Meanings 71

expression in Indonesian c ultural form s from the early twentieth century onwards. Novels of the 1920s and 1930s depicting youthful romances thwarted by parental wishes and customary rules symbolised a wider dash between mod ernity and tradition. After Independence, portrayals of romantic love flourished in mass media such as film s, popular songs and magazines.

That aspirations of romantic love were widespread in everyday

life, not jus t among the urban elite but also among villagers and kampung-dwellers , is suggested by James Peacock's study of th e East Javanese popular drama ludruk. On the ludruk stage, stories of love and marriage involving generational conflict predominated as dramatic plots. Meanwhil e num e rous young kampung men recounted their experience of youthful romance , referred to by the Indonesian word

cinta, with girls they had met at school (Peacock, 1968: 144). Yet the extent of social acceptance and practice of romantic love as a basis

for marriage is less clear. In the 1970s in Central Java marriage by individual choice was sai d to be customary among educated youth, especially in the cities, while among the poorer and less-educated, and in rural areas, arranged marriages were seemingly the norm. 13 In the case of marriages based on individual choice, parental blessi ng was

still essential. None of the young men interviewed by Peacock had actually married their sweethearts, because their parents did not approve (Peacock, 1968 : 145). Marriage based on individual choice, free from

parental restriction , was evidently a source of divergent expectations rather than a universally accepted good. 14 A ssociated sources of tension were the freer mixing of young people, widely decried as likely to lead to loosening moral standards, and the role of modern media in representing love and passion .

Ketoprak love scenes and their reception by audiences provide

interesting insights into the complexities of contemporary Javanese understandings of love and marriage. Progressives in the ketoprak world

of the 1970s spoke approvingly of the appeal of ketoprak love scenes to modern tastes and expectations , particularly among the young.

Daring stage represe ntation of romantic intimacy was justified as being in keeping with contemporary behavioural trends. 15 Actors compared their romantic encounters with tho se of films, boasting proudly that ketoprak, too, contained " bedroom scenes" (adegan ranjaniJ, with lord and lady sitting on a divan together and on occasion lying down to sleep. But there was much criticism of ketoprak - in the medi a, in speeches and discussions in everyday conversation - for seducing young

72 Javanese PerfOrmances on an Indo nesian Stage

viewers into licentious behaviour through its daring representa tion of physical affection. 16 Some performers expressed unease about appearing in love scenes. Many husbands and wives imposed strict conditions on their spouse's participation in such encounters and were willing to travel long distances and endure many hours watching a show to make sure these limitations were observed.

Some viewers may have been troubled also by the contrast between

the stage portrayal of romantic love, arising from brief acquaintance and strongly influenced by physical attraction, and the slowly developing feelings of trust and empathy that Javanese reportedly identifY with a stable, lasting marriage (H. Geertz, 1960: 135). Tresna, an idealised concept of love as deep, abiding selfless affection for another person, rather than romantic passion, gandrung, with its volatile, unstable quality, has traditionally been regarded as the appropriate basis for marriage (Keeler, 1987: 52). The amorous pursuits and fond embraces ofketoprak love scenes, like the modern media images referred to by the Indonesian term cinta, might well have had connotations of dangerous, ephemeral sexual passion at odds with the notion of abiding love.

This conflicted context may help explain the striking contrast between the intimacy and warmth of the looks and gestures of ketoprak lovers and the serious, formal style of their dialogue. Visually they radiated romantic attraction. Verbally they declared their high-minded

love (tresna) for one another in formal statements, delivered in the wooden style of memorised quotations. They routinely asserted that wealth and status were irrelevant to choice of marriage partner, even in stories where no differences of status were involved. 17 A mixture

of factors may have influenced these interactions - the remoteness of ideal concepts to actual experience, a lack of appropriate terms to

describe romantic feeling , or an attempt to balance sensuality with serious, worthy sentiments to appease audience concern.

Rhetorical declarations of love were followed immediately by talk of establishing a family (mangun brayat) and " having harmonious relations with the community" (bebrayan ing tengah masyarakat). Even in modern times, long-established conceptions of marriage seemingly held sway. For all its individualistic implications, romantic love led on to marriage still understood as strongly oriented towards family

and community. Ketoprak love scenes of the 1970s celebrated 'modernity' in both

dramatic imagery and ideological values. Styled as appealing to young people, they achieved the anticipated response . Youthful audience

Theatre Conventions and Social Meanings 73

members, particularly young men, frequently applauded the pronounce- ments of ketoprak lovers valorising freedom of choice of marriage partner, for all their stiff formulaic quality. At the same time , aspects of these scenes encoded a se nse of discontinuity between new values and their social context, the ongoing strength of es tablished attitudes and practices.

WOMEN VIEWERS AND THE WOMAN QUESTION

Along with young people, women of all ages are seen to take great interest in ketoprak's love scenes and in the form as a whole. The prominence of women in ketoprak audiences of the 197 0s was indeed striking - groups of wealthy middle-aged traders watching nightly from the front seats when a big commercial troupe came to town; mothers with babies and young children crowded around the open stage at neighbourhood performances; withered grandmothers still alert and a bsorbed at four in the morning when the show finally came

to an end. The particular appeal of ketoprak to women and how it might relate to distinctive qualities of female characterisation onstage warrants investigation.

Female interest in ketoprak is often explained in terms of its melo- dramatic emotionality. Ward Keeler quotes standard Javanese opinion that women, unable to appreciate the artistic subtleties of wayang, by contrast "enjoy weeping through ketoprak's shamelessly melodramatic

twists of fortune. " Men , meanwhile, "profess to find these aspects of ketoprak foolish" (Keeler, 1987: 240). Such differences in taste accord with hegemonic Javanese gender ideology, which associates men with emotional control cultivated through spiritual exercis e and women

with more mundane activities and less controlled feelings and speech (Keeler, 1987: 77; Brenner, 1995: 28-31). The perceived lack of interest by women in the ' high art' of wayang kulit may stem most crucially

from wayang's performance a t ritual celebrations presided over by men and its embodiment of values and preoccupations regarded as funda- mentally male concerns. The appropriate place for women at a wayang performance, as at a slametan ritual feast, is at the back of the house, preparing and distributing food, while the men are Out front; 18 ketoprak

as a popular entertainment without intrinsic ritual co nnection, is open to participation by all.

A key aspect of ketoprak's appeal for both men and women clearly was and is sexual fantasy. Ketoprak love scenes of the 1970s, as suggested

74 Ja vanese PeJformances on an Indo nesian Stage

above, were redolent with sensual suggestion and provoked excited audience response . Glamorous male and female stars were essential to the appeal of a performance. 19 Stories were rife of affairs between these

young male stars and rich female patrons , likewise between female stars and male admirers .

Female emotional involvement arguably reflects something more than the lack of emotional restraint supposedly characteristic of women. In highlighting the 'love interest' of historical and mythological tales and focusing on themes of romance and domesticity, ketoprak gives prominence to female characters. As we have seen, their adventures involve many difficulties and conflicts with which women viewers

identify. The situation of women playing women's parts and improvising dialogue , rather than female characters being represented by men, 20

provides space for expression of specific female perpectives. The two types of 'heroine' defined by codes of theatrical represen-

tation, the refined lady and her more assertive and vivacious counter-

part, correspond in a general way to traditional patterns of female characterisation in Javanese performance. Wayang kulit and classical court dance both recognise this distinction. Sumbadra and Srikandhi, the twO wives of the iconic wayang hero, Arjuna, are seen to embody quintessential models of refined, demure and more outgoing woman- hood. 21 In performance practice, the overwhelming majori ty of esteemed

female figures who appear in the course of a shadow puppet lakon are of gentle, refined character. Assertive qualities are represented instead by female demons and raucous maidservants. Likewise in the world of classical court dance, the revered female group dances srimpi and bedhaya celebrate an image of controlled, restrained feminity. 22

In ketoprak, as popular entertainment without elite pretension, watched and performed by both men and women, the situation is very

different. Glamorous heroine figures classified as both branyak (assertive) and kenes (flirtatious) seemed to appear more often than their refined counterparts in the performances of the 1970s, playing the main female roles in a majority of lakon . Of lead actresses, who always specialized in one mode or the other, the most popular and successful performed in the branyaklkenes style. A number of factors arguably contributed to their appeal. Their spirited interactions with male characters were often

humorously entertaining, more engaging than the passive compliance of a traditional refined princess. And overt female attractiveness and assertiveness had an additional, controversial connotation, the concept of the 'modern woman'.

Th eatre Conventions and S ocial Meanings 75

The qualities of assertive heroines were consistentl y described by actors as both "modern" (moderen) and "like foreign women" . The alternate refined, reserved, female stereotype was, by contrast, classified as "traditional" and typically Javanese. Playing out this distinction, in one performance a lady soldier from a foreign country, dressed in a silver lame pantsuit, challenged the hero to do battle. As he hesitated she asserted, " Don't go thinking that I am like the women of former

times!" (Aja p ikir aku iki wanita kaya dek biyen.'). Whereas in the past women might have been gentle and retiring, she implied, strong, assertive modern women can confront men on their own terms.

Both the Hollywood-influenced stereotype of bold , sexually liberated Western woman and the notion of female emancipation and achievement also originating from the West, are arguably denoted here . By the 1970s the concept of the independent, achieving modern woman, first adopted among the Western-educated elite in late colonial times, then promoted after Independence by political organisations and women's groups, 23 had undergone a shift. The gender ideology

of the New Order state highlighted women's contribution to national development primarily through their domestic roles. Julia Suryakusuma (2004: 161-89) describes this process at work a t the national level, while Norma Sullivan documents its implementation in Yogyakarta through the activities of the Family Welfare Movement (Pembinaan

Kesejahteraan Keluarga, PKK) (Sullivan, 1994: 64-82). Nevertheless increasing numbers of women continued to gain education, work outside

the home and participate in the changing parameters of modern life.

To what extent female audience members at ketoprak perfor- mances, the majority of whom were small farmers and farm labourers, market traders and kampung housewives, were able to participate in

such trends is debatable. But the main exponent of assertive female characterisation in ketoprak of the late 1970s, the star actress of the

Sapta Mandala troup e , Marsidah BSc, with her unive rsity degree and prestigious daytime position as an official of the Department of Education ,

could be regarded as a prime example of an achieving modern woman. In conversation she expressed a sense of "speaking up" for her fellow women in her stage criticisms of male behaviour and assertion of the views of female protagonists.

The issues which Marsidah and other assertive heroines addressed related not to formal female advancement in education and employ-

ment but to domestic conflict and the neglect, irrational jealousy or, most commonly, suspected infidelity of a husband or sweetheart.

76 Javanese Perfo rmances on an Indonesian Stage

Another focus of female protest was sexual predation and assault. Their stance in these outburs ts - hands on hips, chin thrust forward, direct, staring gaze, sharp, challenging tone of voice - connoted both hostility and bold, assertive assurance. There were reverberations with

the supposed lack of emotional control of women, represented onstage by loud maidservants and plain-speaking village wives; however, this was no village wife railing at her spouse, but a glamorous lady crisply

putting her man in his place or denouncing male aggression against women in terms of impressively modern ideological statements about

individual rights. The protestations of wronged wives and beleaguered heroines

evoked mixed audience responses. Their spirited statements were greeted with applause by the female audience bur also laughter and derisive shours from the men. Male performers often reacted to asser-

tive woman characters with teasing provocation, playfully trivialising their heated outbursts. If the image of the outgoing 'modern woman' aroused some ambivalence in ketoprak performance, in all-male ludruk

its portrayal was explicitly negative. The stereotype of the middle-aged, nagging wife appeared ubiquitously, performed with exaggerated gusto. More serious expression of hostile feeling occurred in a savage carica- ture of the modern, go-getting woman. Pushy, flashy female figures,

exaggeratedly aping Western ways, evoked angry and abusive audience response , and invariably met an unpleasant end (Peacock, 1968: 77-8, 160-1). Representations of assertive female figures across performances

and theatre genres drew on a mix of dramatic elements - glamour, progressiveness, humour - to reflect in varying ways on the impact of modernising ideology on the complexities of male-female relations.

***

That love, romance and gender relations have featured so prominently in this review of the social reference of the codes and conventions of ketoprak in the 1970s can be seen to connect with socio-political

conditions of the time. Popular trends in the domain of gender and domesticity could be relatively freely expressed and depicted through varied , dynamic stage im agery. In other areas of experience, particularly the 'political' sphere, represented by kings and officials, rulers and th eir subjects , contextual reference was more limited and uniform .

Factors of casting and differing acting skills produced small variations

Theatre Conventions and SociaL M eanings 77

in characterisation , bur generally the roles of refined king and regional rebel, master and servant, were 'played straight'.

Performances confirmed the centrist, hierarchical political ideo- logy of past Javanese kingdoms and contemporary state authorities. However, historical actions do not always fit easily within ideological frames . Included in the standard repertoire of ketoprak are several well-known stories drawn from Javanese history, the events of which would seem to challenge the image of a powerful and beneficent central Javanese king and court . The following chapter analyses performances of twO such anomalous tales . By comparing renditions of these stories by troupes with differing geographic and social connections, we get a sense of how ketoprak performances afforded expression to varying political perspectives , even in the constrained ideological environment of the 1970s.

298

16

17

18

19

20

21

Notes to pp. 30-40

Those imprisoned included Pak Sasmito and Bu Rukiah, Pak Rukiman, Pak Pardi and Ibu Kadariyah.

A central principle of New Order political philosophy was azas kekeLuargaan (family principle), the notion of the state as a family. State policy decreed

that "the family household is the smallest unit of a nation" and that the

nation must be built up of srrong families (Suryakusuma 2004: 194).

To encourage srable monogamous marriage, regulations were introduced

curbing polygamy and divorce among civil servants, whi le the ideal of the

cwo-child nuclear family was relenrlessly promoted through birth control

propaganda.

Wijaya and Sucipto (1977: 43) cite a figure of 99 for three of the five

districts (kabupaten) of the Yogyakarta area in 1974, not including the city itself, and specu late that the total figure would have been much higher.

In 1977 the bupati of Bantul spoke in this vein, using the English term,

in his speech at the finals of the Bantul disrrict ketoprak competition that

I attended .

For example, the story was performed with an explicirly populist, anti-

authority message at a POI electoral rally that I attended in 1971 (Hadey,

1988: 18).

Stories from the Majapahit era and earlier, termed gedhog, involved bare

torsos, full or knee-length pants draped with batik cloths (kain), anklets, bracelets and elaborate headdresses. Kejawen lakon (from jawa, 'Javanese')

set in the later Mataram dynasty emp loyed batik skirts, high-collared

jackets (surjan) and moulded batik headdresses (bLangkon) for men; batik skirrs and blouses (kebaya) or srrapless bodices (kemben) for women.

Mesiran style (from Mesir, 'Egypt'), with long satin rrousers for both men and women, boleros, tunics, cloaks and turbans, was used for Middle

Eastern tales .

Chapter 2

What this description indicates is ketoprak participants' own perception

of their form compared with other theatre genres. Outside observers,

particularly those unfamiliar with Javanese thearre conventions, are likely

to perceive ketoprak acting as highly stylised rather than 'realistic' .

Three or four of the total of about ten scenes are circled to indicate that

they should be introduced by a musical composition (gendhin~, suggestive

of a specific atmosphere, in place of the all-purpose accompaniment used

elsewhere. The choice of appropriate musical expression for the designated

ambience is left to the gamelan leader. When no particular designation is

given, the gamelan plays a standard pattern such as srepegan and the loud repetitious percussive piece sampak in the fight scenes .

6

7

10

II

12

Notes to pp. 41-69 299

In practice only big commercial troupes have the resources to fit out their

actors in this way, amateur groups having to settle for much more modest

costuming, but all agree on the principle.

The hierarchical speech levels of Javanese language are all-important in

expressing and acknowledging status in social interaction. For a masterful description of these processes at work, see Keeler (1987: 28-38).

Some pairs fight with wooden poles, in a style said to have come into

ketoprak through the participation of Chinese actors and entrepreneurs

in the 1920s; others use weapons such as choppers or a metal ball on a

chain, whirled menacingly at one's opponent.

In professional troupes, many of the young actors who perform the parts

of soldiers (baLa) spend their days practising acrobatic routines and, when they can afford it, attending siLat and kungfu movies in order to pick up new rricks. Amateurs, meanwhile, are said to be sometimes so eager to

play the parts of baLa in privately sponsored kampung and village shows that they pay their own expenses - costume hire, refreshments, rransport

- instead of receiving a payment for their services.

A well-known Yogyakarta actor, impressively eloquent and charming

onstage but slight and boyish, ideally suited for the part of Arjuna or Panji in classical dance drama, was exp licirly criticised by his fellow players for

his lack of fighting skill and the fact that jisiknya kurang (he is physically undersized) .

The Siswo Budoyo troupe, for examp le, had a very famous pair of clowns

- one slight, sprightly and rubber-faced with a Chaplinesque moustache;

the other totund, moon-faced and more stolid.

The formulaic greetings exchanged at the commencement of a ketoprak

palace scene, for examp le, draw on stock phrases from court audiences in

wayang kulit. Giving a glimpse into ordinary citizens' experience of such mobilisation,

a kampung neighbour described the early 1960s as jaman rapat (the era of meetings) . In Umar Kayam's shorr story Bawuk, set in the 1960s, non-Javanese students are deliberately cast as kings and nobles in Javanese plays. The incongruity

and awkwardness of their speech and demeanour in these roles satir ises

the figures they are representing (Kayam, 1975).

At a performance I saw in the 1970s the clown servants ridiculed their

master more overtly. When the talented but arrogant and unpopular leader

of the group entered the stage, in glittering brocade jacket, multiple jewelled

necklaces and bright pink lipstick, one clown commented to the other,

"Priyayi kudu diajeni". This statement would normally be understood as "priyayis must be respected". But choosing the alternate meaning of ajeni, "to value, give a price to", the servants proceeded to assess their master's

monetary worth, walking around him, fingering his finery and suggesting

300

13

14

1 S

16

17

18

19

20

2 1

22

Notes to pp. 7 1-74

pri ces - 200 rupi a h ? 50 0 ? lOOO ? Un w illin g to d em ea n himselfby reac ting to t he ir o utrageous behavio ur, th e actor pl ayin g t h e m aste r co uld o nly stand w ith a fro ze n , sickl y smil e, prete nd th at no thin g was h appenin g and wait fo r the m to sto p. C hri s M annin g a nd M as ri Singari mbun c ite studi es fro m t he early 1970s o f vill ages in the Yogyakarta area w hi ch indi ca te th a t 6 0 per cent o f all young wo m en a nd 80 pe r ce nt o f th ose w ith o ut sch oo lin g experie nced arran ged m a rriages (M annin g and Sin ga rimbun , 1974) .

Parental co ntrol ove r c ho ice o f spo use rela ted prin c ip all y to fi rs t m a rriages. E nsu ring a suitabl e m atc h fo r a yo un g d aug hter, in particul a r, was important to m ainta in family ho no ur a nd stat us. H oweve r, in a co ntext w h ere the di vorce ra te was high , subsequent m arri ages could b e co ntracted w it h far m o re freed o m. In Java n ese p erfo rm a nce traditi o n , love m aking sh o ul d b e re prese nted

symb o licall y o r referred to as occur rin g o ffs tage : touchin g between t h e sexes occu rs o nl y in m argi na l, so m ewha t disreputab le co ntexts su ch as a male d a n cing w ith a fem ale d a n ce r, Ledhek, at tayuban d a n cin g a nd d rinking

p arties. In ke to pra k, howeve r, rel axa ti o n o f th ese sta ndard s was j us tifi ed as bein g in keepin g w it h cha n g ing social m ores. One p erform a nce I attended was preced ed by a speech fro m th e spo nsor expli ci tl y wa rnin g a u d ie n ce m emb ers n ot to b e ca rr ied away by the se nsua li ty of the love sce n es in th e co ming sh ow. T h e effect, w h eth er slyly d elib erate or no t , was o f co urse to stimula te excited antic ipa tion by audi en ce m embe rs o f t h e promised titill ati o n . On e wo nde rs if there a re echoes h e re of anti- fe u dal social id eo logy fro m the 195 0 s a nd 1960 s, alo ng with th e value o f love as a bond between individu als, free o f extern al influ ence. See N orma Sulli va n (1994) for a deta il ed d escripti o n of ge nde r ro les at

sLametan. Th e appearan ce of th e h a ndso m e 1"0L actor was eagerl y awai ted a nd much co mm e n ted u po n . At o n e crowd ed , n o isy o utdoo r perfo rm a n ce, t he

entran ce o f such a fi gure w as greeted by th e middle-aged female t rad er standin g n ex t to m e w ith the pi erci ng sh o u t, "Who else h ave yo u go t back the re?"

By a m ale dal ang in wayan g kulit, for example , a nd cross-dressin g acto rs in ludruk. In the id eo log ical disco urse that has d evelo ped a ro un d waya ng, Sumb adra and Srikandhi a re cited to indicate the acceptan ce in Javan ese society o f di verse fe m ale ch a racter tra its a nd th e p ro m ine nce of st ro ng wom en fig u res . H oweve r, th e ideal o f J ava n ese wo m anhood is always d escribed in term s of the ch a racterist ics o f Sumb adra, re fi ned, modest a nd d emure. By co ntras t , goLek, a so lo d ance genre specifically cl ass ifi ed as branyak in its lively style and whi ch orig ina ted in villages before being ad opted at

Notes to pp. 75- 9 0 301

co urt , h o lds an ambi gu o us pos iti o n o n the m argins of co urt culture (C hoy,

198 4 : 5 6- 60 ). 23 In th e early 1960s th e im age of th e mode rn wo m a n re p o rtedly h ad

co nside rabl e cur re n cy in both u rba n a nd ru ral Java Oay, 1969: 93) .

Chapter 3

Acco rding to E uro pea n sources, Sulta n Tren gga na was first repl aced bri efl y by his so n Prawa ta, the n by H adiw ijj aya (D e G raaf a nd Pi geaud , 1974 :

74-8) . M y own visit to the graves ite co nfirm s this picture of secrecy and exclusion .

Res idents of th e h o u se, identified b y n eighb o urs as that of the juru kun ci (guard ian of the grave), reac ted w ith wary suspic io n to m y a rri val. At first they d enied co nnection w ith the juru kunci , but a t las t reluctantl y allowed me in to m eet a n ailing, alm os t blind old m an . H e was h eavy-set a nd blu ff- m a nnered w ith a thick, reddi sh- tinged m o u stac he - sign s, I had b ee n told , of d esce nt fro m Pen an gsan g. But brushing as ide all ques tio ns abo ut a ncestry, he simply asse rted empha tically th at as a wong Liya, a n 'o th er' - n o n-kin , n o n-Isla mic, n o n-Java n ese - I co uld not gain entry

to the sacred site. 3 In the Sapta M a ndala prese nta tio n, it is th e Sultan's produc ti o n o f a kris,

Pen an gsan g's own weap o n, le ft b ehind by the wo uld-b e assass ins a nd co nstituting p roof of Pena ngsan g's involve m ent in the plo t , that brin gs

o n armed co nfro ntat io n . As an all-ni ght sh ow las ti ng m a n y h o urs, the vill age perfo rm a nce covers

m o re o f the Pen an gsan g story than co mme rcial prese ntation s. Kalinya m at first appears in sce n es preceding h e r encounter wi t h the Sulta n . Sh e abuses h er skinny, timid husba nd fo r his lack o f ac ti o n over th e d eath of her

bro the r Prawata a nd d rags him off to compla in to Suna n Kudus. When th e Sun a n is unres po ns ive, sh e chas tises and phys ically assa ults h im , then o n the way ho m e, e n gages in a slap st ick fi g ht w ith assass ins w h o eventuall y kill h er husband. All the w hile the a udien ce roa rs with laughte r, a ppl a uds

h er apo plectic o utbursts and urges her on to fu rth er o utrageo usness. In recog niti o n o f the dra m atic impo rt of th is sce ne, in the vi llage pe r- fo rman ce a di ffere nt actor, a fa m o us profess io n al perfo rmer w ith a rich , so n oro us sing ing vo ice, replaced the local m an pl aying Pen an gsang in this o ne spo t. In th e fo llowing sce ne, that o f th e g reat b attle, his yo unger a nd

m o re robust co un te rpa rt o nce m o re took the pa rt. 6 This is the sta nda rd ending, played o ut in the co mm erc ial perfo rman ces.

A t the village c irc um c isio n prese ntati o n, howeve r, the la rge excited crowd ,

havi ng increased in size rather than dissip ated in the usu al way as the night wo re o n , was bi gge r than ever a t 3.30 a. m . People did n o t disperse at this po int but stayed on fo r m ore. So the Pajan g so ldi ers o blig in gly cam e