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THE AMERICAN YAWP

11. The Cotton Revolution

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Eyre Crowe, Slaves Waiting for Sale, Richmond, Virginia, 1861. University of Virginia, The Atlantic Slave Trade and Slave Life in the Americas.

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gion and Honor in the Slave South | VII. Conclusion | VIII. Primary Sources | IX. Reference Material

*The American Yawp is an evolving, collaborative text. Please click here to improve this chapter.*

I. Introduction

In the decades leading up to the Civil War, the southern states experienced extraordinary change that would de�ne the region and its

role in American history for decades, even centuries, to come. Between the 1830s and the beginning of the Civil War in 1861, the Ameri-

can South expanded its wealth and population and became an integral part of an increasingly global economy. It did not, as previous

generations of histories have told, sit back on its cultural and social traditions and insulate itself from an expanding system of communi-

cation, trade, and production that connected Europe and Asia to the Americas. Quite the opposite; the South actively engaged new

technologies and trade routes while also seeking to assimilate and upgrade its most “traditional” and culturally ingrained practices—

such as slavery and agricultural production—within a modernizing world.

Beginning in the 1830s, merchants from the Northeast, Europe, Canada, Mexico, and the Caribbean �ocked to southern cities, setting

up trading �rms, warehouses, ports, and markets. As a result, these cities—Richmond, Charleston, St. Louis, Mobile, Savannah, and

New Orleans, to name a few—doubled and even tripled in size and global importance. Populations became more cosmopolitan, more

educated, and wealthier. Systems of class—lower-, middle-, and upper-class communities—developed where they had never clearly exist-

ed. Ports that had once focused entirely on the importation of enslaved laborers and shipped only regionally became home to daily and

weekly shipping lines to New York City, Liverpool, Manchester, Le Havre, and Lisbon. The world was slowly but surely coming closer

together, and the South was right in the middle.

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II. The Importance of Cotton

In November 1785, the Liverpool �rm of Peel, Yates & Co. imported the �rst seven bales of American cotton ever to arrive in Europe.

Prior to this unscheduled, and frankly unwanted, delivery, European merchants saw cotton as a product of the colonial Caribbean is-

lands of Barbados, Saint-Domingue (now Haiti), Martinique, Cuba, and Jamaica. The American South, though relatively wide and ex-

pansive, was the go-to source for rice and, most importantly, tobacco.

Few knew that the seven bales sitting in Liverpool that winter of 1785 would change the world. But they did. By the early 1800s, the

American South had developed a niche in the European market for “luxurious” long-staple cotton grown exclusively on the Sea Islands

o� the coast of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. But this was only the beginning of a massive �ood to come and the foundation of

the South’s astronomical rise to global prominence. Before long, botanists, merchants, and planters alike set out to develop strains of

cotton seed that would grow farther west on the southern mainland, especially in the new lands opened up by the Louisiana Purchase of

1803—an area that stretched from New Orleans in the South to what is today Minnesota, parts of the Dakotas, and Montana.

The discovery of Gossypium barbadense—often called Petit Gulf cotton—near Rodney, Mississippi, in 1820 changed the American

and global cotton markets forever. “Petit Gulf, it was said, slid through the cotton gin—a machine developed by Eli Whitney in 1794

for deseeding cotton—more easily than any other strain. It also grew tightly, producing more usable cotton than anyone had imagined

to that point. Perhaps most importantly, though, it came up at a time when Native peoples were removed from the Southwest—south-

ern Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and northern Louisiana. After Indian removal, land became readily available for white men with a

few dollars and big dreams. Throughout the 1820s and 1830s, the federal government implemented several forced migrations of Native

Americans, establishing a system of reservations west of the Mississippi River on which all eastern peoples were required to relocate and

settle. This system, enacted through the Indian Removal Act of 1830, allowed the federal government to survey, divide, and auction o�

millions of acres of land for however much bidders were willing to pay. Suddenly, farmers with dreams of owning a large plantation

could purchase dozens, even hundreds, of acres in the fertile Mississippi River Delta for cents on the dollar. Pieces of land that would

cost thousands of dollars elsewhere sold in the 1830s for several hundred, at prices as low as 40¢ per acre.

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Eli Whitney’s mechanical cotton gin revolutionized cotton production and expanded and strengthened slavery throughout the South. Eli Whitney’s Patent for the Cotton gin, March 14, 1794; Records of the Patent and Trademark O�ce; Record Group 241. Wikimedia.

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A 19th-century cotton gin on display at the Eli Whitney Museum. Wikimedia.

Thousands rushed into the Cotton Belt. Joseph Holt Ingraham, a writer and traveler from Maine, called it a “mania.” William Henry

Sparks, a lawyer living in Natchez, Mississippi, remembered it as “a new El Dorado” in which “fortunes were made in a day, without en-

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terprise or work.” The change was astonishing. “Where yesterday the wilderness darkened over the land with her wild forests,” he re-

called, “to-day the cotton plantations whitened the earth.” Money �owed from banks, many newly formed, on promises of “other-

worldly” pro�ts and overnight returns. Banks in New York City, Baltimore, Philadelphia, and even London o�ered lines of credit to

anyone looking to buy land in the Southwest. Some even sent their own agents to purchase cheap land at auction for the express pur-

pose of selling it, sometimes the very next day, at double and triple the original value, a process known as speculation.

The explosion of available land in the fertile Cotton Belt brought new life to the South. By the end of the 1830s, Petit Gulf cotton had

been perfected, distributed, and planted throughout the region. Advances in steam power and water travel revolutionized southern

farmers’ and planters’ ability to deseed and bundle their products and move them to ports popping up along the Atlantic seaboard. In-

deed, by the end of the 1830s, cotton had become the primary crop not only of the southwestern states but of the entire nation.

The numbers were staggering. In 1793, just a few years after the �rst, albeit unintentional, shipment of American cotton to Europe, the

South produced around �ve million pounds of cotton, again almost exclusively the product of South Carolina’s Sea Islands. Seven years

later, in 1800, South Carolina remained the primary cotton producer in the South, sending 6.5 million pounds of the luxurious long-

staple blend to markets in Charleston, Liverpool, London, and New York. But as the tighter, more abundant, and vibrant Petit Gulf

strain moved west with the dreamers, schemers, and speculators, the American South quickly became the world’s leading cotton pro-

ducer. By 1835, the �ve main cotton-growing states—South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana—produced more

than �ve hundred million pounds of Petit Gulf for a global market stretching from New Orleans to New York and to London, Liver-

pool, Paris and beyond. That �ve hundred million pounds of cotton made up nearly 55 percent of the entire United States export mar-

ket, a trend that continued nearly every year until the outbreak of the Civil War. Indeed, the two billion pounds of cotton produced in

1860 alone amounted to more than 60 percent of the United States’ total exports for that year.

The astronomical rise of American cotton production came at the cost of the South’s �rst staple crop—tobacco. Perfected in Virginia

but grown and sold in nearly every southern territory and state, tobacco served as the South’s main economic commodity for more than

a century. But tobacco was a rough crop. It treated the land poorly, draining the soil of nutrients. Tobacco �elds did not last forever. In

fact, �elds rarely survived more than four or �ve cycles of growth, which left them dried and barren, incapable of growing much more

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than patches of grass. Of course, tobacco is, and was, an addictive substance, but because of its violent pattern of growth, farmers had to

move around, purchasing new lands, developing new methods of production, and even creating new �elds through deforestation and

westward expansion. Tobacco, then, was expensive to produce—and not only because of the ubiquitous use of slave labor. It required

massive, temporary �elds, large numbers of laborers, and constant movement.

Cotton was di�erent, and it arrived at a time best suited for its success. Petit Gulf cotton, in particular, grew relatively quickly on cheap,

widely available land. With the invention of the cotton gin in 1794, and the emergence of steam power three decades later, cotton be-

came the common person’s commodity, the product with which the United States could expand westward, producing and reproducing

Thomas Je�erson’s vision of an idyllic republic of small farmers—a nation in control of its land, reaping the bene�ts of honest, free, and

self-reliant work, a nation of families and farmers, expansion and settlement. But this all came at a violent cost. With the democratiza-

tion of land ownership through Indian removal, federal auctions, readily available credit, and the seemingly universal dream of cotton’s

immediate pro�t, one of the South’s lasting traditions became normalized and engrained. And by the 1860s, that very tradition, seen as

the backbone of southern society and culture, would split the nation in two. The heyday of American slavery had arrived.

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This map, published by the US Coast Guard, shows the percentage of enslaved people in the population in each county of the slave-holding states in 1860. The highest per- centages lie along the Mississippi River, in the “Black Belt” of Alabama, and coastal South Carolina, all of which were centers of agricultural production (cotton and rice) in the United States. E. Hergesheimer (cartographer), Th. Leonhardt (engraver), Map Showing the Distribution of the Slave Population of the Southern States of the United States Compiled from the Census of 1860, c. 1861. Wikimedia.

III. Cotton and Slavery

The rise of cotton and the resulting upsurge in the United States’ global position wed the South to slavery. Without slavery there could

be no Cotton Kingdom, no massive production of raw materials stretching across thousands of acres worth millions of dollars. Indeed,

cotton grew alongside slavery. The two moved hand-in-hand. The existence of slavery and its importance to the southern economy be-

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came the de�ning factor in what would be known as the Slave South. Although slavery arrived in the Americas long before cotton be-

came a pro�table commodity, the use and purchase of enslaved laborers, the moralistic and economic justi�cations for the continuation

of slavery, and even the urgency to protect the practice from extinction before the Civil War all received new life from the rise of cotton

and the economic, social, and cultural growth spurt that accompanied its success.

Slavery had existed in the South since at least 1619, when a group of Dutch traders arrived at Jamestown with twenty Africans. Al-

though these Africans remained under the ambiguous legal status of “unfree” rather than being actually enslaved, their arrival set in mo-

tion a practice that would stretch across the entire continent over the next two centuries. Slavery was everywhere by the time the Ameri-

can Revolution created the United States, although northern states began a process of gradually abolishing the practice soon thereafter.

In the more rural, agrarian South, slavery became a way of life, especially as farmers expanded their lands, planted more crops, and en-

tered the international trade market. By 1790, two years after the rati�cation of the Constitution, 654,121 enslaved people lived in the

South—then just Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and the Southwest Territory (now Tennessee). Just

twenty years later, in 1810, that number had increased to more than 1.1 million individuals in bondage.8

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Though taken after the end of slavery, these stereographs show various stages of cotton production. The �u�y white staple �ber is �rst extracted from the boll (a prickly, sharp protective capsule), after which the seed is separated in the ginning and taken to a storehouse. Unknown, Picking cotton in a great plantation in North Carolina, U.S.A., c. 1865-1903. Wikimedia.

The massive change in the South’s enslaved population between 1790 and 1810 makes historical sense. During that time, the South ad-

vanced from a region of four states and one rather small territory to a region of six states (Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia,

Kentucky, and Tennessee) and three rather large territories (Mississippi, Louisiana, and Orleans). The free population of the South also

nearly doubled over that period—from around 1.3 million in 1790 to more than 2.3 million in 1810. The enslaved population of the

South did not increase at any rapid rate over the next two decades, until the cotton boom took hold in the mid-1830s. Indeed, following

the constitutional ban on the international slave trade in 1808, the number of enslaved people in the South increased by just 750,000 in

twenty years.

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But then cotton came, and grew, and changed everything. Over the course of the 1830s, 1840s, and 1850s, slavery became so endemic to

the Cotton Belt that travelers, writers, and statisticians began referring to the area as the Black Belt, not only to describe the color of the

rich land but also to describe the skin color of those forced to work its �elds, line its docks, and move its products.

Perhaps the most important aspect of southern slavery during this so-called Cotton Revolution was the value placed on both the work

and the bodies of the enslaved themselves. Once the fever of the initial land rush subsided, land values became more static and credit less

free-�owing. For Mississippi land that in 1835 cost no more than $600, a farmer or investor would have to shell out more than $3,000 in

1850. By 1860, that same land, depending on its record of production and location, could cost as much as $100,000. In many cases,

cotton growers, especially planters with large lots and enslaved workforces, put up enslaved laborers as collateral for funds dedicated to

buying more land. If that land, for one reason or another, be it weevils, a late freeze, or a simple lack of nutrients, did not produce a vi-

able crop within a year, the planter would lose not only the new land but also the enslaved laborers he or she put up as a guarantee of

payment.

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The slave markets of the South varied in size and style, but the St. Louis Exchange in New Orleans was so frequently described it became a kind of representation for all south- ern slave markets. Indeed, the St. Louis Hotel rotunda was cemented in the literary imagination of nineteenth-century Americans after Harriet Beecher Stowe chose it as the site for the sale of Uncle Tom in her 1852 novel, Uncle Tom’s Cabin. After the ruin of the St. Clare plantation, Tom and his fellow enslaved people were suddenly property

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that had to be liquidated. Brought to New Orleans to be sold to the highest bidder, Tom found himself “[b]eneath a splendid dome” where “men of all nations” scurried about. J. M. Starling (engraver), Sale of estates, pictures and slaves in the rotunda, New Orleans, 1842. Wikimedia.

So much went into the production of cotton, the expansion of land, and the maintenance of enslaved workforces that by the 1850s,

nearly every ounce of credit o�ered by southern, and even northern, banks dealt directly with some aspect of the cotton market. Mil-

lions of dollars changed hands. Enslaved people, the literal and �gurative backbone of the southern cotton economy, served as the high-

est and most important expense for any successful cotton grower. Prices for enslaved laborers varied drastically, depending on skin color,

sex, age, and location, both of purchase and birth. In Virginia in the 1820s, for example, a single enslaved woman of childbearing age

sold for an average of $300; an unskilled man above age eighteen sold for around $450; and boys and girls below age thirteen sold for be-

tween $100 and $150.

By the 1840s and into the 1850s, prices had nearly doubled—a result of both standard in�ation and the increasing importance of en-

slaved laborers in the cotton market. In 1845, “plow boys” under age eighteen sold for more than $600 in some areas, measured at “�ve

or six dollars per pound.” “Prime �eld hands,” as they were called by merchants and traders, averaged $1,600 at market by 1850, a �g-

ure that fell in line with the rising prices of the cotton they picked. For example, when cotton sat at 7¢ per pound in 1838, the average

“�eld hand” cost around $700. As the price of cotton increased to 9¢, 10¢, then 11¢ per pound over the next ten years, the average cost

of an enslaved male laborer likewise rose to $775, $900, and then more than $1,600.

The key is that cotton and enslaved labor helped de�ne each other, at least in the cotton South. By the 1850s, slavery and cotton had be-

come so intertwined that the very idea of change—be it crop diversity, antislavery ideologies, economic diversi�cation, or the increasing-

ly staggering cost of purchasing and maintaining enslaved laborers—became anathema to the southern economic and cultural identity.

Cotton had become the foundation of the southern economy. Indeed, it was the only major product, besides perhaps sugarcane in Lou-

isiana, that the South could e�ectively market internationally. As a result, southern planters, politicians, merchants, and traders became

more and more dedicated—some would say “obsessed”—to the means of its production: slavery. In 1834, Joseph Ingraham wrote that

“to sell cotton in order to buy negroes—to make more cotton to buy more negroes, ‘ad in�nitum,’ is the aim and direct tendency of all

the operations of the thorough going cotton planter; his whole soul is wrapped up in the pursuit.” Twenty-three years later, such pur-

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suit had taken a seemingly religious character, as James Stirling, an Englishman traveling through the South, observed, “[slaves] and cot-

ton—cotton and [slaves]; these are the law and the prophets to the men of the South.”

The Cotton Revolution was a time of capitalism, panic, stress, and competition. Planters expanded their lands, purchased enslaved la-

borers, extended lines of credit, and went into massive amounts of debt because they were constantly working against the next guy, the

newcomer, the social mover, the speculator, the trader. A single bad crop could cost even the most wealthy planter his or her entire life,

along with those of his or her enslaved laborers and their families. Although the cotton market was large and pro�table, it was also �ckle,

risky, and cost intensive. The more wealth one gained, the more land one needed to procure, which led to more enslaved laborers, more

credit, and more mouths to feed. The decades before the Civil War in the South, then, were not times of slow, simple tradition. They

were times of high competition, high risk, and high reward, no matter where one stood in the social hierarchy. But the risk was not al-

ways economic.

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In southern cities like Norfolk, VA, markets sold not only vegetables, fruits, meats, and sundries, but also enslaved people. Enslaved men and women, like the two walking in the direct center, lived and labored next to free people, Black and white. S. Weeks, Market Square, Norfolk, from Henry Howe’s Historical Collections of Virginia, 1845. Wiki- media.

The most tragic, indeed horrifying, aspect of slavery was its inhumanity. All enslaved people had memories, emotions, experiences, and

thoughts. They saw their experiences in full color, felt the pain of the lash, the heat of the sun, and the heartbreak of loss, whether

through death, betrayal, or sale. Communities developed on a shared sense of su�ering, common work, and even family ties. Enslaved

people communicated in the slave markets of the urban South and worked together to help their families, ease their loads, or simply

frustrate their enslavers. Simple actions of resistance, such as breaking a hoe, running a wagon o� the road, causing a delay in production

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due to injury, running away, or even pregnancy provided a language shared by nearly all enslaved laborers, a sense of unity that remained

unsaid but was acted out daily.

Beyond the basic and confounding horror of it all, the problem of slavery in the cotton South was twofold. First and most immediate

was the fear and risk of rebellion. With nearly four million individual enslaved people residing in the South in 1860, and nearly 2.5 mil-

lion living in the Cotton Belt alone, the system of communication, resistance, and potential violence among enslaved people did not es-

cape the minds of enslavers across the region and the nation as a whole. As early as 1785, Thomas Je�erson wrote in his Notes on the

State of Virginia that the enslaved should be freed, but then they should be colonized to another country, where they could become an

“independant people.” White people’s prejudices, and Black people’s “recollections . . . of the injuries they have sustained” under slavery,

would keep the two races from successfully living together in America. If freed people were not colonized, eventually there would be

“convulsions which will probably never end but in the extermination of the one or the other race.”

Southern writers, planters, farmers, merchants, and politicians expressed the same fears more than a half century later. “The South can-

not recede,” declared an anonymous writer in an 1852 issue of the New Orleans–based De Bow’s Review. “She must �ght for her slaves

or against them. Even cowardice would not save her.” To many enslaveers in the South, slavery was the saving grace of not only their

own economic stability but also the maintenance of peace and security in everyday life. Much of pro-slavery ideology rested on the no-

tion that slavery provided a sense of order, duty, and legitimacy to the lives of individual enslaved people, feelings that Africans and

African Americans, it was said, could not otherwise experience. Without slavery, many thought, “blacks” (the word most often used for

“slaves” in regular conversation) would become violent, aimless, and uncontrollable.

Some commentators recognized the problem in the 1850s as the internal slave trade, the legal trade of enslaved laborers between states,

along rivers, and along the Atlantic coastline. The internal trade picked up in the decade before the Civil War. The problem was rather

simple. The more enslaved laborers one owned, the more money it cost to maintain them and to extract product from their work. As

planters and cotton growers expanded their lands and purchased more enslaved laborers, their expectations increased.

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And productivity, in large part, did increase. But it came on the backs of enslaved laborers with heavier workloads, longer hours, and

more intense punishments. “The great limitation to production is labor,” wrote one commentator in the American Cotton Planter in

1853. And many planters recognized this limitation and worked night and day, sometimes literally, to �nd the furthest extent of that

limit. According to some contemporary accounts, by the mid-1850s, the expected production of an individual enslaved person in Mis-

sissippi’s Cotton Belt had increased from between four and �ve bales (weighing about 500 pounds each) per day to between eight and

ten bales per day, on average. Other, perhaps more reliable sources, such as the account book of Buena Vista Plantation in Tensas

Parish, Louisiana, list average daily production at between 300 and 500 pounds “per hand,” with weekly averages ranging from 1,700 to

2,100 pounds “per hand.” Cotton production “per hand” increased by 600 percent in Mississippi between 1820 and 1860. Each slave,

then, was working longer, harder hours to keep up with his or her enslavers expected yield.

Here was capitalism with its most colonial, violent, and exploitative face. Humanity became a commodity used and worked to produce

pro�t for a select group of investors, regardless of its shortfalls, dangers, and immoralities. But slavery, pro�t, and cotton did not exist

only in the rural South. The Cotton Revolution sparked the growth of an urban South, cities that served as southern hubs of a global

market, conduits through which the work of enslaved people and the pro�ts of planters met and funded a wider world.

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The slave trade sold bondspeople — men, women, and children — like mere pieces of property, as seen in the advertisements produced during the era. 1840 poster advertising enslaved laborers for sale in New Orleans. Wikimedia.

IV. The South and the City

Much of the story of slavery and cotton lies in the rural areas where cotton actually grew. Enslaved laborers worked in the �elds, and

planters and farmers held reign over their plantations and farms. But the 1830s, 1840s, and 1850s saw an extraordinary spike in urban

growth across the South. For nearly a half century after the Revolution, the South existed as a series of plantations, county seats, and

small towns, some connected by roads, others connected only by rivers, streams, and lakes. Cities certainly existed, but they served more

as local ports than as regional, or national, commercial hubs. For example, New Orleans, then the capital of Louisiana, which entered

the union in 1812, was home to just over 27,000 people in 1820; and even with such a seemingly small population, it was the second-

largest city in the South—Baltimore had more than 62,000 people in 1820. Given the standard nineteenth-century measurement of an

urban space (2,500+ people), the South had just ten in that year, one of which—Mobile, Alabama—contained only 2,672 individuals,

nearly half of whom were enslaved.

As late as the 1820s, southern life was predicated on a rural lifestyle—farming, laboring, acquiring land and enslaved laborers, and pro-

ducing whatever that land and those enslaved laborers could produce. The market, often located in the nearest town or city, rarely

stretched beyond state lines. Even in places like New Orleans, Charleston, and Norfolk, Virginia, which had active ports as early as the

1790s, shipments rarely, with some notable exceptions, left American waters or traveled farther than the closest port down the coast. In

the �rst decades of the nineteenth century, American involvement in international trade was largely con�ned to ports in New York, Bos-

ton, Philadelphia, and sometimes Baltimore—which loosely falls under the demographic category of the South. Imports dwarfed ex-

ports. In 1807, U.S. imports outnumbered exports by nearly $100 million, and even as the Napoleonic Wars broke out in Europe, caus-

ing a drastic decrease in European production and trade, the United States still took in almost $50 million more than it sent out.

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Cotton changed much of this, at least with respect to the South. Before cotton, the South had few major ports, almost none of which

actively maintained international trade routes or even domestic supply routes. Internal travel and supply was di�cult, especially on the

waters of the Mississippi River, the main artery of the North American continent, and the eventual gold mine of the South. With the

Mississippi’s strong current, deadly undertow, and constant sharp turns, sandbars, and subsystems, navigation was di�cult and danger-

ous. The river promised a revolution in trade, transportation, and commerce only if the technology existed to handle its impossible

bends and �ght against its southbound current. By the 1820s and into the 1830s, small ships could successfully navigate their way to

New Orleans from as far north as Memphis and even St. Louis, if they so dared. But the problem was getting back. Most often, traders

and sailors scuttled their boats on landing in New Orleans, selling the wood for a quick pro�t or a journey home on a wagon or caravan.

The rise of cotton bene�ted from a change in transportation technology that aided and guided the growth of southern cotton into one

of the world’s leading commodities. In January 1812, a 371-ton ship called the New Orleans arrived at its namesake city from the distant

internal port of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. This was the �rst steamboat to navigate the internal waterways of the North American conti-

nent from one end to the other and remain capable of returning home. The technology was far from perfect—the New Orleans sank

two years later after hitting a submerged sandbar covered in driftwood—but its successful trial promised a bright, new future for river-

based travel.

And that future was, indeed, bright. Just �ve years after the New Orleans arrived in its city, 17 steamboats ran regular upriver lines. By

the mid-1840s, more than 700 steamboats did the same. In 1860, the port of New Orleans received and unloaded 3,500 steamboats, all

focused entirely on internal trade. These boats carried around 160,000 tons of raw product that merchants, traders, and agents convert-

ed into nearly $220 million in trade, all in a single year. More than 80 percent of the yield was from cotton alone, the product of the

same �elds tilled, expanded, and sold over the preceding three decades. Only now, in the 1840s and 1850s, could those �elds, planta-

tions, and farms simply load their products onto a boat and wait for the pro�t, credit, or supplies to return from downriver.

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Gordon, pictured here, endured terrible brutality from his enslaver before escaping to Union Army lines in 1863. He would become a soldier and help �ght to end the violent system that produced the horrendous scars on his back. Matthew Brady, Gordon, 1863. Wikimedia.

The explosion of steam power changed the face of the South, and indeed the nation as a whole. Everything that could be steam-powered

was steam-powered, sometimes with mixed results. Cotton gins, wagons, grinders, looms, and baths, among countless others, all fell un-

der the net of this new technology. Most importantly, the South’s rivers, lakes, and bays were no longer barriers and hindrances to com-

merce. Quite the opposite; they had become the means by which commerce �owed, the roads of a modernizing society and region. And

most importantly, the ability to use internal waterways connected the rural interior to increasingly urban ports, the sources of raw mate-

rials—cotton, tobacco, wheat, and so on—to an eager global market.

Coastal ports like New Orleans, Charleston, Norfolk, and even Richmond became targets of steamboats and coastal carriers. Merchants,

traders, skilled laborers, and foreign speculators and agents �ooded the towns. In fact, the South experienced a a greater rate of urbaniza-

tion between 1820 and 1860 than the seemingly more industrial, urban-based North. Urbanization of the South simply looked di�erent

from that seen in the North and in Europe. Where most northern and some European cities (most notably London, Liverpool, Man-

chester, and Paris) developed along the lines of industry, creating public spaces to boost the morale of wage laborers in factories, on the

docks, and in storehouses, southern cities developed within the cyclical logic of sustaining the trade in cotton that justi�ed and paid for

the maintenance of an enslaved labor force. The growth of southern cities, then, allowed slavery to �ourish and brought the South into a

more modern world.

Between 1820 and 1860, quite a few southern towns experienced dramatic population growth, which paralleled the increase in cotton

production and international trade to and from the South. The 27,176 people New Orleans claimed in 1820 expanded to more than

168,000 by 1860. In fact, in New Orleans, the population nearly quadrupled from 1830 to 1840 as the Cotton Revolution hit full

stride. At the same time, Charleston’s population nearly doubled, from 24,780 to 40,522; Richmond expanded threefold, growing from

a town of 12,067 to a capital city of 37,910; and St. Louis experienced the largest increase of any city in the nation, expanding from a

frontier town of 10,049 to a booming Mississippi River metropolis of 160,773.24

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The city and the �eld, the urban center and the rural space, were inextricably linked in the decades before the Civil War. And that rela-

tionship connected the region to a global market and community. As southern cities grew, they became more cosmopolitan, attracting

types of people either unsuited for or uninterested in rural life. These people—merchants, skilled laborers, traders, sellers of all kinds

and colors—brought rural goods to a market desperate for raw materials. Everyone, it seemed, had a place in the cotton trade. Agents,

many of them transients from the North, and in some cases Europe, represented the interests of planters and cotton farmers in the cities,

making connections with traders who in turn made deals with manufactories in the Northeast, Liverpool, and Paris.

Among the more important aspects of southern urbanization was the development of a middle class in the urban centers, something

that never fully developed in the more rural areas. In a very general sense, the rural South fell under a two-class system in which a

landowning elite controlled the politics and most of the capital, and a working poor survived on subsistence farming or basic, unskilled

labor funded by the elite. The development of large urban centers founded on trade, and �ush with transient populations of sailors,

merchants, and travelers, gave rise to a large, highly developed middle class in the South. Predicated on the idea of separation from those

above and below them, middle-class men and women in the South thrived in the active, feverish rush of port city life.

Skilled craftsmen, merchants, traders, speculators, and store owners made up the southern middle class. Fashion trends no longer re-

quired an honest function—such as a broad-brimmed hat to protect one from the sun, knee-high boots for horse riding, and linen shirts

and trousers to �ght the heat of an unrelenting sun. Silk, cotton, and bright colors came into vogue, especially in coastal cities like New

Orleans and Charleston; cravats, golden brooches, diamonds, and “the best stylings of Europe” became the standards of urban middle-

class life in the South. Neighbors, friends, and business partners formed and joined the same benevolent societies. These societies

worked to aid the less fortunate in society, the orphans, the impoverished, the destitute. But in many cases these benevolent societies

simply served as a way to keep other people out of middle-class circles, sustaining both wealth and social prestige within an insular, well-

regulated community. Members and partners married each others’ sisters, stood as godparents for each others’ children, and served,

when the time came, as executors of fellow members’ wills.

The city bred exclusivity. That was part of the rush, part of fever of the time. Built upon the cotton trade, funded by European and

Northeastern merchants, markets, and manufactories, Southern cities became headquarters of the nation’s largest and most pro�table

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commodities—cotton and enslaved people. And they welcomed the world with open checkbooks and open arms.

V. Southern Cultures

To understand the global and economic functions of the South, we also must understand the people who made the whole thing work.

The South, more than perhaps any other region in the United States, had a great diversity of cultures and situations. The South still re-

lied on the existence of slavery; and as a result, it was home to nearly 4 million enslaved people by 1860, amounting to more than 45 per-

cent of the entire Southern population. Naturally, these people, though fundamentally unfree in their movement, developed a culture

all their own. They created kinship and family networks, systems of (often illicit) trade, linguistic codes, religious congregations, and

even benevolent and social aid organizations—all within the grip of slavery, a system dedicated to extraction rather than development,

work and production rather than community and emotion.

The concept of family, more than anything else, played a crucial role in the daily lives of enslaved people. Family and kinship networks,

and the bene�ts they carried, represented an institution through which enslaved people could piece together a sense of community, a

sense of feeling and dedication, separate from the forced system of production that de�ned their daily lives. The creation of family units,

distant relations, and communal traditions allowed enslaved people to maintain religious beliefs, ancient ancestral traditions, and even

names passed down from generation to generation in a way that challenged enslavement. Ideas passed between relatives on di�erent

plantations, names given to children in honor of the deceased, and basic forms of love and devotion created a sense of individuality, an

identity that assuaged the loneliness and desperation of enslaved life. Family de�ned how each plantation, each community, functioned,

grew, and labored.

Nothing under slavery lasted long, at least not in the same form. Enslaved families and networks were no exceptions to this rule. African-

born enslaved people during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries engaged in marriages—sometimes polygamous—with those of

the same ethnic groups whenever possible. This, most importantly, allowed for the maintenance of cultural traditions, such as language,

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religion, name practices, and even the rare practice of bodily scaring. In some parts of the South, such as Louisiana and coastal South

Carolina, ethnic homogeneity thrived, and as a result, traditions and networks survived relatively unchanged for decades. As the number

of enslaved people arriving in the United States increased, and generations of American-born enslaved laborers overtook the original

African-born populations, the practice of marriage, especially among members of the same ethnic group, or even simply the same plan-

tation, became vital to the continuation of aging traditions. Marriage served as the single most important aspect of cultural and identity

formation, as it connected enslaved people to their own pasts, and gave some sense of protection for the future. By the start of the Civ-

il War, approximately two-thirds of enslaved people were members of nuclear households, each household averaging six people—moth-

er, father, children, and often a grandparent, elderly aunt or uncle, and even “in-laws.” Those who did not have a marriage bond, or even

a nuclear family, still maintained family ties, most often living with a single parent, brother, sister, or grandparent.

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Free people of color were present throughout the American South, particularly in urban areas like Charleston and New Orleans. Some were relatively well o�, like this femme de couleur libre who posed with her mixed-race child in front of her New Orleans home, maintaining a middling position between free white people and enslaved Black peo- ple. Free woman of color with quadroon daughter; late 18th century collage painting, New Orleans. Wikimedia

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Many marriages between enslaved people endured for many years. But the threat of disruption, often through sale, always loomed. As

the internal slave trade increased following the constitutional ban on slave importation in 1808 and the rise of cotton in the 1830s and

1840s, enslaved families, especially those established prior to arriving in the United States, came under increased threat. Hundreds of

thousands of marriages, many with children, fell victim to sale “downriver”—a euphemism for the near constant �ow of enslaved labor-

ers down the Mississippi River to the developing cotton belt in the Southwest. In fact, during the Cotton Revolution alone, between

one-�fth and one-third of all marriages between enslaved people were broken up through sale or forced migration. But this was not the

only threat. Planters, and enslavers of all shapes and sizes, recognized that marriage was, in the most basic and tragic sense, a privilege

granted and de�ned by them for their enslaved laborers. And as a result, many enslavers used’ marriages, or the threats thereto, to

squeeze out more production, counteract disobedience, or simply make a gesture of power and superiority.

Threats to family networks, marriages, and household stability did not stop with the death of an enslaver. An enslaved couple could live

their entire lives together, even having been born, raised, and married on the slave plantation, and, following the death of their enslaver,

�nd themselves at opposite sides of the known world. It only took a single relative, executor, creditor, or friend of the deceased to make a

claim against the estate to cause the sale and dispersal of an entire enslaved community.

Enslaved women were particularly vulnerable to the shifts of fate attached to slavery. In many cases, enslaved women did the same work

as men, spending the day—from sun up to sun down—in the �elds picking and bundling cotton. In some rare cases, especially among

the larger plantations, planters tended to use women as house servants more than men, but this was not universal. In both cases, howev-

er, enslaved women’s experiences were di�erent than their male counterparts, husbands, and neighbors. Sexual violence, unwanted preg-

nancies, and constant childrearing while continuing to work the �elds all made life as an enslaved woman more prone to disruption and

uncertainty. Harriet Jacobs, an enslaved woman from North Carolina, chronicled her enslaver’s attempts to sexually abuse her in her

narrative, Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl. Jacobs suggested that her successful attempts to resist sexual assault and her determination

to love whom she pleased was “something akin to freedom.” But this “freedom,” however empowering and contextual, did not cast a

wide net. Many enslaved women had no choice concerning love, sex, and motherhood. On plantations, small farms, and even in cities,

rape was ever-present. Like the splitting of families, enslavers used sexual violence as a form of terrorism, a way to promote increased pro-

duction, obedience, and power relations. And this was not restricted only to unmarried women. In numerous contemporary accounts,

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particularly violent enslavers forced men to witness the rape of their wives, daughters, and relatives, often as punishment, but occasional-

ly as a sadistic expression of power and dominance.

As property, enslaved women had no recourse, and society, by and large, did not see a crime in this type of violence. Racist pseudo-scien-

tists claimed that whites could not physically rape Africans or African Americans, as the sexual organs of each were not compatible in

that way. State law, in some cases, supported this view, claiming that rape could only occur between either two white people or a Black

man and a white woman. All other cases fell under a silent acceptance. The consequences of rape, too, fell to enslaved victimes. Preg-

nancies that resulted from rape did not always lead to a lighter workload for the mother. And if an enslaved woman acted out against a

rapist, whether that be her enslaver or any other white attacker, her actions were seen as crimes rather than desperate acts of survival. For

example, a 19-year-old enslaved woman named Celia fell victim to repeated rape by her enslaver in Callaway County, Missouri. Between

1850 and 1855, Robert Newsom raped Celia hundreds of times, producing two children and several miscarriages. Sick and desperate in

the fall of 1855, Celia took a club and struck her enslaver in the head, killing him. But instead of sympathy and aid, or even an honest

attempt to understand and empathize, the community called for the execution of Celia. On November 16, 1855, after a trial of ten days,

Celia, the 19-year-old rape victim and slave, was hanged for her crimes against her enslaver.

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This women in this photograph are Selina Gray and two of her daughters. Gray was the enslaved housekeeper to Robert E. Lee. National Park Service.

Gender inequality did not always fall along the same lines as racial inequality. Southern society, especially in the age of cotton, deferred

to white men, under whom laws, social norms, and cultural practices were written, dictated, and maintained. White and free women of

color lived in a society dominated, in nearly every aspect, by men. Denied voting rights, women, of all statuses and colors, had no direct

representation in the creation and discussion of law. Husbands, it was said, represented their wives, as the public sphere was too violent,

heated, and high-minded for women. Society expected women to represent the foundations of the republic, gaining respectability

through their work at home, in support of their husbands and children, away from the rough and boisterous realm of masculinity. In

many cases, too, law did not protect women the same way it protected men. In most states, marriage, an act expected of any self-respect-

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ing, reasonable woman of any class, e�ectively transferred all of a woman’s property to her husband, forever, regardless of claim or com-

mand. Divorce existed, but it hardly worked in a woman’s favor, and often, if successful, ruined the wife’s standing in society, and even

led to well-known cases of suicide.

Life on the ground in cotton South, like the cities, systems, and networks within which it rested, de�ed the standard narrative of the Old

South. Slavery existed to dominate, yet enslaved people formed bonds, maintained traditions, and crafted new culture. They fell in love,

had children, and protected one another using the privileges granted them by their captors, and the basic intellect allowed all human be-

ings. They were resourceful, brilliant, and vibrant, and they created freedom where freedom seemingly could not exist. And within

those communities, resilience and dedication often led to cultural sustenance. Among the enslaved, women, and the impoverished-but-

free, culture thrived in ways that are di�cult to see through the bales of cotton and the stacks of money sitting on the docks and in the

counting houses of the South’s urban centers. But religion, honor, and pride transcended material goods, especially among those who

could not express themselves that way.

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The issue of emigration elicited disparate reactions from African Americans. Tens of thousands left the United States for Liberia, a map of which is shown here, to pursue greater freedoms and prosperity. Most emigrants did not experience such success, but Liberia continued to attract Black settlers for decades. J. Ashmun, Map of the West Coast of Africa from Sierra Leone to Cape Palmas, including the colony of Liberia…, 1830. Library of Congress.

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VI. Religion and Honor in the Slave South

Economic growth, violence, and exploitation coexisted and mutually reinforced evangelical Christianity in the South. The revivals the

Second Great Awakening established the region’s prevailing religious culture. Led by Methodists, Baptists, and to a lesser degree, Presby-

terians, this intense period of religious regeneration swept the along southern backcountry. By the outbreak of the Civil War, the vast

majority of southerners who a�liated with a religious denomination belonged to either the Baptist or Methodist faith. Both churches

in the South brie�y attacked slavery before transforming into some of the most vocal defenders of slavery and the southern social order.

Southern ministers contended that God himself had selected Africans for bondage but also considered the evangelization of enslaved

people to be one of their greatest callings. Missionary e�orts among enslaved southerners largely succeeded and Protestantism spread

rapidly among African Americans, leading to a proliferation of biracial congregations and prominent independent Black churches.

Some Black and white southerners forged positive and rewarding biracial connections; however, more often Black and white southern-

ers described strained or super�cial religious relationships.

As the institution of slavery hardened racism in the South, relationships between missionaries and Native Americans transformed as

well. Missionaries of all denominations were among the �rst to represent themselves as “pillars of white authority.” After the Louisiana

Purchase in 1803, plantation culture expanded into the Deep South, and mission work became a crucial element of Christian expan-

sion. Frontier mission schools carried a continual �ow of Christian in�uence into Native American communities. Some missionaries

learned Indigenous languages, but many more worked to prevent Indigenous children from speaking their native tongues, insisting on

English for Christian understanding. By the Indian removals of 1835 and the Trail of Tears in 1838, missionaries in the South preached

a pro-slavery theology that emphasized obedience to enslavers, the biblical basis of racial slavery via the curse of Ham, and the “civilizing”

paternalism of enslavers.

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Enslaved people most commonly received Christian instruction from white preachers or enslavers, whose religious message typically

stressed the subservience of enslaved people. Anti-literacy laws ensured that most enslaved people would be unable to read the Bible in

its entirety and thus could not acquaint themselves with such inspirational stories as Moses delivering the Israelites out of slavery. Con-

tradictions between God’s Word and enslavers’ cruelty did not pass unnoticed by many enslaved African Americans. As formerly en-

slaved person William Wells Brown declared, “slaveholders hide themselves behind the Church,” adding that “a more praying, preach-

ing, psalm-singing people cannot be found than the slaveholders of the South.”

Many enslaved people chose to create and practice their own versions of Christianity, one that typically incorporated aspects of tradi-

tional African religions with limited input from the white community. Nat Turner, the leader of the great slave rebellion, found inspira-

tion from religion early in life. Adopting an austere Christian lifestyle during his adolescence, Turner claimed to have been visited by

“spirits” during his twenties and considered himself something of a prophet. He claimed to have had visions, in which he was called on

to do the work of God, leading some contemporaries (as well as historians) to question his sanity.

Inspired by his faith, Turner led the most deadly slave rebellion in the antebellum South. On the morning of August 22, 1831, in

Southampton County, Virginia, Nat Turner and six collaborators attempted to free the region’s enslaved population. Turner initiated

the violence by killing his enslaver with an ax blow to the head. By the end of the day, Turner and his band, which had grown to over

�fty men, killed �fty-seven white men, women, and children on eleven farms. By the next day, the local militia and white residents had

captured or killed all of the participants except Turner, who hid for a number of weeks in nearby woods before being captured and exe-

cuted. The white terror that followed Nat Turner’s rebellion transformed southern religion, as anti-literacy laws increased and Black-led

churches were broken up and placed under the supervision of white ministers.

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This woodcut captured the terror felt by white southerners in the aftermath of Nat Turner’s rebellion. After the rebellion, fearful white reactionaries killed hundreds of en- slaved people—most of whom were unconnected to the rebellion— and the state created stricter, more limiting laws concerning slavery. African American Intellectual History Society.

Evangelical religion also shaped understandings of what it meant to be a southern man or a southern woman. Southern manhood was

largely shaped by an obsession with masculine honor, whereas southern womanhood centered on expectations of sexual virtue or purity.

Honor prioritized the public recognition of white masculine claims to reputation and authority. Southern men developed a code to rit-

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ualize their interactions with each other and to perform their expectations of honor. This code structured language and behavior and

was designed to minimize con�ict. But when con�ict did arise, the code also provided rituals that would reduce the resulting violence.

The formal duel exempli�ed the code in action. If two men could not settle a dispute through the arbitration of their friends, they

would exchange pistol shots to prove their equal honor status. Duelists arranged a secluded meeting, chose from a set of deadly weapons,

and risked their lives as they clashed with swords or �red pistols at one another. Some of the most illustrious men in American history

participated in a duel at some point during their lives, including President Andrew Jackson, Vice President Aaron Burr, and U.S. sena-

tors Henry Clay and Thomas Hart Benton. In all but Burr’s case, dueling helped elevate these men to prominence.

Violence among the lower classes, especially those in the backcountry, involved �st�ghts and shoot-outs. Tactics included the sharpening

of �ngernails and �ling of teeth into razor-sharp points, which would be used to gouge eyes and bite o� ears and noses. In a duel, a gen-

tleman achieved recognition by risking his life rather than killing his opponent, whereas those involved in rough-and-tumble �ghting

achieved victory through maiming their opponent.

The legal system was partially to blame for the prevalence of violence in the Old South. Although states and territories had laws against

murder, rape, and various other forms of violence, including speci�c laws against dueling, upper-class southerners were rarely prosecut-

ed, and juries often acquitted the accused. Despite the fact that hundreds of duelists fought and killed one another, there is little evi-

dence that many duelists faced prosecution, and only one, Timothy Bennett (of Belleville, Illinois), was ever executed. By contrast, pros-

ecutors routinely sought cases against lower-class southerners, who were found guilty in greater numbers than their wealthier

counterparts.

The southern emphasis on honor a�ected women as well. While southern men worked to maintain their sense of masculinity; so too

southern women cultivated a sense of femininity. Femininity in the South was intimately tied to the domestic sphere, even more so than

for women in the North. The cult of domesticity strictly limited the ability of wealthy southern women to engage in public life. While

northern women began to organize reform societies, southern women remained bound to the home, where they were instructed to cul-

tivate their families’ religious sensibility and manage their household. Managing the household was not easy work, however. For women

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on large plantations, managing the household would include directing a large bureaucracy of potentially rebellious enslaved people. For

most southern women who did not live on plantations, managing the household included nearly constant work in keeping families

clean, fed, and well-behaved. On top of these duties, many southern women were required to help with agricultural tasks.

Female labor was an important aspect of the southern economy, but the social position of women in southern culture was understood

not through economic labor but rather through moral virtue. While men fought to get ahead in the turbulent world of the cotton

boom, women were instructed to o�er a calming, moralizing in�uence on husbands and children. The home was to be a place of quiet

respite and spiritual solace. Under the guidance of a virtuous woman, the southern home would foster the values required for economic

success and cultural re�nement. Female virtue came to be understood largely as a euphemism for sexual purity, and southern culture,

southern law, and southern violence largely centered on protecting that virtue of sexual purity from any possible imagined threat. In a

world saturated with the sexual exploitation of Black women, southerners developed a paranoid obsession with protecting the sexual pu-

rity of white women. Black men were presented as an insatiable sexual threat. Racial systems of violence and domination were wielded

with crushing intensity for generations, all in the name of keeping white womanhood as pure as the cotton that anchored southern

society.

VII. Conclusion

Cotton created the antebellum South. The wildly pro�table commodity opened a previously closed society to the grandeur, the pro�t,

the exploitation, and the social dimensions of a larger, more connected, global community. In this way, the South, and the world, bene-

�ted from the Cotton Revolution and the urban growth it sparked. But not all that glitters is gold. Slavery remained and the internal

slave trade grew to untold heights as the 1860s approached. Politics, race relations, and the burden of slavery continued beneath the roar

of steamboats, countinghouses, and the exchange of goods. Underneath it all, many questions remained—chief among them, what to

do if slavery somehow came under threat.

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VIII. Primary Sources

1. Nat Turner explains the Southampton rebellion, 1831

In August 1831, Nat Turner led a group of enslaved and free Black men in a rebellion that killed over �fty white men, women, and

children. Nat Turner understood his rebellion as an act of God. While he awaited trial, Turner spoke with the white attorney,

Thomas Ru�n Gray, who wrote their conversations into the following document.

2. Harriet Jacobs on rape and slavery, 1860

Harriet Jacobs was born into slavery in North Carolina. After escaping to New York, Jacobs eventually wrote a narrative of her en-

slavement under the pseudonym of Linda Brent. In this excerpt, Jacobs explains her experience struggling with sexual assault from

her enslaver.

3. Solomon Northup describes a slave market, 1841

Solomon Northup was a free Black man in New York who was captured and sold into slavery. After twelve years, he was rescued

and returned to his family. Shortly thereafter, he published a narrative of his experiences as a slave. This excerpt describes the horrors

he saw in a slave market.

4. George Fitzhugh argues that slavery is better than liberty and equality, 1854

As the nineteenth century progressed, some Americans shifted their understanding of slavery from a necessary evil to a positive

good. George Fitzhugh o�ered one of the most consistent and sophisticated defenses of slavery. His study Sociology for the

http://www.americanyawp.com/reader/the-cotton-revolution/nat-turner-explains-his-rebellion-1831/

http://www.americanyawp.com/reader/the-cotton-revolution/harriet-jacobs-on-rape-and-slavery/

http://www.americanyawp.com/reader/the-cotton-revolution/solomon-northrup-describes-a-slave-market-1841/

http://www.americanyawp.com/reader/the-cotton-revolution/george-fitzhugh-argues-that-slavery-is-better-than-liberty-and-equality-1854/

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South attacked northern society as corrupt and slavery as a gentle system designed to “protect” the inferior Black race and promote

social harmony.

5. Sermon on the duties of a Christian woman, 1851

The Market Revolution brought a hardening of gender roles in both the North and the South, but the South tended to hold more

tightly to the expectation of “separate spheres.” In this sermon, Rev. Aldert Smedes of Raleigh, North Carolina, praises the virtues

of women and explains the duties of a Christian woman.

6. Mary Polk Branch remembers plantation life, 1912

The coexistence of brutal oppression and genuine a�ection was but one of many contradictions in the antebellum slave system. In

this postwar re�ection, Mary Polk Branch recalls her life as an enslaver. We see here how many white southerners justi�ed the own-

ership of human beings, as well as an indication of the priorities and perspectives of enslaving women.

7. William Wells Brown, “Clotel; or, The President’s Daughter: A Narrative of Slave Life in the United States,” 1853

First published in London, Clotel; or, The President’s Daughter (1853) by William Wells Brown is considered the �rst novel by an

African-American. Brown was born in slavery in Kentucky and escaped to freedom at the age of 20. Opening with the auction of

Currer, the supposed mistress of Thomas Je�erson, and their two daughters, Clotel and Althesa. Je�erson indeed had a sexual rela-

tionship with an enslaved woman named Sally Hemmings, but this story does more to expose the horrifying realities of life under

slavery than explain the particular experiences of Sally Hemmings and her children.

8. Painting of enslaved persons for sale, 1861

http://www.americanyawp.com/reader/the-cotton-revolution/sermon-on-the-duties-of-a-christian-woman-1851/

http://www.americanyawp.com/reader/the-cotton-revolution/mary-polk-branch-remembers-plantation-life-1912/

http://www.americanyawp.com/reader/the-cotton-revolution/william-wells-brown-clotel-or-the-presidents-daughter-a-narrative-of-slave-life-in-the-united-states-1853/

http://www.americanyawp.com/reader/enslaved-persons-for-sale/

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The English painter Eyre Crowe traveled through the American South in the early 1850s. He was particularly shocked to see the

horrors of a slave market where families were torn apart by sale. In this painting, Crowe depicts an enslaved man, several women,

and children waiting to be sold at auction.

9. Proslavery cartoon, 1850

European alliances helped the American antislavery movement. But proslavery supporters also drew transatlantic comparisons. This

proslavery image ignorantly portrays enslaved people who, according to white observers, were cheerful and pleased with their

bondage. Proslavery advocates attempted to claim that English factory workers su�ered a worse “slavery” than enslaved Africans and

African Americans in the American South.

IX. Reference Material

This chapter was edited by Andrew Wegmann, with content contributions by Ian Beamish, Amanda Bellows, Marjorie Brown,

Matthew Byron, Ste� Cerato, Kristin Condotta, Mari Crabtree, Je� Fortney, Robert Gudmestad, John Marks, Maria Montalvo, James

Anthony Owen, Katherine Rohrer, Marie Stango, James Wellborn, Ben Wright, and Ashley Young.

Recommended citation: Ian Beamish et al., “The Cotton Revolution,” Andrew Wegmann, ed., in The American Yawp, eds. Joseph

Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).