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11CH_Mossler_Child.pdf

11The Developing Personality: Emotions and Temperament

Learning Objectives

After completing this module, you should be able to:

ሁ Describe the emergence of emotions, including their relationship to separation anxiety, stranger anxiety, and temperament.

ሁ Explain how separation anxiety and stranger anxiety represent developmental advancements. ሁ Describe the process and purpose of social referencing and its relationship to developing emotions. ሁ Provide examples across childhood on dimensions of emotional regulation. ሁ Understand how different kinds of temperament are associated with principles of reciprocal rela-

tionships and goodness of fit. ሁ Recognize behavioral signs of depression, and identify high-risk behaviors that are markers for

potential suicide.

Section 11.1The Development of Emotions

Prologue No doubt you have heard about the “Terrible Twos,” a time when toddlers are seemingly more willful, aggressive, and disagreeable. Toddlers are becoming more autonomous and do not want their curiosity to be obstructed. They also explore social limits and what kind of effects certain behaviors elicit. Banging cabinets over and over or approaching forbidden objects allows toddlers to understand their own capabilities and to test how well their environment tolerates them.

On the horizon are “temper tantrums,” during which 3 and 4 year olds literally throw them- selves on the ground and begin to wail for apparently no reason. When children enter elemen- tary school, they must learn to manage new feelings associated with academic and social challenges. During adolescence, neurobiological and cognitive changes may affect how teen- agers manage behavior and perhaps the negative feelings associated with depression.

In all of these cases, emotions and personality are complementary, contributing to how behav- iors are expressed. This module begins to explore these psychosocial aspects of development and how their interaction contributes to each person’s uniqueness. The module looks first at the development of emotions and the reciprocal responses they evoke. There are clearly genetic and neurobiological factors that affect a number of social and emotional character- istics. However, evidence also indicates that the environment interacts strongly with nature, beginning with new parents when they help regulate a baby’s physiological response to dis- comfort. The ways that we handle both positive and negative emotions become integrated into the burgeoning personality. Therefore, the module also looks at the beginnings of per- sonality, what is referred to during infancy as temperament. The module concludes with an examination of the emotional difficulties indicated by adolescent depression and suicide.

11.1 The Development of Emotions Infant emotions are remarkably similar across cultures, even throughout the lifespan, although children in different cultures may express themselves differently. Psychologists distinguish many aspects of emotions, including the emotional experience, or internal state, and emo- tional expression, or how we communicate this internal state. For example, 11-month-old Chinese infants show significantly less expression than European American infants, within the same emotional experiences (Camras et al., 1998). But emotions involve universal princi- ples of expression and can be recognized by voice intonation regardless of language, culture, or nationality. For instance, one study showed that monolingual Spanish speakers are able to decode emotion in three different languages, even when speakers use only nonsense words (Pell, Monetta, Paulmann, & Kotz, 2009).

Like the hierarchy of thinking patterns, the emergence of emotions takes place in a prescribed order with nearly universal consistency, as Figure 11.1 shows (Ekman, 1972; Izard, 1982). Although babies have a limited range of expression, infants all over the world display the five basic emotions of disgust, joy, anger, sadness, and fear in a consistent sequence and demon- strate similar facial features (Izard & Dougherty, 1982; Mesquita & Frijda, 1992). Before they are 1 month old, infants display interest and disgust and communicate distress. Within 2 to 3 months, they show happiness by smiling at people and other interesting objects; they begin

Section 11.1The Development of Emotions

to distinguish between different emotional responses (Montague & Walker-Andrews, 2001). At about 3 months, emotional experiences become shared. An example of this development is when infants smile specifically in response to a parent’s smile (Lavelli & Fogel, 2005). As infants and emotionally available caregivers continue to interact, they learn to recognize each other’s emotional signals.

Figure 11.1: Emergence of emotions ሁ Emotions appear at generally the same age throughout the world. The ways in which other

humans respond to a child’s emotions influence the way those emotions may develop.

Birth

Interest, disgust

Social smile, happiness

Anger, surprise, sadness

Fear

Shyness

Contempt

Age (months) 4 8 12 16 20 24 28

Source: Izard, 1982; Saarni et al., 2006; Sroufe, 1995.

ሁ Most healthy infants display the five basic emotions of disgust (a), joy (b), anger (c), sadness (d), and fear (e) in a consistent sequence with similar facial expressions.

From left to right, top to bottom: Anatoliy Samara/iStock/Thinkstock; Domredriver/iStock/Thinkstock; Marili Forastieri/Photodisc/ Thinkstock; Alex Varlakov/Hemera/ Thinkstock; Ralf Hettler/iStock/ Thinkstock

a. disgust

d. sadness e. fear

b. joy c. anger

Section 11.1The Development of Emotions

Although substantial evidence points to the biological structure of emotions, they do not emerge in a social vacuum. When babies smile, laugh, or become excited, they are communi- cating with emotions. When infants have strong emotional attachments to significant adults, it has a positive effect on later development, including higher social and cognitive function- ing (Belsky, 2005). Nature meets nurture when these emotions meet varying responses from parents and caregivers. So, even though maturation and nature have a tremendous influence on capabilities, environmental factors are vital components, as well.

Positive Emotions The first smiles that neonates display do not occur in response to environmental stimuli, and they usually happen while the baby is sleeping. New parents mistakenly believe they are due to gas, but they appear to be simply spontaneous reflexive smiles that are part of an infant’s internal biological state (Sroufe & Waters, 1976). Babies will soon, however, display a wide range of emotions. According to surveys of new parents, within the first month nearly all babies show the positive emotion of joy (Ackerman & Izard, 2004).

By 2 to 3 months, infants begin to smile in response to external stimuli. New stimulation can positively arouse them. Most important, other people can evoke smiles, and infant smiles encourage caregivers to smile back. This social smile is quite different from the early reflex- ive smile. The social smile is an important milestone in psychosocial development, as it is used to initiate and sustain social contact. It follows that typical smiling during infancy is associated with later social competence. Children who do not show this behavior by about 6 months may be exhibiting early signs of autism (Gangi, Ibañez, & Messinger, 2013; Levy, Man- dell, & Schultz, 2009).

Because this social smile encourages caregivers to respond, it probably developed as an evo- lutionary advantage (Saarni, Campos, & Camras, 2006). Adults (potential caregivers) are delighted at this social introduction and provide critical care to the baby, including cuddling,

stroking, rocking, and other comforting behaviors. Con- versely, if adults are unresponsive, smiling decreases. Babies soon learn that social smiles typically evoke interest, delight, and affection, which contributes to sur- vival. This smiling behavior increases throughout the first year, directed especially toward primary caregivers (Messinger, Fogel, & Dickson, 2001).

Infants also begin to mix joy with interest and curiosity. In one study, researchers attached a string to infants’ arms. When the babies moved their arms, they would hear music. A similar group of infants heard the same music, but they did not control its presentation by arm move- ments; the music was played at random intervals. Compared to the babies who randomly heard music, the babies who controlled the music by movements showed more interest and smiling when they heard the music (Lewis, Alessandri, & Sullivan, 1990).

By the middle of the first year, infants begin to smile broadly at familiar objects and people. They also begin to genuinely laugh when excited. Babies may yield high-pitched squeals of delight and laughter while being bounced on the knee, while looking at funny faces (from familiar people), or when parents tickle their tummies. When infants laugh at funny faces or sounds, cognitive growth is demonstrated when they recognize the unexpected or inconsis- tent stimuli (Mireault, Sparrow, Poutre, Perdue, & Macke, 2012). Throughout the preschool

Critical Thinking How can a social smile be a form of prelinguistic communication?

Section 11.1The Development of Emotions

years and into early childhood, positive emotions become milder overall, but there is great individual variation (Sallquist et al., 2010). Perhaps children begin to temper their positive emotions in response to social demands for restraint.

Negative Emotions The first easily discernable negative emotion is distress. Hunger, an uncomfortable position, or even overstimulation can evoke a characteristic grimacing cry. By offering potential clues to health and pain, negative emotions provide a survival advantage just like the positive emo- tions. In the Lewis et al. (1990) study cited earlier, when infants could no longer control pre- sentation of the music by their arm movements, they became angry. In other string-tasks with similarly aged infants, the level of distress varied as a function of how much control was lost. The absence of the music produced one level of distress; when perceived control was also lost (even though the outcome of “no music” was the same), infants suffered a greater degree of negative emotion. Research therefore suggests that the context of the experience is important to the expression of emotions (Sullivan & Lewis, 2003).

Infants are also learning intentional behavior and invest more time in controlling their own actions. For example, when adults prevent infants from pursuing pleasure, infants are espe- cially good at displaying anger (Buss & Kiel, 2004; Sullivan & Lewis, 2003). Parents who try to replace a lost pacifier with a different brand know what this experience is like. Infants also get upset when they are prohibited from a desired activity, like touching an interesting object on a table or opening a cabinet door.

At about the same time that infants begin to show anger, they also show sadness. Although there is some controversy about the degree to which infants distinguish between negative emotions, by the middle of the first year there appears to be clear differentiation (Sullivan & Lewis, 2003). To study how infants express sadness, psychologists have used an experi- mental situation called the Still-Face Paradigm (SFP). In the SFP, infants are first measured at a baseline level during a normal interaction with their mothers. Next, the mother becomes unresponsive (still-faced). The experiment concludes when mothers return to normal levels of interaction.

The SFP evokes clear changes in infant emotions. During the still-face phase, infants attempt to arouse their mothers and become gradually more upset and smile less, eventually resulting in tearful crying. The SFP has also increased our understanding of how parenting styles affect early development. Greater maternal sensitivity at baseline levels has shown to be a protec- tive factor against negative emotions and generally results in closer mother-child emotional relationships (Adamson & Frick, 2003; Mesman, Van IJzendoorn, & Bakermans-Kranenburg, 2009; Tronick, Als, Adamson, Wise, & Brazelton, 1978).

Stranger Anxiety The experience and expression of emotions continues to develop throughout the first year. While infants are at first easily comforted by any number of caregivers, between 4 and 6 months of age they will begin to prefer the care and company of familiar parents and care- givers. When unfamiliar caregivers appear, they become distressed. Under normal circum- stances, the most common expression of fear occurs when children display stranger anxiety. Infants will become anxious and clingy in the presence of unfamiliar adults. This reaction coincides with the emergence of fear and intensifies during the latter half of the first year.

Section 11.1The Development of Emotions

Stranger anxiety is considered a normal developmental occurrence in North America and other industrialized countries where it has been observed. Pediatricians and psychologists will even identify it as a milestone. However, because stranger anxiety shows some variance across individuals and cultures, newer research has questioned whether nature or nurture has a stronger influence (Saarni et al., 2006). For instance, in the Efe culture in the Democratic Republic of Congo, where there are diverse social contacts during the first 3 years, little anxi- ety regarding strangers exists (Ivey, 2000). Perhaps the collective style of caregiving among the Efe is an environmental adaptation due to ecological (climate, food supply) and health- related (disease) risks. Infants in the Efe culture are better off if they can be easily cared for in the event a parent is unavailable or ill. The result is that the innate anxiety reaction is sup- pressed. These circumstances contribute to mounting epigenetic research, which suggests that sociocultural factors significantly contribute to understanding and expression of emo- tion (Izard, 1994; Pell et al., 2009).

Separation Anxiety Separation anxiety is the distress that infants display when the usual caregiver departs. Like stranger anxiety, it has been observed to be a universal phenomenon. It begins around 8 months of age and peaks around 14 months. Some general differences exist in degree of anxiety, but a general trend is evident across cultures, as shown in Figure 11.2. The stronger emotions signaled by stranger anxiety and separation anxiety show that infants are becoming increasingly attached to their caregivers. This development coincides with the emergence of object permanence. Infants are beginning to understand that caregivers exist even when they are not seen. They do not understand that caregivers will return, nor are they likely to have a conceptual understanding of time. These developments do, however, demonstrate cognitive advancements, since it is apparent that infants now have the social understanding that differ- ent people represent different kinds of care.

Figure 11.2: Separation anxiety across cultures ሁ Though some slight cultural variations exist, separation anxiety is thought to be a universal

phenomenon.

P e rc

e n

ta g

e o

f c h

il d

re n

w h

o c

ri e d

fo ll o

w in

g m

a te

rn a l d

e p

a rt

u re

Age in months

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35

100

Israeli kibbutz (n=122) ( )Guatemalan Indian

(n=34) ( )

Antigua, Guatemala (n=36) ( )

African Bushmen (n=25) ( )

Source: Reprinted by permission of the publisher, from Infancy: Its Place in Human Development by Jerome Kagan, Richard B. Kearsley, and Philip R. Zelazo, p. 107, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, Copyright © 1978 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College.

Section 11.1The Development of Emotions

Critical Thinking Explain how stranger anxiety and separation anxiety both represent cognitive and social progress, in addition to emotional changes.

Self-Conscious Emotions During the second year, the self-conscious emotions of pride, embarrassment, guilt, shame, shyness, and contempt begin to emerge (Izard, 1982; Lewis & Brooks-Gunn, 1979; Sroufe, 1995). These emotions signify advancing cognitive and psychosocial sophistication, as they indicate that toddlers are aware of themselves and the reactions of others. For instance, after completing a house of blocks or putting together a challenging toy, toddlers may display pride by smiling at the accomplishment, clapping, and looking to adults for approval. Children at this age can clearly have embarrassed reactions when they are asked to dance or otherwise become the center of attention. They also show guilt when they bury their heads in the sofa after being caught acting inappropriately. Beginning at about age 2, children may show con- tempt. For instance, after being asked (one more time!) not to bang a cabinet door, children may look at parents with a type of contempt before doing it yet again.

Neuroscience and Emotions As emotions become more sophisticated, there is parallel neurological growth. At first, brain structures that respond to and organize emotions are somewhat disconnected, residing in different parts of the cerebral cortex and limbic system. In the latter part of the first year and continuing at a rapid pace, the different brain structures coordinate more, allowing for more growth and complexity of emotions (Braun, 2011; Kringelbach, Phil, & Berridge, 2010). Neu- roscience may also be able to explain the greater range and volatility of emotions often indica- tive of adolescents. One study compared the brains of adolescents and adults who viewed faces that displayed a range of emotions. Although both groups showed characteristic activity in a specific part of the prefrontal cortex of the brain, the adolescents also showed more activ- ity in other brain areas. By being less typically organized, the brain response may translate to less controlled emotional responses, affecting rational thought and decision making (Nelson et al., 2003).

What happens to the brain when children are deprived of appropriate psychosocial develop- ment? For many years, neuroscientists had suspicions that various forms of abuse affected brain development, resulting in deficits in functioning. Due to advancements in brain imaging over the past few decades, it has become clear that abuse of all kinds—including emotional neglect—has lasting effects. In many cases, emotional deprivation during infancy leads to cognitive, social, and emotional deficits. Even seemingly unrelated areas of cognition, like visual memory and working memory are affected (Bos, Fox, Zeanah, & Nelson, 2009; Eluvath- ingal et al., 2006; Nelson et al., 2003; Rijlaarsdam, 2014; Sheridan, Fox, Zeanah, McLaughlin, & Nelson, 2012). However, if emotional deprivation can be identified early and appropriate interventions installed before age 2, strong evidence suggests negative effects can disappear (Nelson et al., 2007; Vanderwert, Marshall, Nelson, Zeanah, & Fox, 2010).

Section 11.2Social Referencing: Understanding Others

Emotional Development and Culture Although evidence suggests there is a universal process underlying emotional development, it is also strongly influenced by socialization. It appears that maturational processes pre- scribe when emotions emerge, but infants probably express different degrees of emotions due to family and other cultural factors (Denham, Bassett, & Wyatt, 2007/2013). On a very basic level, we know that the responses of caregivers can significantly affect the emotions of children and their resultant behavior.

Culturally, some societies reinforce expression or suppression of certain emotions. For instance, children in the United States are encouraged to express both positive and negative emotions more openly than Japanese children (Matsumoto, Consolacion, & Yamada, 2002; Matsumoto et al., 2009). Individually, caregivers respond differently to positive and negative emotions. Even within families, mothers generally report having specific roles in teaching their children emotional maturity, whereas fathers do not report the same overt methods of socialization (Root & Rubin, 2010). These differences in socialization standards continue to shape emotional reactions and behavior throughout childhood.

S E C T I O N R E V I E W Outline how research has helped our understanding of how emotions emerge in the first 2 years.

11.2 Social Referencing: Understanding Others One way to learn about our own emotions is to observe how others react in situations that are difficult to assess. When we look to others for guidance during uncertain and potentially stressful events, it is called social referencing. This process occurs throughout the first 2 years and into adulthood. Infants increasingly rely on social referencing as they cultivate the tendency to look at faces for emotional meaning (Walden & Kim, 2005). Parents who look with wide-eyed excitement as their children climb a (potentially dangerous) wall transmit a different message than parents who look on with anxiety and apprehension. Subtle facial expressions communicating curiosity, joy, or fear clearly affect a child’s internal experience and eventual behavior. Children specifically seek out these social and emotional messages (Camras & Shutter, 2010; Stenberg, 2003).

Even when mothers are typically attentive, if they begin to show disinterest their children will attempt to glean information from a more demonstrative third party, even a stranger. However, if a situation does not provoke uncertainty, infants will typically forego guidance and judge a situation by themselves (Stenberg, 2003; Vaish & Striano, 2004).

The results of social referencing do not always occur immediately. In one study, 14-month-old children received facial feedback from mothers regarding a novel toy, but the children were not given access to the toy for an hour. During phase 1, mothers displayed either positive or negative emotions toward the toy. An hour later, during phase 2, the children were given an opportunity to play with the toy. Results showed that 14 month olds do indeed regulate their

Section 11.2Social Referencing: Understanding Others

behavior based on earlier expressions of their mothers: Positive emotions during phase 1 elicited relatively more playing time at phase 2; negative emotions at phase 1 elicited rel- atively less playing time at phase 2. These results held even when mothers gave alternate emotional messages at phase 2. For example, children who were given negative references at phase 1 were reluctant to play with the toy even when expressions by mothers were neutral at phase 2 (Hertenstein & Campos, 2004).

Because autistic children generally show poor social skills, poor social referencing is a poten- tial marker for autism spectrum disorder. The 18-month-old (high-risk) siblings of autistic children not only demonstrate poor behavioral control, but they also show poor reception of parental emotional signals (Cornew, Dobkins, Akshoomoff, McCleery, & Carver, 2012). Though not every child who displays poor social referencing is later diagnosed with autism spectrum disorder, it is interesting that these high-risk toddlers in general have deficits in this typical developmental behavior.

S E C T I O N R E V I E W Identify the psychosocial milestones that indicate various kinds of emotional development during infancy.

F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : S o c i a l R e f e r e n c i n g When my daughter began to walk, she loved to play with the plants and bugs in our garden. Mariana was captivated by pill bugs crawling on her body and the slimy, wriggly worms squirting through her fingers. For many years, she was fascinated by the contrast between the dense beetle grubs she found in our compost piles and the squishy snails and slugs she found elsewhere. In both cases, she often experimented by letting the creatures roam between her fingers, usually resulting in various secretions dripping from her palms. It was a joy to watch her in these activities!

How many times have you seen parents squish up their faces or say something like, “Ewwwwww! Yucky!” when children want to engage in these types of behaviors? Perhaps you were even turning your nose up a moment ago! Hertenstein and Campos (2004) remind us that even seemingly innocuous social behaviors by parents can have lasting consequences. The bugs were not disgusting to my daughter, partly because of the positive reference she received when she first played with them.

When parents are aware of the ways in which they com- municate emotions to children, they can encourage cre- ativity and curiosity rather than make their children reluctant to explore.

Seiya Kawamoto/Digital Vision/ Thinkstock

Section 11.3Empathy

11.3 Empathy Another important marker for emotional development occurs when children become aware of the emotions of others. At about 12 months, infants will show distress when they view oth- ers who are upset. In a controlled study, 12-month-old infants watched televised models dis- play positive, neutral, or negative emotions to target objects. Even though they were merely observers, the infants clearly internalized the modeled emotions and subsequently displayed more negative emotions themselves (Mumme & Fernald, 2003). Other studies also indicate that infants and toddlers understand that the emotional state of another person can be dif- ferent from their own. They will attempt to comfort a peer, sibling, or parent when distress is perceived. (Roth-Hanania, Davidov, & Zahn-Waxler, 2011). This experience of empathy is one kind of prosocial behavior. Not surprisingly, when parents model empathy and are respon- sive to distress, their children become more empathic. However, others have suggested that the genetic origins of empathy and prosocial behavior are stronger determinants of behavior (Knafo, Zahn-Waxler, Van Hulle, Robinson, & Rhee, 2008; Thompson, 2000).

Before displaying true empathy after the first year, younger infants will offer to share food and toys. However, scientists are unsure if these actions are spontaneous or purposeful. By the end of the second year, toddlers begin to voluntarily share personal objects with others. Especially when desires are communicated explicitly, toddlers will attempt to comfort and otherwise assist adults who appear to be needy (Brownell, Svetlova, Anderson, Nichols, & Drummond, 2013; Brownell, Svetlova, & Nichols, 2009).

When children lack empathy, it is especially problematic, predicting lifelong consequences. On a very basic level, empathy inhibits aggression and other antisocial behaviors. Less empa- thy is associated with a number of behavior disorders in early and middle childhood, which in turn are associated with delinquent behavior in adolescence. Just as there is evidence of a biological basis for empathy, neuroscience research has long suggested a similar biology among those who demonstrate the antisocial behaviors that are indicative of a lack of empa- thy (Decety, 2010; de Wied, Gispen-de Wied, & van Boxtel, 2010; Hunter, 2010; Lockwood et al., 2013). The evidence does not necessarily mean that a “criminal gene” exists; it merely shows that specific genes may give some antisocial behaviors a head start.

Research also indicates that a warm parental relationship serves as a protective factor against delinquency, criminality, and other negative behaviors. Surveys indicate that parental concern and involvement and empathy are strongly associated with a decrease in aggressive behavior (Panfile & Laible, 2012). Furthermore, close relationships with parents and peers predict more control over emotions, more positive interactions and fewer negative interactions. A meta- analysis of certain parental behaviors as they relate to delinquency found these relationship effects to be somewhat stronger with mothers than with fathers (Hoeve et al., 2012). However, longitudinal research also indicates that parental support generally does not overcome already low levels of empathy in adolescents. Parental support is found to be most protective for adolescents who previously demonstrated high empathy (Van der Graaff, Branje, de Wied, & Meeus, 2012).

S E C T I O N R E V I E W What indications show that children see beyond themselves and have genuine interest in others? What predictions can you make about this behavior?

Section 11.4Emotional Regulation

11.4 Emotional Regulation The extent to which children can manage feelings of frustration and other negative emotions exposes the dimension of self-regulation (Rothbart & Bates, 2006). This process refers to the self-monitoring of emotions in order to reinforce favorable social outcomes or avoid unfavor- able ones. At a rudimentary level, infants begin to transition from depending on others to ease emotional discomfort to being able to self-soothe. This behavior is referred to as emotional regulation. Infants may cling to a favorite blanket rather than rely exclusively on a parent’s embrace (Zimmer-Gembeck & Skinner, 2011). In early childhood, children begin to incorpo- rate cognitive strategies, including purposeful distractions and negotiation through language (Eisenberg, Sadovsky, & Spinrad, 2005).

Emotional distress is gradually replaced by conversation. For instance, rather than getting upset over needing to clean up a pile of toys before watching a favorite TV program, a pre- schooler may negotiate to begin during commercials. In this way, children understand that they direct their own actions and are autonomous beings. Toddlers gain control over their bodies by performing activities like feeding themselves and using the toilet. Although self- regulation is considered a maturational process, it is nevertheless influenced both by indi- vidual personality and by parenting factors (Cipriano & Stifter, 2010; Kochanska, Murray, & Harlan, 2000).

Children are not terrible at two; they are simply responding to a surge in mobility and dexter- ity. They are able to combine their curiosity with more purposeful movement. When toddlers see how others respond to behaviors, it is also a kind of “experiment.” Brain growth predicts these developments. If parents set reasonable restrictions and allow for normal growth of activities, they may find that the twos are not so terrible. Children will learn to negotiate the social environment within accepted limits.

As emotional regulation builds, children usually acquire greater social competence. These developments can affect a number of important factors like school achievement and popular- ity. As early as kindergarten, children can begin to consciously understand the connection between their own behavior and how others react to them. This recognition is an important part of executive function, as well, as children become more self-reflective (Carlson & White, 2013; Demirtas, 2013).

Children gradually incorporate more sophisticated cognitive strategies into emotional regula- tion. When rules of a game are not perceived as fair or otherwise cause distress, older chil- dren may adjust their cognitive strategies (Zimmer-Gembeck & Skinner, 2011). Then, as ado- lescents utilize the speculation and reasoning indicative of formal operations, they become better able to hypothesize about potential emotional outcomes. They may purposely isolate themselves instead of facing potential rejection, or engage in risky behavior in order to feel included. Adolescents understand the value of adaptation, as well, like giving in to an unpleas- ant parental request in order to avoid a negative situation.

Emotional Intelligence Understanding how one’s own emotions and behavior affect the feelings and actions of oth- ers is essential for social competence. Psychologists use the term emotional intelligence to describe this practical ability to recognize and deal with different personalities in various social situations (Goleman, 2006). Emotional intelligence includes other personal characteristics,

Section 11.4Emotional Regulation

like self-motivation and persistence, regulation of mood, impulse control, and empathy. It is not hard to see that children with higher emotional intelligence are more likely than others to garner favors and privileges and are more likely to display leadership skills; high emotional intelligence predicts both academic and career success (Lau & Wu, 2012; Romanelli, Cain, & Smith, 2006).

The inclusion of emotional intelligence as a separate construct has also been criticized, often for its poor predictive value in education (Landy, 2005). That is, although emotional intelli- gence is associated with success in school and work, traditional intelligence testing is a stron- ger predictor. If that is the case, then there is less value in teaching and testing for emotional intelligence. Perhaps the answer lies in the relationship of emotional intelligence to personal- ity. There is evidence that high emotional intelligence is associated with certain personality types that are in turn associated with success in school and work (Petrides, Pita, & Kokkinaki, 2007). Like Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences, it may be that emotional intelligence is a worthwhile construct but is not necessarily useful as a standalone part of the curriculum.

Conscientiousness By contrast, evidence indicates that a strengthening of one personality trait has a significant positive effect on success in school and work. Although personality research is generally undertaken with adults, a growing body of research has linked later personality develop- ment to traits that are seen in children. In recent years, psychologists have narrowed the study of personality theory and research to a limited number of characteristics known as the “Big 5” factors. One of those factors, conscientiousness, includes characteristics like persis- tence, responsibility, and orderliness (Eisenberg, Duckworth, Spinrad, & Valiente, 2014). An extensive review found that conscientiousness is associated with childhood self-regulation, motivation, and internalization of standards that are used to understand normative behavior (Eisenberg et al., 2014). But it is not simply a matter of getting to school on time and finish- ing homework. High conscientiousness is associated with the completion of long-term goals,

more thoughtful decision making, and the fulfillment of personal obligations. These traits lead to better performance in school and greater career success. Because of its especially strong predictive value for later success, the study of conscientiousness has led to increased attention among educators and psychologists (Borghans, Duckworth, Heckman, & Weel, 2008; Duckworth, Quinn, & Tsukayama, 2012; Sutin, Costa, Miech, & Eaton, 2009).

In adolescence, these traits begin to influ- ence health and social outcomes, too (Duck- worth, Tsukayama, & Kirby, 2013; Hagger, 2013). One longitudinal study that included a focus on conscientiousness followed chil- dren for over 40 years. On average, mea- sures of conscientiousness among the 753 men and women predicted obesity in adult- hood, along with negative health outcomes

Ryan McVay/Photodisc/Thinkstock ሁ Orderliness is one of the observable factors of

conscientiousness.

Section 11.5Temperament

(Hampson, Edmonds, Goldberg, Dubanoski, & Hillier, 2013). It is likely that a person who has a stronger internal dialogue, self-control, and intrinsic motivation is likely to engage in the types of behaviors that will increase health outcomes. Recent studies in the United States and elsewhere have reached similar conclusions (Kern, Hampson, Goldberg, & Friedman, 2014; Hong, 2013; Vollrath, Hampson, & Júlíusson, 2012).

Some studies show that global traits associated with self-discipline and conscientiousness predict year-end grades among adolescents, even better than intelligence testing (e.g., Duck- worth & Seligman, 2005). However, this finding may be the result of secondary school teach- ers often rewarding effort over performance, resulting in disproportionate weight being given to work habits. Nevertheless, conscientiousness is correlated positively to standardized test scores and predicts selection into subsequent competitive academic programs. Whether because of intrinsic (e.g., self-control) or extrinsic (e.g., teacher favoritism) influences, it appears that children who demonstrate higher conscientiousness are advantaged over their less-conscientious counterparts.

Cross-culturally, this trait may be responded to differently among girls and boys. For instance, a Swedish researcher found that conscientious traits among girls predicted higher grades 3 years later. The girls benefitted from being eager to please a school system that stresses conformity. By contrast, male students in the study tended to be driven more by curiosity than by adherence to norms. In their case, high conscientiousness did not serve them as well (Rosander, 2012). As education reform continues to emphasize more individualized instruc- tion, these kinds of studies have important implications for future planning.

In addition, as with physical and cognitive growth, it is not surprising that poverty and low socioeconomic status are associated with deficits in emotional regulation and traits like consci- entiousness. Simply growing up in poor physical conditions can increase behavioral and emo- tional problems (Rijlaarsdam, 2014). Although personality has relatively strong innate tenden- cies, we can design interventions that lead to improved emotional outcomes, which potentially addresses some of the school and career obstacles associated with low SES (Duckworth, Grant, Loew, Oettingen, & Gollwitzer , 2011; Romer, Duckworth, Sznitman, & Park, 2010).

S E C T I O N R E V I E W Describe how increased emotional regulation may lead to academic and career success.

11.5 Temperament Unlike emotions, which define a temporary state or mood, temperament refers to early per- sonality traits that are persistent and stable. It describes a person’s basic emotional style of social interaction, or how a person experiences the world, including the internal regulation of states. For example, an “easy” baby can be fussy or unhappy at times but still generally handles distress well and is relatively predictable; an “active” baby does not always engage in prolonged activity but can still be described as mostly energetic and vigorous. Regardless of any transient emotions, “easy” and “active” describe more consistent traits—temperament.

Section 11.5Temperament

Like older children and adults, infants display considerable variation in the way they respond to the world. These differences in temperament can be observed in neonates and even during fetal development, remaining relatively stable across various situations (Casalin, Luyten, Vlie- gen, & Meurs, 2012). There is strong evidence that genetics and biology influence tempera- ment, including in factors related to emotions, motor activity, self-regulation, and attention. Together, these characteristics interact with the environment and begin to define personality (Ivorra et al., 2010; Posner, Rothbart, & Sheese, 2007; Rothbart, 2007).

There is also evidence that culture and a parent’s personality affect temperament (Laxman et al., 2013). For instance, although differences decline with age, infants born in the United States score relatively high in measures of surgency, a psychological measure that encom- passes extroversion, confidence, and independence. These traits tend to be valued in more individualistic countries. U.S. infants are relatively better at managing feelings of frustration and other negative emotions, too (Slobodskaya, Garstein, Nakagawa, & Putnam, 2013).

Categories of Infant Temperament In 1977, researchers Alexander Thomas and Stella Chess offered the first widely accepted conceptual model of temperament. They followed a group of 141 U.S. infants into adulthood. Each person was rated on several dimensions, including activity level, adaptability, attention span, and mood. Multiple interviews and observations with parents and children revealed that infants could be classified as having one of three types of temperament (Thomas & Chess, 1977).

• Infants with an easy temperament are generally happy. They find ways to self- soothe and establish regular body rhythms of sleeping, eating, and elimination. They adapt relatively easily to change. About 40% of children fit this category.

• Infants with a difficult temperament often display intensely negative reactions. They have difficulty establishing regular routines and do not adapt well when intro- duced to new experiences. About 10% of children fit this category.

• About 15% of infants are slow to warm up. They are relatively less active with somewhat regular biological rhythms for activities like sleep and elimination. They have mild to moderate reactions to new experiences but are notably more accepting than difficult children.

• About 35% of children show a combination of characteristics and do not clearly fit any of the categories (Thomas & Chess, 1977; Thomas, Chess, & Birch, 1968).

The differences observed during infancy were found to be moderately stable throughout childhood. Children who were classified as easy during infancy had fewer adjustment prob- lems in school than those who were identified as difficult. Difficult children were more likely to be aggressive and to withdraw from social interactions. Slow-to-warm-up infants exhibited relatively smooth developmental adjustment during infancy, but during elementary school they had more problems than easy children (Bates et al., 1994; Caspi & Silva, 1995; Chess & Thomas, 1984; Schmitz et al., 1999).

Other models of temperament focus less on biological rhythms, but they still emphasize atten- tion, activity, and emotionality. Research by Rothbart and her colleagues has been particularly instrumental in focusing on variations in reactivity and self-regulation, including intensity of motor and emotional responses, self-soothing behaviors, and self-control (Rothbart, Ahadi, &

Section 11.5Temperament

Evans, 2000; Rothbart & Bates, 2006). Accordingly, researchers explored out- comes such as whether or not temper tan- trums could be easily elicited or if children could be easily calmed (Gartstein & Roth- bart, 2003).

Characteristics like social competence, reactivity, and self-regulation extend well beyond biology and maturation and encom- pass social and familial variables, too. For example, depending on culture and fam- ily, some children must wait to talk or eat until proper rules of etiquette have been fol- lowed. Therefore, it should not be assumed that difficult children are necessarily des- tined for problems. Instead, biology and maturation produce different patterns of responses in children; individual experiences eventually modify the way personality is expressed. That is, outcomes depend on the way parents and caregivers react to behaviors (Henry, Caspi, Mof- fitt, & Silva, 1996; Lee, Zhou, Eisenberg, & Wang, 2013; Propper & Moore, 2006). If adults meet difficult behavior with frustration and demands, children are more likely to remain dif- ficult. If, by contrast, parents are warm and consistent, difficult children can learn to respond positively. Simply having access to adaptive experiences and practicing self-regulation bring about positive changes for difficult children (Bradley & Corwyn, 2008; Teerikangas, Aronen, Martin, & Huttunen, 1998; also see Focus on Behavior: Reciprocal Determinism).

F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : R e c i p r o c a l D e t e r m i n i s m The way in which people react to others has a significant effect on both sides of the inter- action. Reciprocal determinism is a term coined by Albert Bandura to describe the behavior that is both inf luencing and inf luenced by others. A simple example of reciprocal determinism occurs when you smile at another person. After doing so, the other person is in a way invited to smile back. In turn, you smile more and feel better, too! Similarly, when anger is expressed (for example, at an undeserving cashier in a store), that person is likely to direct anger back, creating a negative cycle.

Therefore, reciprocal determinism can work in both positive and negative ways. With regard to temperament, a smiling, happy baby is likely to evoke smiles and happiness from parents. Parents in turn are likely to respond favorably toward their baby. A fussy, incon- sistent baby is likely to evoke frustration and inconsistency from parents, resulting in greater difficulty and inconsistency from the baby, who evokes more frustrations from the parents, and so on.

In the latter example, the way to break the cycle of negative responses is for parents to transform their behavior through cognitive awareness of the cycle. Specific prescriptions for calmness, warmth, and soothing behaviors from parents—even when the child does not immediately respond favorably—will eventually become adaptive.

(continued)

Fuse/Thinkstock ሁ There is strong evidence that temperament is

partly innate.

Section 11.5Temperament

Reciprocal determinism often occurs in older schoolchildren, as well. Students who smile and have a natural, friendly temperament toward their teachers are more likely to receive positive responses than children who evoke frustration. A child who has difficulty learning and begins to act out evokes distrust and anger from teachers, causing further misbehav- ior. Once again, the way to break the cycle is through cognitive restructuring. For example, rather than teachers only allowing favorite students “special assistant” privileges, genuine compassion and inclusion of the troublesome student will bring about a change in recipro- cal behaviors.

Goodness of Fit The match between temperament and environmental demands is referred to as goodness of fit. For instance, as was noted in Module 8, the diagnosis of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder differs depending on culture. Extending this idea to an individual basis, the tem- perament of some children may be a better or poorer fit than others for particular situations. Fussy infants become more difficult toddlers when they are faced with harsher restrictions. Parents of these infants become more easily stressed, more negative, and more hostile; they often engage in inconsistent discipline practices and aggravate the child’s behavior problems. In contrast, supportive parenting can have a significant positive effect on children’s self- regulation skills (Paulussen-Hoogeboom, Stams, Hermans, & Peetsma, 2007; Raikes, Robin- son, Bradley, Raikes, & Ayoub, 2007). Adjustment may therefore be a function of biological temperament acting on fit.

To counteract what might be poor goodness of fit, difficult children benefit from warm, sen- sitive parents who have consistent rules for behavior and make reasonable demands. Less active infants and toddlers benefit from parents who will engage them—asking questions, exploring, naming objects. Because active, outgoing children will naturally self-stimulate, for them, intrusive adult involvement may limit exploratory behavior and innate curiosity. Many parents do not recognize when they do not respond appropriately to their children. In these instances, parenting programs that include identifying emotions appear to be helpful. In one study that used directed interventions that focused on awareness of emotions, children were able to engage in a higher level of social behavior. Importantly, by learning how to better recognize emotional cues in their children, parents also became more aware of their own emotional regulation (Wilson, Havighurst, & Harley, 2012).

S E C T I O N R E V I E W Describe the different types of temperament, including implications for parenting and goodness of fit.

Section 11.6Depression

11.6 Depression Though teenagers appear to respond well to beneficial interventions, adolescence is also sometimes a precarious time. Reflecting the more dramatic developmental changes of this period, emotions and self-regulation reemerge as an important area of attention. As discussed in Module 3, there is a second wave of growth in the frontal lobes of the brain (including areas involved in decision making) during the teenage years, which is not completed until well into the 20s. During this time of transition, the psychosocial and physical changes associated with adolescence are not always aligned with higher-order thinking. That is, the frontal lobe may not be ready to fully process the social and emotional changes for which today’s adolescents typically must prepare. The increased turmoil and risk-taking behaviors among teenagers (recall the personal fable) can be consequences of this psychosocial change. These emotional changes can also lead to an increased incidence of depression and the hopeless feelings asso- ciated with suicide (Garber & Rao, 2014).

The most notable behavioral changes related to depression include a change in appetite (significantly more or less), a change in sleep (significantly more, less, or erratic), and a change in activity level (significantly less). Adolescents and others who are depressed feel sad and hopeless about life and find everyday joy is illusive. Concentration is affected, possibly leading to a drop in grades. Depression is asso- ciated with dropping out of school, pregnancy, delinquency, and violent relationships. It may be accompanied by substance use as adolescents try to self- medicate and relieve symptoms (Hammen, 2009; Tomlinson & Brown, 2012).

A reported 9.1% of adolescents aged 12 to 17 have had a major depressive episode in the past year (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Ser- vices Administration, 2013). Coinciding with other developmental changes, the prevalence of depression accelerates until about age 15. Although symptoms among boys and girls are similar, girls report being depressed nearly three times as often as boys, as shown in Figure 11.3. Girls are thought to internalize problems more (like worrying about body image) and to rumi- nate about their problems and mood more than boys do. These findings are consistent with sex differences in the brain showing more sophis- ticated processing of emotions in female brains (Bennett, Ambrosini, Kudes, Metz, & Rabinovich, 2005; Graber & Sontag, 2009; Hammen, 2009).

Photodisc/Thinkstock ሁ Signs of emotional problems are not

always easily noticed.

Section 11.6Depression

Figure 11.3: Reported prevalence of major depression among U.S. adolescents

ሁ Reported prevalence of major depression varies significantly by age, gender, and ethnicity. What could account for the differences?

AgeSex Race

O ve

ra ll

Fe m

al e

M al e

Hi sp

an ic

W hi te

Bl ac

k As

ia n

AI /A

2 or

M or

e12 13 14 15 16 17

*AI/AN = American Indian/Alaskan Native Data courtesy of SAMHSA

P e rc

e n

9.1

13.7

4.7

3.7

7.1

8.6

11.8 11.8

10.9 10.5

9.1

7.9

4.2

5.2

11.3

Source: Major Depression Among Adolescents. The National Institute of Mental Health, NIH.

In contrast, boys more often externalize their problems by acting out on others. This behavior results in increased aggression and other antisocial activities, which may mask (or transform) depression. However, differences in prevalence may at least partly reflect societal expecta- tions of gender, according to which it is more acceptable for boys to act out than for girls to do so (Leadbeater, Kuperminc, Blatt, & Hertzog, 1999). Familial effects also exist. Depressed teenagers are more likely to come from a family with a history of depression and to have experienced dysfunctional family relationships, leading to a cycle of vulnerability (Fergusson & Woodward, 2002; Garber & Rao, 2014).

Suicide Adolescents are particularly vulnerable to depression that leads to suicide, since they often do not recognize available resources for intervention, like counseling. With slight variances by age, gender, and ethnicity, suicide is the second or third leading cause of death among ado- lescents in the United States (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2014c). (Among teenagers, accidents involving motor vehicles are the leading cause of death in every demo- graphic group; homicide is often a higher risk than suicide among some nonwhite groups.) In countries that have different driving standards, more mass transit (which limits automobile

Section 11.6Depression

accidents), and little gun violence (which restricts homicide), like Korea, suicide is the leading cause of death among adolescents (Kim, Han, Trksak, & Lee, 2014).

Increased risk of suicide is associated with previous attempts at suicide, depression, and substance abuse. Talking about suicide does not promote it. As part of the effort to prevent suicide, professionals recommend that parents, educators, and school personnel in fact use explicit language when they talk to those who may be at risk, even asking direct questions about suicidal thoughts (Mathias et al., 2012).

F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : R i s k F a c t o r s f o r S u i c i d e • Depression

• Change in eating habits, sleep, or activity level

• Feelings of hopelessness, worthlessness

• Suicidal ideation (thoughts about suicide, including planning)

• Abuse in the household

• Expression of worry that nobody cares

• Substance abuse

• Past suicide attempts

• Dramatic changes in personality and behavior

• Withdrawal from friends and family

• Uncharacteristic reckless behavior

• Giving away of possessions

• Glamorization of suicide, including discussions of suicide pacts

• Suicide of a friend

National Suicide Prevention Lifeline, 1-800-273-TALK (8255).

After declining from 1990 to 2003, suicide rates among teens have risen recently (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2014c). Speculation about possible reasons for this change so far lacks any empirical support (Bridge, Greenhouse, & Kelleher, 2008; Eaton et al., 2012). Females attempt suicide more than males, but males are far more likely to complete suicide due to their increased use of violent means, especially firearms. Girls more often than boys cut themselves or overdose on pills.

Although suicidal ideation (thoughts and plans about suicide) should always be taken seriously, it is difficult to know whether survey data give an accurate picture of true risk. According to reports on youth risk behavior compiled by the Centers for Disease Control

Critical Thinking If handguns were suddenly restricted in the United States, do you think the rate of suicide would change? Do you think homicide and motor vehicle accidents are in any way associated with rates of suicide?

Section 11.6Depression

and Prevention, 14% of high school students seriously considered suicide in the previous 12 months and 11% made a plan (directly asking depressed individuals if they have made a plan is a sound intervention strategy), percentages that appear high (Eaton et al., 2012). Although 6.3% of students reported attempting suicide in the previous year, only 1.9% made an attempt serious enough to require medical attention. Importantly, the number of attempts that result in medical treatment drops a dramatic 50% from 11th to 12th grade. This finding lends support to the adage that suicide is “a permanent solution to a temporary problem.” It appears that difficulties experienced by many 11th graders are indeed temporary.

Cluster Suicide A recent analysis has found evidence that confirms what has long been suspected regard- ing suicide clusters: Media coverage of suicide leads to increased numbers of suicides among youths in the area where an initial suicide occurs. Researchers looked at 48 suicide clusters (more than one suicide in the community) that occurred between 1988 and 1996. Each of the 48 communities was matched to two similar communities in which only one suicide occurred over the same period of time. In the cluster communities, there were 7.4 newspaper stories pertaining to suicide between the first and second suicides; noncluster communities aver- aged 5.1 stories over the same period, a statistically significant difference (Gould, Kleinman, Lake, Forman, & Midle, 2014).

The researchers noted that stories about suicides often had prominent headlines and descrip- tions of what methods were used. Though this association does not mean that news stories cause an increase in suicide, the researchers suggest that incidence of suicide is affected by how information is presented. And although mainstream newspapers have become more sensitive to how they disseminate news since 1996, the same cannot be said for electronic media. These findings have important implications for suicide prevention efforts and com- munity mental health professionals.

Depression and Suicide among LGBT Teens Most research shows that sexual minority status (including same-sex attraction) has an inde- pendent effect on depression, suicidal ideation, attempted suicide, and completed suicide (Langhinrichsen-Rohling, Lamis, & Malone, 2011; Silenzio, Pena, Duberstein, Cerel, & Knox, 2007). In limited research, transgendered youth (see Module 14) have been found to be at higher risk for suicidal ideation. However, those who attempted suicide were subjected to more verbal and physical abuse at home than non-attempters and received far less social support, so a separate effect of transgenderism on suicide is difficult to confirm (Grossman & D’Augelli, 2007; Mustanski & Liu, 2013).

Similarly, a study of 246 lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) youth in the urban Chicago area did not find a separate effect of sexual orientation on mental disorders in gen- eral. Instead, depression and suicide rates were similar to a representative sample of non- LGBT youth from the same geographic area (Mustanski, Garofalo & Emerson, 2010). Never- theless, certain social interventions have been found to be successful in shielding LGBT teens from depression and suicide. Teens who remain more connected to family and teachers and who are protected from ridicule in school are more highly guarded against depression (Eisen- berg & Resnick, 2006). These issues are also part of a growing sense of self, which is the focus of the next module.

Summary and Resources

S E C T I O N R E V I E W How is personal functioning affected by depression? How would you know if an adolescent is depressed or has thought about attempting suicide?

Wrapping Up and Moving On This module focused more completely on the early components of psychosocial development. The display of emotions and temperament are the first indications that we are social beings. Positive and negative emotions have developed in a way that promotes survival as they facilitate social engagement. Whereas the growth in stranger anxiety and separation anxiety appears to be due mostly to internal processes, other changes must operate within a social context. Social referencing and emotional regulation provide a bridge between external reinforcement and internal states. During adolescence, an increase in abstract thinking may become entwined with emotional development, perhaps playing a role in depression and suicide.

The study of personality begins with infant temperament. Evidence indicates that infants are born with particular dispositions, which often dictate the responses of others. Recipro- cal socialization and goodness of fit are concepts in development that describe the two-way interaction that defines the social life of children. The next module considers more directly how the personality becomes organized into self-identity. Later modules examine how these developments grow into family, peer, and love relationships.

Summary and Resources • Emotions and temperament are cornerstones for early personality and social

development. • Although clear evidence indicates that genetics and biology affect psychosocial

development, socialization and context also have profound influences. • Emotions can be classified as either positive or negative, and they emerge in a

mostly universal pattern. • Stranger anxiety and separation anxiety are key first-year psychosocial milestones,

as infants display their growing understanding of social bonds. • Development of empathy illustrates important psychosocial progress, as it acknowl-

edges a child’s growing mental activity. • Emotional regulation, emotional intelligence, and conscientiousness are relatively

new areas of focus in child development. Research indicates that these factors have strong predictive value for a number of positive outcomes.

• Infant temperament can be classified as easy, difficult, or slow to warm up. Research strongly suggests that these early markers of personality remain associated with other childhood behaviors.

• Infant temperament is mediated by the ways in which caregivers and others respond to the infant. Temperament is likely to affect how relationships develop.

• Changes during adolescence lead to increased incidence of depression, which is the strongest risk factor for suicide. Parents and professionals are wise to understand the sometimes-transient nature of adolescent emotions.

Summary and Resources

Key Terms depression A psychological condition that describes prolonged feelings of hopeless- ness, sadness, and a lack of joy.

difficult temperament A generally nega- tive disposition coupled with poor adapta- tion to new experiences.

easy temperament An overall positive dis- position coupled with regular rhythms.

emotional intelligence The ability to rec- ognize and deal with different personalities in various social situations.

emotional regulation The extent to which we balance ongoing environmental demands with appropriate behavioral responses.

empathy The capacity to identify and understand another person’s emotions.

goodness of fit The match between an infant’s temperament and environmental demands.

reciprocal determinism A process in which behaviors of infants influence responses in others, which in turn has a reciprocal effect on infants.

self-conscious emotions Emotions that appear in the second year and indicate more cognitive and psychosocial sophistication.

separation anxiety The emotional upset that infants experience when their usual caregiver leaves.

slow to warm up temperament A disposi- tion in which less active babies adapt slowly to new situations and have somewhat regu- lar biological rhythms.

social referencing When infants (and older individuals) look to others for emotional cues about uncertain events or behaviors.

social smile A smile in response to other people.

stranger anxiety The caution infants dem- onstrate in the presence of unfamiliar adults.

suicidal ideation Thoughts and plans about suicide.

temperament A person’s basic emotional nature. See also easy temperament, difficult temperament, and slow to warm up.

Web Resources See links below for additional information on topics discussed in the chapter.

Cerebral Cortex

https://faculty.washington.edu/chudler/functional.html

Depression

http://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/topics/depression/index.shtml?utm_ source=BrainLine.orgutm_medium=Twitter

Limbic System

http://www.sciencedaily.com/articles/l/limbic_system.htm

Summary and Resources

Separation Anxiety

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=izfwLM8mGWU&feature=related

Social Referencing

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EE76gCfrRmk&playnext=1&list=PL44D12FE9DAD 88CCB&index=2

Stranger Anxiety

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sCgvR1-gFjM