week 5
GEMENI80
10CH_Mossler_Child.pdf
10Intelligence and Developmental Disabilities in Education
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Learning Objectives
After completing this module, you should be able to:
ሁ Understand the meaning of concordance rates and how they are used in the study of development. ሁ Appreciate various interpretations of intelligence and how each has been used historically and in
contemporary education. ሁ Provide practical examples of skills and behaviors that are consistent with Gardner’s multiple
intelligences. ሁ Define levels of intelligence and connect them to educational and occupational capabilities. ሁ Describe behavioral characteristics of children who are on the autism spectrum. ሁ Outline the characteristics of various learning disabilities and examine the choices for potential
intervention.
Section 10.1Intelligence: Nature and Nurture, Stability and Change
Prologue My son’s best friend, Lee, is the oldest of two children. By anybody’s estimation he is hand- some and athletic and has a brilliant mind. He earned nearly all A’s from second grade on and recorded a perfect score on the SAT while barely a junior in high school. He won numerous awards and honors that took him all over the country. He excelled in college, graduating from a premier university, and landed a high-paying job in his chosen field. Lee’s younger brother is his polar opposite. Just a few years younger, Danny is cognitively impaired and does not speak or walk. His brain and body are not developed enough for him to digest food properly. While Danny was in his teens, his parents gave up the struggle to teach him how to chew and swallow, so he is now fed through a tube in his stomach. Danny’s parents decided not to have any more children. The uncertainty of outcome as well as the increased time and financial commitment that Danny brought weighed heavily in their decision.
I have other friends with a child who has Prader-Willi syndrome, a condition usually marked by intellectual deficits and an insatiable appetite. “Peter Turner” is severely impaired intel- lectually. He has limited language and does not have the cognitive capability to form words, though he does use rudimentary language both by sign and by a combination of grunts and unique words. As a young adult, Peter barely bathes himself and has not mastered the toilet.
Like Danny’s parents, the Turners devoted countless hours to Peter’s care. When Peter was 2, he was introduced to a group of a dozen other children of similar age and who had similar disabilities; by the time Peter was 18, he was the only one of his cohort who was still alive. Knowing that subse- quent children could also inherit Peter’s dis- ability, his parents nevertheless went on to have three intellectually gifted and talented children. The three younger siblings vary in their skills on the athletic field, in the class- room, and in artistic expression. Like Lee and Danny, the contrast among the Turner family children is striking.
Of course most children, by definition, are neither intellectually gifted nor intellectually dis- abled. It should now be quite apparent that individual differences, like those in the two fami- lies just described, are due to a combination of hereditary and environmental factors. Whereas some earlier modules outlined how development occurs according to various theories, this module focuses on the ways in which Danny, Lee, the Turners, and other children and adoles- cents express these differences. We want to learn what kinds of cognitive variation exist.
10.1 Intelligence: Nature and Nurture, Stability and Change
Though intelligence is studied widely, there is no consensus on exactly what it is or how it should be defined. In general, most measures include features like the ability to reason, solve problems, learn, communicate, and understand. Somewhat controversial is the idea
Courtesy of Ron Mossler ሁ Danny (left) and Lee.
Section 10.1Intelligence: Nature and Nurture, Stability and Change
of accumulated knowledge. Intuitively it makes sense that people who have acquired more information are considered more intelligent. But if the amount of information that you know is a determining factor in assessing intelligence, you could essentially boost your intelligence by learning more “facts.” By definition, though, intelligence is a somewhat stable trait; you could not boost your score on an intelligence test by cramming the week before. Instead, intelligence is thought to represent aptitude, or innate potential for learning. For the most part, aptitude is thought to represent skills that are somewhat fixed. Psychologists and educa- tors contrast aptitude with achievement, which is dynamic and driven by education and other environmental factors.
The study of intelligence exemplifies how psychologists study the relative impact of nature and nurture; it is also integral to the discussion regarding stability and change. For instance, among numerous other studies, Canivez and Watkins (2001) found intelligence was quite stable across a variety of populations, including those with specific learning and intellectual disabilities, and serious emotional disturbances.
By contrast, researchers have argued for quite some time that scores on intelligence tests can change considerably depending on various environmental variables. Differ- ences can develop over both the short term and extended periods, since many circum- stances affect the way inheritance unfolds (Schwartz & Elonen, 1975; Weinberg, Scarr, & Waldman, 1992). A simple example occurs when children who eat breakfast learn more at school than those who do not (Adolphus, Lawton, & Dye, 2013). In this way, genetics provides the foundation onto which environmental variables build.
So, who is correct? As you have discovered about many issues in development, perhaps both sides are. However, psychologists do not have ethical or practical ways to conduct controlled experiments that will separate the effects of heredity and environment. Instead, we turn to naturally occurring cir- cumstances that can be used to compare the relative influences of heredity and the environment. Particularly valuable information is obtained by recording similarities and differences among twins who were raised separately and among those who were raised together. The next section introduces you to this important method of research.
Twin Studies In classic studies, scientists have for decades compared identical twins raised together (who have an identical genetic code and similar upbringing) to identical twins raised apart (who have an identical genetic code and different upbringings). Like twins, parents and biologi- cal siblings are called first-order (or first-degree) relatives. We also compare second-order
Monkeybusinessimages/iStock/Thinkstock ሁ Intelligence is determined partly by a genetic
foundation that is present at birth. However, during childhood, environmental influences build on that foundation to determine a wide range of intellectual pathways. Therefore, the multiple effects of heredity and the environment on intelligence offer an excellent example of how psychologists study the confluence of nature and nurture.
Section 10.1Intelligence: Nature and Nurture, Stability and Change
relatives, like grandparents, uncles, and aunts, who are two generations removed. The farther a person’s generation is from a comparison individual, the less genetic information is shared.
Similarly, the closer that two individuals are genetically, the more likely they are to share similar traits. Some relationships might appear self-evident, but without actual data it is dif- ficult to know for sure. For example, you might assume that the child of a professional athlete excels because of genetic endowment, but a professional athlete might also provide superior experiences. Scientifically, we measure relative genetic influence like athletic ability and intel- ligence by the concordance rate. This rate describes the proportion of a particular trait that two individuals share, when one of the pair has the trait. Twins, parents and children, half- siblings, or any other pairs are concordant when they either share a particular trait or both lack the trait.
The ratio of concordance can range from 0 to 1.0. If all pairs of twins were found to have exactly the same intelligence, for example, the concordance rate for intelligence among twins would be 1.0; if no relationship existed between the intelligence of twins (the intelligence of all twin pairs was completely random), the concordance rate would be zero (see Figure 10.1).
Figure 10.1: Estimated trait heritability ሁ Estimated concordance rates for nine traits among identical (MZ) and fraternal (DZ) twins.
Estimated trait heritability
C o
rr e la
ti o
n b
e tw
e e n
t w
in s
0.0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1.0
0.22 0.46 0.42 0.51 0.40 0.38 0.22 0.50 0.52
MZ DZ
M em
or y
Ne ur
ot ici
sm
Vo ca
tio na
l in te
re st s
(a do
le sc
en ce
)
Ex tro
ve rs
io n
Sp at
ia l r
ea so
ni ng
Sc ho
la st ic
ac hi ev
em en
t
(a do
le sc
en ce
)
Pr oc
es sin
g sp
ee d
Ve rb
al re
as on
in g
G en
er al
in te
llig en
ce
Source: Pete Hurd/ Wikipedia.
In an attempt to quantify the heritability of certain human behaviors like intelligence, lan- guage ability, and depression, Malouff, Rooke, and Schutte (2008) conducted a meta- analysis that included hundreds of samples of monozygotic and dizygotic twins, which included both twins raised together and twins raised apart. They concluded that an estimated 41% of human behavioral characteristics are inherited. Their conclusions were based on the finding
Section 10.1Intelligence: Nature and Nurture, Stability and Change
that if the percentage was lower than 41%, then the human species could not take advantage of evolutionary advances. If the percentage was substantially higher, then we would lack flex- ibility to change over time. They conceded that estimates may apply only to the specific traits that were studied, but this research supports the idea that both genetics and learning are essential to developmental differences.
In the case of intelligence, Bouchard and McGue (1981) reviewed research from 111 studies worldwide and found that concordance rates for identical twins reared together was about .85; for identical twins reared separately, it was about .67. Though both groups demonstrate strong heritability of intelligence by having high concordance rates, the significant difference between the rates points to the influence of environmental variables. Additionally, Bouchard and McGue confirmed studies that found fraternal twins (who are not genetically identical) had lower concordance rates for intelligence than identical twins, pointing to a stronger genetic effect, as shown in Figure 10.2. A comprehensive review by the American Psychologi- cal Association in 1996 also found a .15 difference in concordance rates between twins raised together and those raised apart (Neisser et al., 1996). The higher concordance rate among identical twins, when compared to fraternal twins, demonstrates the strong genetic contri- bution of intelligence; however, sets of identical or fraternal twins who are reared together (similar environment) have a higher concordance rate than sets who are reared apart, dem- onstrating the contribution of nurture!
Figure 10.2: Similarity of intelligence scores ሁ The difference between a and b indicates an environmental effect on intelligence, given that
genetics are the same in identical twins. The difference between a and c indicates genetic effects on intelligence, since the environment, on average, is the same. The differences among c, d, and e indicate a genetic effect, since fraternal twins and siblings share some genetics, whereas unrelated individuals do not.
C o
n c o
rd a n
c e r
a te
o f
IQ
0
0.20
0.40
0.60
0.80
0.10
0.30
0.50
0.70
0.90
1.00
Lower correlation than identical twins shows genetic effects
Lower correlation than identical twins reared together shows some environmental effect
Same genes
Different environment
Different genes Same environment
Different genes Same environment
Id en
tic al tw
in s
re ar
ed to
ge th
er
Fr at
er na
l t wi
ns
re ar
ed to
ge th
er
Si bl in gs
re ar
ed
to ge
th er
Un re
la te
d
in di vid
ua ls
re ar
ed to
ge th
er
Id en
tic al tw
in s
re ar
ed a
pa rt
a b c d e
Source: From T. J. Bouchard, Jr. and M. McGue. “Familial studies of intelligence: A review,” Science, 212, 1055–1059. Copyright © 1982. Reprinted by permission of The American Association for the Advancement of Science.
Section 10.2Traditional Intelligence Testing
Adoption Studies Although nature clearly plays a large role in the development of intelligence, the data on twins have shown that a more advantaged environment (nurture) can have a significant positive effect on intelligence (e.g., Duyme, Dumaret, & Tomkiewicz, 1999; Munsinger, 1975; Scarr & Weinberg 1976; Schiff et al., 1978; van IJzendoorn, Juffer, & Poelhuis, 2005). Duyme et al. (1999) studied the files of 5,003 adopted children who had been abused or neglected during infancy and then adopted when they were between 4 and 6 years of age. Less than 10 years later, the children who had been adopted by families of high socioeconomic status (SES) had significantly higher intelligence than those children who were adopted by low-SES families.
Furthermore, a study of adolescent criminal offenders found that young males who were born to single mothers had a higher risk of intellectual impairment than those who were born into two-parent families (Walsh, 1990). And a well-known transracial study in Minne- sota found that black children who were adopted into higher-income white families scored significantly better on tests of intellectual ability, compared to children who were adopted by lower-income black parents (Scarr & Weinberg, 1976; Weinberg, Scarr, & Waldman, 1992).
In the Minnesota study, at least two potential factors were related to nurture. Not only was the social environment of the white families inherently different than what the children would have experienced with a black family, but the white families were also economically advan- taged, compared to the black families. The researchers concluded that “there is no question that adoption constitutes a massive [environmental] intervention” and that “social variables [not race] accounted for a substantial portion” of the variance (Scarr & Weinberg, 1976).
These differences highlight the many different ways of studying intelligence. The next section investigates traditional models that look at intelligence as a single factor.
S E C T I O N R E V I E W Explain how twin and adoption studies inform us about the relative inf luences of biological and environmental inf luences.
10.2 Traditional Intelligence Testing The British anthropologist and pioneering statistician Sir Francis Galton (1822–1911) is credited with being the first scientist to propose a biological basis for intelligence. He set out to find variables that could predict intelligence, including factors like head size (for which he found no relationship) and reaction times (for which he found a mild relationship).
At the beginning of the 1900s, psychologist Alfred Binet (1857–1911) was commissioned by the French Ministry of Education to identify students who would be predicted to need special help in school. As a result, Binet soon developed the first usable intelligence test. He cor- rectly surmised that intellect increased with age, and so he devised questions that children of typical ages could answer correctly. The test assessed factors like memory, verbal skills, and general knowledge.
Section 10.2Traditional Intelligence Testing
A few years later, in 1912, William Stern created the concept of the intelligence quotient (IQ). To calculate IQ, mental age (MA) is divided by chronological age (CA) and then mul- tiplied by 100. So if MA and CA are the same, then IQ is 100, or at the expected average (see Table 10.1). If MA is greater than CA, then IQ is greater than 100; if the reverse is true, then IQ is less than 100. For example, if a 10 year old has the MA of a 12 year old, IQ would be 12/10 × 100 = 120.
Table 10.1: Examples of IQ calculations ሁ Source: In example a, MA = CA and IQ is 100. In example b, MA > CA and IQ is greater than 100.
When MA < CA, IQ is less than 100, as in example c.
(a) (b) (c)
Mental age (MA) 7 12 15
Chronological age (CA) 7 10 17
Formula (7/7) × 100 = 100 (12/10) × 100 = 120 (15/17) × 100 = 88
In 1916, Lewis Terman of Stanford University revised Binet’s test, and it became known as the Stanford-Binet intelligence test. It provided a global measure of intelligence using IQ as a standard measurement of intellectual ability. The idea of a single variable to describe intelligence was consistent with the subsequent theory of Charles Spearman (1863–1945). As a psychologist who specialized in statistics, Spearman theorized that intelligence could be quantified as g (general intelligence) and derived from statistical operations (Spearman, 1923). Spearman agreed that intelligence included many different kinds of mental activities; he simply felt that they could be synthesized mathematically into one general factor.
In 1949, David Wechsler (1896–1981) developed the Wechsler Intelligence Scales for Chil- dren (WISC) and was able to standardize a number of subscales in addition to full-scale IQ. So not only did testing provide a measure of g, but also results were able to address strengths and weaknesses in 13 different areas (scales) like abstract reasoning, attention, processing speed, and factual knowledge. This change in focus from a simple number indicating intelli- gence has been an important advancement in the assessment as well as the definition of intel- ligence. Today, depending on strengths and weaknesses on different scales, clusters of scores can be used to analyze and diagnose specific kinds of learning patterns. Certain profiles on the WISC may indicate giftedness, a learning disability, or specific attention problems that may impact learning. They also can sometimes correlate with mental problems.
The latest revision of the Stanford-Binet offers a constellation of measures similar to the WISC. In addition, the Stanford-Binet has followed the Wechsler model of creating a deviation IQ to determine mental age. The deviation IQ is a statistical measure (based on standard devia- tion) computed to find out how much a particular score deviates from the average of 100. A significantly high or low deviation from 100 suggests someone who is significantly more or less intelligent than average. By definition, developers of both instruments place the middle 68% of scores between an IQ of 85 and 115. As Figure 10.3 indicates, an IQ of 130 represents a score higher than 97.7% of the population, and an IQ of 70 represents a score that is lower than 97.7% of the population; both scores deviate from the average by the same amount.
Section 10.3Sternberg’s Triarchic Theory
Figure 10.3: Normal curve for intelligence ሁ Human traits are assumed to follow the pattern of the normal curve. The distribution of IQ scores
is a common example of this pattern. In a normal distribution, it is assumed that there are similar percentages (14%) of scores between 115 and 130 and between 85 and 70. Additionally, an IQ of 130 is just as rare as an IQ of 70; both are two standard deviations away from the mean of 100.
N u
m b
e r
o f
c a s e s
Scores on IQ test 55 70 85 100 115 130 145 Standard Deviation -3 -2 -1 0 +1 +2 +3
0.13%
2.15% 2.15%
13.59% 13.59%
34.13% 34.13%
percent of cases under the normal curve
It is difficult to know whether the Stanford-Binet and the WISC drive the definition of intel- ligence, or if those instruments truly reflect what psychologists agree is intelligence. That is, in some ways intelligence is what an intelligence test measures. An IQ test would not be as meaningful if intelligence was thought of differently. In the next section, we explore these alternative conceptualizations.
S E C T I O N R E V I E W Explain the origins of our current methods of measuring intelligence.
10.3 Sternberg’s Triarchic Theory Rather than looking at intelligence as an overall range of innate potential, Robert Sternberg (1949– ) formulated a theory combining the information-processing approach to cognitive development with psychosocial development (Sternberg, 2005). He argues that traditional theories of intelligence favor individuals who have strong memory and analytical abilities. Conventional measurement instruments like the WISC and the Stanford-Binet describe intel- ligence only partially; it cannot be measured by a single variable like g. As a result, conven- tional intelligence testing may mislabel children as unintelligent even though they may have skills to succeed. Conversely, some who are labeled intelligent may have weaker overall skills.
Section 10.3Sternberg’s Triarchic Theory
Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence proposes that intelligence exists in three forms: analytic, creative, and practical. Analytic intelligence consists of more conventional kinds of memory, analysis, and information processing. This part of intelligence is closest to the tra- ditional notion, including activities required to encode, store, and retrieve information. In turn, these processes contribute to metacognitive tasks like applying strategies, monitoring progress, and evaluating outcomes. Sternberg would test for analytic intelligence in a fashion similar to Vygotsky, according to whom learning and applying strategies is more important than finding one correct answer.
Creative intelligence uses experience to devise useful solutions (novel or otherwise) to prob- lems. Children who have more experiential intelligence are more efficient processors of infor- mation. As creative intelligence increases, more solutions become automatic behaviors, like reading the word caution on a sign, calculating “How much is 10% off of $35?”, and being able to fix a bicycle tire without thinking about the process.
As experience grows, so does the ability to find creative solutions. Practical intelligence consists of the practical side of adapting to the environment. Children and adolescents who have this kind of intelligence show that adaptation is dependent on everyday con- texts, like displaying “street smarts” or understanding how to behave in a job interview. If adaptation proves difficult, people with high practical intelligence try to shape the situ- ation to meet their needs. For instance, adolescents who do poorly in the context of stan- dardized testing and memorization of facts may show sophisticated abilities in computer technology, auto mechanics, or art and pursue those fields independently. Children in poorer countries who are able to prosper without formal education show a high degree of practical intelligence.
More recently, Sternberg has expanded on the way he views the sociocultural compo- nent of his theory (Sternberg, 2005). Part of what he calls successful intelligence includes “the ability to achieve one’s goals in life, given one’s sociocultural context” (p. 189). It requires a balance between the triarchic components illustrated in Figure 10.4. It is not enough to simply know (analytic) information, it must also be applied (practical) and communicated to others in a manner that is useful (creative) for the field. What might be “intelligent” in one culture may not be in another. Therefore, success is defined by the attainment of appropriate, worthwhile cultural goals and the skills to achieve them. When people are able to adapt to the environment, they are intelligent and successful. Focus- ing on “closed systems” that promote only those students who excel in tests of memory and analysis excludes the potential successes of people who demonstrate different kinds abilities (p. 200).
Section 10.3Sternberg’s Triarchic Theory
Figure 10.4: Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence ሁ According to Sternberg, intelligence has three components. Analytic intelligence consists of
more conventional kinds of memory, analysis, and information processing. Creative intelligence uses experience to help find solutions to problems. As experience grows, so does the ability to find creative solutions. Practical intelligence involves adapting to the environmental context. Successful intelligence, or the achievement of goals, depends on culture and a balance among the three components.
Practical intelligence
Finding solutions, adapting to the
environment, and selecting appropriate
context.
Creative intelligence
Automation of thinking and behavior as a result of experience.
Analytic intelligence
Knowledge acquisition, analysis and
abstract thinking.
Source: Adapted from Sternberg, 1985; 2005.
Critical Thinking Provide examples of a practical skill in an urban environment, a rural environment, a developed country, and an undeveloped country.
Evaluation of the Triarchic Theory The triarchic theory has been criticized for too easily dismissing traditional tests and g as unrepresentative of practical intelligence. It is argued that overall intelligence does indeed have predictive value. It is related to educational achievement, job performance, income, and even survival skills (Deary, Strand, Smith, & Fernandes, 2007; Gottfredson, 2003). Conversely, although people with below-average IQs can perform tasks successfully, it is likely due to dif- ferences in experience and motivation, not because of an alternative kind of intelligence. Low- intelligence workers can outperform high-intelligence workers who are inexperienced, but only until the latter gain equal experience.
S E C T I O N R E V I E W Provide a practical example of how an adolescent might fit into Sternberg’s triarchic model.
Section 10.4Gardner’s Theory of Multiple Intelligences
10.4 Gardner’s Theory of Multiple Intelligences Howard Gardner (1943– ) proposed another kind of model for intelligence (2004). His the- ory of multiple intelligences suggests that intelligence can be categorized into eight distinct domains, each with its own kind of processing operation (see Table 10.2).
Table 10.2: Gardner’s eight intelligences Linguistic intelligence refers to skills involved in the production and use of language. Examples of pro- fessionals with high linguistic intelligence include writers and teachers. School subjects affected by linguistic intelligence include spelling, reading, English, and most others.
Spatial intelligence involves skills related to visu- alization, like those used to solve puzzles and read maps and those used in art, design, and drafting and architecture. Related school subjects include art and engineering.
Logical-mathematical intelligence uses abstract reasoning, logic, and numbers. Chess players use this kind of intelligence (as well as spatial intelli- gence), as do mathematicians, physicians, and other scientists. Math and science classes are consistent with logical-mathematical intelligence.
Musical intelligence is the ability to perform tasks related to music. Composers and musicians have high musical intelligence. Music and singing classes involve musical intelligence.
Bodily-kinesthetic intelligence involves the control of one’s body and the coordination of movement. Athletes, dancers, some construction workers and mechanics, and surgeons use bodily-kinesthetic intelligence. Related school subjects include physi- cal education, music, dance, and perhaps acting classes.
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(continued)
Section 10.4Gardner’s Theory of Multiple Intelligences
Interpersonal intelligence involves the ability to interact with others. It is associated with the ability to become leaders, teachers, and managers. People with high interpersonal intelligence are sensitive to the moods and feelings of others and communicate well. Sensitive parents, salespeople, and teachers are examples of people with this kind of intelli- gence. Related school activities include working in groups, brainstorming, problem solving, engaging in speech, and peer tutoring.
Intrapersonal intelligence refers to how well people know themselves. People who continue to make the same mistakes in relationships or planning have poor intrapersonal intelligence. People who exhibit high intelligence in this area are often disciplined and work better alone, compared to those who are low in this area. Occupations needing high intrap- ersonal intelligence include theologians, psycholo- gists, and writers. Students who are good planners usually have higher intrapersonal intelligence than those who forget assignments or rush to get them completed.
Naturalistic intelligence has to do with the under- standing of nature. Biologists and park rangers are representative of people with this kind of intelli- gence. School-related subjects include those related to the natural sciences, like biology and environ- mental science.
As Table 10.2 shows, each of the intelligences has distinct importance. A child who demon- strates ability in one area is not necessarily more or less intelligent than a child who dem- onstrates different abilities. Even though intelligence is biologically based, education is an important determinant in transforming potential into a usable process (Connell, Sheridan, & Gardner, 2003).
F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : G r o u n d w o r k f o r F u t u r e C h o i c e s How can you increase the chances that children will go to college? One thing parents can do is exploit what we know about thinking to set the groundwork for future behavior. When children are young, discuss college as a “when,” not an “if.” Parents and educators do not usually discuss high school as if it is an option; they can present college the same way: “After elementary school is middle school, then high school, then college.”
High school is simply a prelude to college and a career. If concrete thinkers are not given a choice, college after high school is a more likely outcome.
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Section 10.5Extremes of Intelligence
Evaluation of Multiple Intelligences Theory Criticisms of the multiple intelligences theory parallel many of those leveled against Stern- berg. Unlike traditional intelligence testing, these theories are not supported empirically. Cognitive neuroscience has yet to find evidence that separate neural mechanisms exist for dif- ferent intelligences. In addition, biologically based intelligence presumes that brain processes have evolved among the eight domains because of an evolutionary advantage—evidence that has been lacking so far (Purdy, 2008; Waterhouse, 2006a, 2006b). Finally, to varying degrees, the multiple intelligences include a blend of cognitive factors already related to g. It is sug- gested that there are few differences after all (Visser, Ashton, & Vernon, 2006). Regardless, the triarchic and multiple intelligence theories have served as an important practical guide for educators to look beyond global intelligence and focus more on individual strengths.
S E C T I O N R E V I E W Identify a celebrity or a person you admire who you think fits each of Gardner’s intel- ligences. Then describe how that person may have demonstrated his or her aptitude as a child.
10.5 Extremes of Intelligence Remember Lee and Danny from the prologue to this module? They are each at different extremes of the normal curve. Danny has a severe intellectual disability. His IQ falls at the lower end of the normal curve shown in Figure 10.3. By definition, intellectual disability (formerly referred to as mental retardation) refers to individuals who test at 70 or less (two standard deviations below the mean) on an IQ test. On the other end of the spectrum are children like Lee, who are considered gifted, with an IQ of 130 or above. Sometimes, however, definitions at both intellectual extremes vary, as we see in this section.
Intellectual Disability An intellectual disability is no longer thought of as simply having a low IQ. We also want to assess for any functional impairments that are independent of intellectual functioning. Therefore, to make a specific diagnosis of intellectual disability, the contemporary perspec- tive looks to identify limitations in intellectual functioning in two or more areas of adaptive living, like communication, social skills, and daily hygiene (American Psychiatric Association, 2013; Schalock et al., 2007).
Intellectual disabilities can be due to both biological (including genetic) and environmental factors. The most common genetic or inherited factors are Down syndrome (Trisomy 21) and Fragile X syndrome, though many other genetic or chromosomal abnormalities can have a profound negative effect on intellectual functioning. Prenatal causes include fetal alcohol spectrum disorders, the mother’s substance abuse, poor health care and maternal nutrition, and exposure to viruses and other teratogens. Perinatal (birth) causes include complications of low birth weight (e.g., reduced lung capacity and oxygen flow) and trauma that results in brain damage. Intellectual disabilities due to postnatal causes are more common in poorer
Section 10.5Extremes of Intelligence
countries, where malnutrition can significantly affect brain development and catastrophic infections can destroy established brain tissue. Still, up to half of cases are of unknown origin (Daily, Ardinger, & Holmes, 2000; McDowell & Craven, 2011).
Mild Intellectual Disability Children with mild intellectual disability have an IQ range of 55–70. About 85% of those iden- tified as having intellectual disabilities are diagnosed with this mild form (American Psychi- atric Association, 2013). Children in this category may not be identified until after they begin formal education. Deficits in adaptive behavior may or may not be evident to nonprofession- als, though there is likely to be some impairment of independent activities. As an adult, some- one with an IQ of 65 may be quite able to socialize appropriately, live independently, do many kinds of work, get married, read enough to use basic computer processes, and order from a menu. In the less developed world, where children are put to work at an early age and formal education is limited, mild cognitive impairment may not be nearly as restrictive as it is in high-income countries.
All children, whether or not they have a cognitive impairment, attend school to prepare them- selves for independent living. But school activities for those with mild intellectual disability often focus on practical functions: navigating a computer, reading signs and menus, and plan- ning a budget. Because language difficulties coincide with intellectual deficits, social customs like those observed in a grocery store, through electronic communications, or over the phone are also emphasized. These children also have difficulty forming friendships, so school activi- ties include a generous amount of collaborative activities (Kasari, Iahromi, & Gulsrud, 2011). Not all children who have mild cognitive or functional impairments will eventually live inde- pendently; however, it remains the general goal of classroom activities.
In many ways, adolescents with mild intellectual disability are similar to other adolescents. They struggle with issues related to appearance, family, and self-esteem. They are usually well aware of their intellectual deficits, resulting in more self-doubt and questions about
self-worth. A focus on collaborative activi- ties and purposeful employment can help to ameliorate these feelings. Social and vocational integration has been found to be empowering for these adolescents and increases their sense of personal satisfac- tion (Wehman, 2013).
Moderate Intellectual Disability One standard deviation lower than 70 begins moderate intellectual disability, defined as an IQ in the range of 40–55. Most individuals with Down syndrome fall into this category. Typically there is a high inci- dence of physical health problems, like heart defects and thyroid diseases, and increased prevalence of mental health disorders that impact lifestyle. Together, these effects sub- stantially shorten lifespans (Crocker, Prokić,
Kim Gunkel/E+/Getty Images ሁ Intellectually disabled teens struggle with
self-esteem issues in much the same way as other adolescents.
Section 10.5Extremes of Intelligence
Morin, & Reyes, 2014; Van Schrojenstein Lantman-de Valk & Walsh, 2008). Speech delays among this group are particularly noticeable in early childhood, and children need consider- able help with self-care and community activities.
Educational potential is quite limited for children with moderate intellectual disability, but some students may attend a regular classroom for part of the school day. Otherwise, school skills usually focus on health and safety issues and daily skills, including navigating the neigh- borhood. With practice, these children can learn to travel alone to school, home, or another familiar place. Learning to use public transportation is a common school-related activity. Typically, teachers regularly accompany students outside the school boundaries for trips to the grocery store, library, or group work activities. Community involvement may include vol- unteer work or employment in a sheltered workshop where there is close supervision while children learn job skills.
Severe and Profound Intellectual Disability About 4% of individuals with intellectual disability have an IQ that ranges from 25 to 40 and fits the category of severe intellectual disability. Most develop speech and are usually able to feed themselves, but they generally do not prepare their own meals and need help with everyday necessities and routines. Those with this condition need nearly constant supervi- sion their entire lives. Individuals with an IQ below 25 have a profound intellectual disability. They have great difficulty with mobility and communication. A less-restrictive community model that makes use of group homes for those with severe and profound intellectual dis- abilities is gradually replacing the old model of institutionalization.
Like other children in the United States, those with intellectual disabilities—no matter how severe—are entitled to a free and appropriate education. All schoolchildren need to be able to communicate their needs to a receptive adult and have access to their physical and learning environments. Those guidelines often mean that assistive technology like scribes, specialized computers, and assistive listening devices are employed in the classroom. Personal assistants (one-to-one aides) are not uncommon if children who are intellectually challenged are placed in a “regular” classroom (see mainstreaming, in Section 10.6).
Gifted and Talented At the other extreme of intelligence is giftedness. Children with an IQ between 130 and 144 are classified as gifted; like Lee, those at 145 and above are highly gifted. In addition, some children demonstrate exceptional achievement without necessarily having an IQ in the gifted range. Many school districts recognize the special nature of these children as well and desig- nate programs for children who are gifted or talented. Government funding for these services usually falls under the umbrella of special education, so children who are gifted and talented often compete for funding with those who are intellectually disabled.
Lewis Terman carried out extensive studies of gifted children after he wrote the first version of the Stanford- Binet intelligence test. The stereotype then was as it is now: Intellectually gifted children are poorly adjusted, socially awkward, and prone to mental illness. They are the classic nerds, portrayed in the media as social
Critical Thinking Look back at Gardner’s eight intelligences. Which domains are likely to be represented by an IQ test? In which areas should schools provide special education services (programs for gifted and talented) if students show excep- tional aptitude?
Section 10.6Developmental Disabilities and Education
misfits. Research, however, has found the opposite to be true. Gifted children are at least as well adjusted as their nongifted peers (Olszewski-Kubilius, 2002; Reis & Renzulli, 2004).
The most serious problem affecting many highly gifted children is keeping them stimulated. Not all educational environments provide the academic or emotional support that will opti- mize learning. What Terman said nearly 100 years ago in some ways still rings true: Unless gifted children “are given the grade of work which calls forth their best efforts, they run the risk of falling into lifelong habits of submaximum efficiency. The danger in the case of such children is not over-pressure, but under-pressure” (Terman, 1916, p. 16). Evidence shows that social adjustment, self-esteem, and mental health in general all improve when gifted children participate at least part time in specialized programs that offer more intellectual challenges than standard classrooms (van der Meulen et al., 2014). At the same time, though, parents must also allow their gifted children opportunities outside of mainstream academics, like summer enrichment classes that can be found at many colleges and universities. Intel- lectually advanced children also need enrichment in music, athletics, art, and other activities, just like other children.
S E C T I O N R E V I E W Describe individuals who demonstrate different kinds of intelligence, including those iden- tified as intellectually disabled and those who are classified as gifted.
10.6 Developmental Disabilities and Education In addition to gifted children and those with more profound intellectual disorders, a signif- icant number of children receive other kinds of special education services. About 6.4 mil- lion schoolchildren receive public special education services in the United States. Over 85% are related to behavioral problems (emotional disturbance) and developmental and learn- ing disabilities (National Center for Education Statistics, 2013a). Whereas the numbers of individuals with intellectual disabilities in public schools have declined somewhat over the past two decades, those with emotional disturbances and other developmental disorders have increased dramatically. Like many other disabilities that affect children, the reason for this trend is unknown. Overall, the percentage of children enrolled in special education has increased from 8.3% in 1977 to over 13% currently. As shown in Figure 10.5, enrollment in special education has been dropping gradually since reaching a peak of 13.8% during the 2004–2005 school year.
Section 10.6Developmental Disabilities and Education
Figure 10.5: Number of children receiving special education services
ሁ Public education services must meet the needs of all children, including those who have special needs.
Years 1991 2000 2001 2002 2003 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 20112004 2005
Percentage of public school enrollment
Total students served
To ta
l s tu
d e n
ts s
e rv
e d
( in
m il li o
n s )
4.6
4.8
5.0
5.2
5.4
5.6
5.8
6.0
6.2
6.4
6.6
6.8
0%
4%
6%
2%
8%
12%
14%
16%
18%
20%
10%
P e
rc e
n ta
g e
o f
p u
b li
c s
c h
o o
l e
n ro
ll m
e n
t
22%
Source: U.S. Department of Education.
Autism Spectrum Disorder Early impairments in communication, including speech delays and nonverbal communication (e.g., gestures, eye contact), are characteristic signs of autism spectrum disorder (ASD). Other common markers include fixated interests, repetitive behaviors, and inflexibility over routines. Because of better screening procedures, this developmental disorder can now be identified by 18–24 months of age. A substantial proportion of children with ASD are mute, and many more attain initial language and then lose it. Recent brain imaging has discovered that ASD brains probably process voices and other social stimuli differently beginning at an early age (Grossman, Oberecker, Koch, & Friederici, 2010; Johnson, 2004; Lloyd-Fox, Johnson, & Blasi, 2013).
A bit over half of all children with ASD have intellectual disabilities (Centers for Disease Con- trol and Prevention, 2014d). The vast majority have social deficits, too, like skills needed to form friendships or to display empathy (another instance of the interaction of physical, cogni- tive, and psychosocial domains). Behavioral stereotypes like repetitive rocking or hand flap- ping that are indicative of ASD are often compared to obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD). However, people with OCD usually perform rituals (compulsions) in order to experience relief from their thoughts (obsessions). By contrast, individuals with autism often perform repetitive, ritualistic behaviors without an identifiable “reason” (obsessive thought). Rituals are usually self-soothing so that anxiety is reduced, but about one-third of autistic children engage in self-injurious behavior like banging one’s own head onto the corner of a table or picking skin obsessively (Johnson & Myers, 2007; Lai, Lombardo, & Baron-Cohen, 2014).
Section 10.6Developmental Disabilities and Education
After viewing videos of children who were later identified as autistic, researchers found that even infants younger than 6 months were less social and vocalized less. Early language deficits include a delay of receptive language and fewer gestures at 12 and 18 months. There are also significant delays in production and understanding of single words. Recall also that language and cognitive development include what Piaget called symbolic representation (see Section 7.1). Unlike children with non-ASD language delays, autistic children do not use appro- priate compensatory measures to express themselves. For instance, instead of point- ing, they may push someone in the desired direction or use another person’s finger as an instrument (Mitchell et al., 2006; Tager- Flusberg & Caronna, 2007; Volkmar & Cha- warska, 2008).
F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : S i g n s o f A u t i s m Language • Language delay • Deficits in nonverbal communication, including gestures • Expressive and receptive language delays • Echolalia (repetitive language or verbal imitation) • Unusual language patterns or monotone speech
Socialization • Difficulty forming and maintaining reciprocal relationships • Impairment in nonverbal communication • Poor-quality peer interactions • Few friendships • Absence of reciprocity in relationships • Poor social judgment • Lack of orientation to name
Stereotypical Behaviors • Preoccupation with or restricted interests • Perseverative behaviors, including self-stimulation • Rigid routines • Unusual interest in idiosyncratic items • May also show unusual responses to sensory stimuli
Courtesy of Ron Mossler ሁ One of the characteristics of Asperger’s
syndrome is idiosyncratic, or uniquely peculiar, behaviors. In this writing sample from a sixth grader, Trevor refused to skip lines between spelling words. What is only barely visible (in the center of the image) is the smeared paper from Trevor’s propensity to press extremely hard on his pencil.
Section 10.6Developmental Disabilities and Education
Autism is also associated with deficits in executive function, as autistic children have a dif- ficult time monitoring their own thoughts and behaviors. Computer imaging reveals that abnormalities in brain areas that affect the integration of tasks like thinking, planning, and social cognitive functions persist into adolescence. These are the kinds of processes that can lead to many typical ASD behaviors, such as poor impulse control and rigid routines (see Focus on Behavior: Signs of Autism). Poor integration of these processes also contributes to social deficits, as individuals show less understanding of social cues and consequences of certain behaviors (Blakemore & Choudhury, 2006; Lai et al., 2014; O’hearn, Asato, Ordaz, & Luna, 2008).
Executive function in ASD appears to be somewhat plastic, however, especially among those who are highly verbal. Perhaps language is used to mediate inhibitory behavior and facilitates metacognition. Evidence for plasticity may help explain why early interven- tion often has a positive effect on ASD. Though behavioral and social symptoms of autism
Courtesy of Ron Mossler ሁ The teacher model of a bat (upper left) and three kindergartners’ interpretations. The two bats on
the bottom were typical of the rest of the class. The bat in the upper right was constructed by Luke, an autistic boy with average intelligence. Luke’s project shows his minor problems with fine motor coordination but highlights his cognitive deficits. Because he is only 5 years old, it is difficult to know exactly what processes interfere with his cognitive development, but they are easily apparent here.
Section 10.6Developmental Disabilities and Education
persist into adulthood, early intervention is key to improving communication, self-care, and later independence. Applied behavior analysis, a type of behavioral therapy, is usually the most effective method of intervention. In applied behavior analysis, children are rewarded with favorite activities, food, or other reinforcers for on-task behaviors (Itzchak & Zachor, 2011; Myers & Johnson, 2007; Verschuur, Didden, Lang, Sigafoos, & Huskens, 2014).
F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : A d a p t i v e B e h a v i o r Individuals with ASD often have a limited range of interests and show a persistence of specific behaviors. Sometimes the restrictive behaviors can become adaptive. In fact, it has been suggested that there is an evolutionary advantage to behavioral persistence and obsessive focus (Baron-Cohen, 2012; Baron-Cohen, Ashwin, Ashwin, Tavassoli, & Chakrabarti, 2009). An acquaintance of mine with ASD provides an excellent example of practical intelligence and what Sternberg means about “the ability to achieve one’s goals in life, given one’s sociocultural context,” as described earlier.
“Greg” has worked for the National Weather Service (NWS) for more than 30 years. It is the perfect job for him. He easily handles the lack of varied stimulation and does not mind the solitary environment. In addition, as part of his condition, he becomes anxious if he stays in the same city for very long. He does not have the usual social or emotional connections that might prevent others from moving so often. The NWS is perfectly suitable, though, as they usually have multiple transfer opportunities available, and the job remains essen- tially the same. Finally, the compulsion that Greg exhibits toward anything related to the weather assists him in his job performance.
The prevalence of ASD has increased dramatically over the past decade. As Figure 10.6 shows, the number of children diagnosed with ASD has increased from 1 in 150 to 1 in 68 over the past 10 years. The ratio of boys to girls has remained relatively constant at five to one (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2014d). However, because the criteria for an ASD diagnosis have broadened (and there are no clear medical tests), it is unclear whether prevalence has actually increased or we have done a more thorough job of identification.
Section 10.6Developmental Disabilities and Education
Figure 10.6: Reported incidence of ASD, latest data available ሁ Although the number of people diagnosed with autism has increased dramatically, the criteria for
ASD diagnoses have broadened as well, so it is unclear whether prevalence has actually increased.
0
40
20
11.3 9.08.0
6.66.7
P re
v a le
n c e p
e r
1 ,0
0 0
14.7
2002 2004 2006 2008 20102000
Source: Baio, J. (March 2014). Prevalence of Autism Spectrum Disorders Among Children Aged 8 Years. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report. Centers for Disease Control.
A potentially important new study reported the first direct evidence of early prenatal origins of autism. After comparing postmortem tissue of autistic and nonautistic brains, research- ers found consistent disorganized growth in 91% of autistic brains, compared to only 9% of controls. Furthermore, the abnormalities were limited to specific patches of brain tissue that are related to emotional, social, language, and communication functions—the very processes that prove most problematic for autistic children. The concentrated area of the defects may explain why early treatments are most effective: With treatment, the plastic brain may be able to bypass the defective area and use the neighboring cells instead (Stoner et al., 2014). Though this study needs to be replicated, it does offer promising hope for early intervention.
There is also evidence of a hereditary influence leading to a “broad autism phenotype” (Sas- son, Lam, Parlier, Daniels, & Piven, 2013). As an example, fathers have been found to exhibit some of the same behaviors that their autistic children perform, especially in tasks related to reaction time and social cues. Furthermore, the concordance rate among monozygotic twins has been estimated at 36–92%, whereas it is estimated to be only 2–23% among dizygotic twins. Autistic behaviors are generally found more often in parents and other relatives of children with ASD, as well (Hallmayer et al., 2011; Ozonoff et al., 2011; Rosenberg et al., 2009; Sasson et al., 2013).
Finally, there has been much speculation that teratogen exposure or other factors related to perinatal health may have some effect (Arndt, Stodgell, & Rodier, 2005; Lai et al., 2014). However, causes due to environmental toxins like pesticides and lead are as yet unsubstanti- ated. As discussed in Module 2, immunizations have also been dismissed as a possible cause. Extensive research efforts continue to focus on both environmental and genetic factors, but the causes of this disorder remain mostly unresolved (Lai et al., 2014).
Section 10.6Developmental Disabilities and Education
Learning Disabilities Unlike for ASD, a diagnosis of learning disabilities is usually restricted to identifying spe- cific cognitive deficits. Learning disability (LD) is a broad term that refers to a constellation of disorders involving errors in cognitive processing (Siegel & Mazabel, 2013). In general, a learning disability causes problems in learning specific academic skills, like writing, spelling, mathematics, or most commonly, reading. Learning disabilities show a great deal of variation from person to person and, by definition, are not related to lack of intelligence. Evidence is quite to the contrary. Most children with learning disabilities have average to above average intelligence (Mehta, 2011).
Traditional diagnoses of LD looked for a discrepancy between aptitude (inherent ability) and achievement (learning). For instance, if a child with an IQ of 130 consistently tested near 100 (average on the same scale as IQ) in reading, then the difference would indicate a disability. The expected reading achievement score for that child is around 130. Similarly, an IQ of 100 and a reading score of 80 also indicates a problem. By contrast, a reading score significantly below average at 75 would not be consistent with a reading disorder if overall intelligence is also about 75.
More recently, the definition of LD has been broadened by the passage of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) in 2004. Instead of using measures of discrepancies, now disabilities “must not require the use of a severe discrepancy between intellectual ability and achievement for determining whether a child has a specific learning disability” (U.S. Depart- ment of Education, 2006; emphasis added). Learning disabilities can be broadly defined as any circumstance in which there are unexpected difficulties in learning relative to age. It is
up to local or state school boards to define those circum- stances. In this way, states and local districts are allowed to allocate special education resources more broadly for any child who is not meeting grade-level standards in oral expression, listening comprehension, written expression, reading, or math.
Reading Disabilities and Dyslexia Recall that letters are simply symbols expressed as sounds. The most commonly identified learning disabilities involve difficulty decoding these symbols, resulting in reading prob- lems (Handler et al., 2011). A reading disability is most easily evidenced by a discrepancy between reading vocabulary and receptive (oral) vocabulary and comprehension. That is, children with reading disabilities understand vocabulary at a standardized level that is sig- nificantly higher than their standardized reading level. The opposite condition exists for most adults who read well: They can read many more words than they can understand.
Critical Thinking Why are grade-level standards not always accu- rate indications of achievement?
Section 10.6Developmental Disabilities and Education
F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : P o s s i b l e S i g n s o f a L e a r n i n g D i s a b i l i t y • Initial difficulty learning the alphabet or the sounds of letters
• Problems with spelling that are out of character with intellect
• Messy handwriting or writing implements held in an awkward manner
• Trouble following a series of directions
• Mispronunciation of relatively simple words
• Mispronunciation of words at a level that is inconsistent with understanding of words (expressive vocabulary significantly poorer than receptive vocabulary)
• Problems articulating ideas
• Confusion when telling jokes or relating anecdotes
• Confusion regarding math symbols
• Difficulty organizing tasks
It is difficult to differentiate a reading disability from its more severe form, dyslexia. Among children who are dyslexic, there is evidence that reading develops independently of overall intelligence (Ferrer, Shaywitz, Holahan, Marchione, & Shaywitz, 2010). However, others have argued that “categories of ‘dyslexia’ and ‘poor reader’ or ‘reading disabled’ are scientifically unsupportable, arbitrary and thus potentially discriminatory” (Elliot & Gibbs, 2008, p. 475).
Since traditional testing and behavioral evaluations are unreliable predictors of potential for reading improvement, new brain imaging techniques have been used to try to forecast the type of brain that is most likely to make long-term reading gains. Brain scans have revealed that dyslexic adolescents have frontal lobe brain activity that is significantly different from that seen in adolescents who read normally. In one study, dyslexic adolescents who showed the greatest reading improvement over a 2.5-year period could be identified by specific kinds of neural activity (Hoeft et al., 2011). Based on brain imaging alone, reading improvement could be predicted with over 90% accuracy. These results suggest that neurobiological varia- tion may be an important determinant in identifying remediation techniques in dyslexia.
Section 10.6Developmental Disabilities and Education
F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : R e a d i n g D i s a b i l i t i e s It is an often-repeated myth that people with dyslexia “see” letters and words backward (e.g., reading saw instead of was and reversing the letters b and d). Although visual pro- cessing elements may be involved, memory for letters and linguistic sound-symbol rela- tionships seem to be of greater importance.
To demonstrate what this means, consider this situation: I recently had a class with two women who were both named Felicia. During most of the semester, I could not discrimi- nate with certainty between their last names when I returned papers and exams. I could read their names and sometimes was fairly sure who was who, but even by the end of the semester I still had some doubt. Visually I was discriminating well enough (I knew that both women were named Felicia), but I would still reverse their names. The problem was one of linguistic processing—the coding, association, and memory of their last names.
My confusion with Felicia and Felicia may be similar to the linguistic processing error of dyslexic children who have difficulty encoding symbol-sound-spelling rules associated with reading. They see b and d clearly and can hear the difference between them; the diffi- culty rests in always being able to process each symbol with its corresponding sound.
Math and Writing Disabilities In a way that is analogous to dyslexia, dyscalculia (or mathematics disability) is a specific learning disability that involves inherent problems in understanding numbers and learning how to manipulate them. Thus, there is difficulty computing and comprehending problems that involve math concepts. Like dyslexia, dyscalculia occurs across a wide range of intel- ligence. One theory postulates that math disabilities are related to a poor working memory. Some research indicates that underlying processes in math and reading disabilities are affected by different cognitive structures; other data that focus on the combined prevalence of reading and arithmetic disabilities suggest a more global deficit (Dirks, Spyer, van Lieshout, & de Sonneville, 2008; Landerl & Moll, 2010; Moll, Gobel, & Snowling, 2014).
Disorder of written expression is sometimes referred to as dysgraphia. It involves dif- ficulty in handwriting and often results in slow, but nevertheless illegible output. It often occurs in conjunction with other developmental or learning disabilities, but there is evidence that linguistic factors are less important than motor and planning behaviors (Adi-Japha et al., 2007). Trevor’s handwriting example (see section on Autism Spectrum Disorder) illustrates this type of disability.
Causes of Learning Disabilities Despite recent advances in genetics, the origins of most learning disorders are poorly under- stood. Increasing evidence, however, points to neurobiological differences in both linguistic and nonlinguistic learning disabilities (e.g., Ashkenazi, Black, Abrams, Hoeft, & Menon, 2013;
Section 10.6Developmental Disabilities and Education
Supekar et al., 2013). Though some observers have suggested that genetic differences may account for up to 80% of the variability in reading performance, most statistical relationships are not particularly strong. Even geneticists acknowledge that environmental factors play a significant role (Kremen et al., 2005; Paracchini, Steer, & Buckingham, 2008; Raskind, Peter, Richards, Eckert, & Berninger, 2013). Nevertheless, learning problems tend to be more com- mon among identical twins and other first-order family members. Also, among children diag- nosed with dyslexia, boys outnumber girls by three to one, probably due to sex-specific brain differences (Evans, Flowers, Napoliello, & Eden, 2014; Quinn & Wagner, 2013).
Accordingly, evidence also indicates that teaching methods and exposure to different stim- uli have a strong effect on learning disabilities. As such, perhaps there is a sensitive period for culturally specific kinds of cognitive development, like reading or writing. Complex epi- genetic modification of DNA during a particular sensitive period is another possibility. For instance, learning disabilities like dyslexia are associated with a disturbance in the migration of neurons during specific periods of brain development. These irregularities can be caused by either genetic or environmental factors (Gayán & Olson, 1999; Raskind et al., 2013; Rutter et al., 2004; Schumacher, Hoffmann, Schmäl, Schulte-Körne, & Nöthen, 2007).
Interventions When learning disabilities are suspected, the IDEA compels teachers and other school profes- sionals to develop an Individualized Educational Plan (IEP). An IEP details a plan for inter- vention and goals specific to the child’s needs and learning capacity. For instance, an IEP with a mathematics component may specify that a child will learn the basic multiplication tables with 95% accuracy; a reading goal may state that a child will read a standard list of fourth- grade words in under 2 minutes with 90% accuracy. At a parent’s request, local public schools will initiate an IEP even for children who are home schooled or attending a private institu- tion. The IDEA then requires public schoolchildren with disabilities to be placed in the least restrictive environment, a placement that is as similar as possible to a classroom of children who do not have disabilities. The expectation is for children with special needs to become as “typical” as possible.
The requirement of a placement in the least restrictive environment has led to an increase in inclusion. Advocates of full inclusion maintain that all children, regardless of special physi- cal, emotional, or cognitive needs, should be placed in a standard classroom for all or most of the school day. The push toward a more inclusive environment may be one reason that the number of children served in special education has been dropping steadily since 2004 (see Figure 10.7). It is also possible that schools (in an effort to save money), or parents of chil- dren with special needs (in the hopeful expectation to optimize learning), are electing to keep children in regular classrooms (see Focus on Behavior: Inclusion or Exclusion?). An alternative to inclusion is mainstreaming, in which children with special needs are placed in a regular classroom for only part of a day, such as the period reserved for math.
Section 10.6Developmental Disabilities and Education
Figure 10.7: Percentage of time spent in regular classrooms among students with disabilities
ሁ Schools have been trending toward a more mainstream environment for all children who receive special education services.
>60% of students of students students
21%−60% <21% of Separate school, P
e rc
e n
t o
f ti
m e s
p e n
t in
r e g
u la
r c la
s s ro
o m
s
1989 1998 2008 0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
facility, home, or other
Source: U.S. Department of Education.
In each of the various learning environments, the expectation is for children with special needs to be given more individual instruction geared toward their developmental level. By being assigned work that is consistent with ability rather than age or grade level, children are more likely to make progress. For example, most special education teachers use a pho- nics approach to reading; intensive repetition and flash cards is helpful for those with spe- cific math disabilities; and special paper is used for dysgraphia to help young children stay within lines.
Interventions focusing on strengthening working memory, organization and planning, pur- suing active coping strategies, and other regulatory skills have shown success (De Weerdt, Desoete, & Roeyers, 2013; Firth, Greaves, & Frydenberg, 2010). A longitudinal study that fol- lowed 571 LD and similarly matched non-LD students aged 10 to 24 found that both groups had similar years of college attendance and enjoyed similar employment success and incomes. Research indicates that being proactive in school (like having a parental advocate in elemen- tary school or taking advantage of tutoring labs in college), setting goals, and having a sup- portive social network are instrumental to success (Goldberg, Higgins, Raskind, & Herman, 2003; Seo, Abbott, & Hawkins, 2008).
Wrapping Up and Moving On
F O C U S O N B E H A V I O R : I n c l u s i o n o r E x c l u s i o n ? Inclusion is certainly a better goal than previous models in which special education stu- dents were often placed in isolated classrooms with substandard services and children rarely moved into a regular school environment. However, recent lawsuits and budget con- cerns have scared many school districts into blindly implementing inclusion to the detri- ment of all children, including those in special education.
For instance, I recently volunteered in a classroom where 4 of 24 students (17%) have spe- cial needs and would benefit from more intensive services. In all four cases, parents chose to keep their children in the regular classroom, which is their right, even though school professionals suggested other placements may be more appropriate. Two of the four chil- dren are moderately autistic with language deficits, and all four demonstrate disruptive behaviors that are consistent with emotional disturbance. They all have been removed from the classroom multiple times due to misbehavior, losing out on instruction.
Because these special education students do not receive the more intensive services (and smaller class sizes) that would be beneficial, they are not likely to progress as much as they could. In addition, those with special needs disproportionately consume the attention of the lone teacher, so the regular students suffer, too.
This situation is hardly unusual. In the kindergarten classroom next door, the parents of “Jun,” a child with a moderate intellectual disability, turned down special education ser- vices, even though their son cannot even feed himself (his mother comes in at lunchtime to assist). Jun is not disruptive, so he sits in class most of the day doing very little. Again, the single teacher does not have the time or resources to provide appropriate attention to Jun. These circumstances highlight the difficulties in a one-size-fits-all approach to education, when it is clear that individual differences need to be addressed.
S E C T I O N R E V I E W Outline the kinds of developmental disabilities that are commonly seen in schools.
Wrapping Up and Moving On This module has provided another opportunity to showcase the overlapping nature of bio- logical and environmental variables in development. No matter how intelligence is measured, the evidence is undeniable that an innate foundation is influenced by learning. Twin and adoption studies support both sides of the nature-nurture equation. Though IQ is a relatively good predictor of school success, it fails to account for the multidimensional nature of intel- ligence. Other concepts of intelligence provide practical alternatives but have so far failed to add predictive value.
The study of intelligence also leads to understanding of intellectual and other developmen- tal learning disabilities. Much remains unknown about what causes these disadvantages, but cognitive neuroscience continues to make progress. On a practical level, the education system
Summary and Resources
struggles to provide the best education plan for every child. Government mandates have con- tinued to evolve, as additional learning challenges are recognized. Next, we begin to integrate psychosocial influences that develop alongside these cognitive factors.
Summary and Resources • Twin and adoption studies offer some insight into the relative contributions of
nature and nurture to intelligence. However, most psychologists and learning pro- fessionals acknowledge the interaction of nature and nurture in learning and intel- ligence, rather than looking for single predictors.
• Traditional intelligence testing has focused on scores from IQ tests like the Stanford- Binet and the WISC. Although this measure of intelligence is sometimes criticized, it remains the standard for predicting school and career success.
• Sternberg and Gardner, in particular, have constructed alternatives to traditional measures of intelligence that move away from approaches emphasizing mathemati- cal measurements.
• Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence focuses on the balance among traditional kinds of innate intelligence, experience, and the context of how knowledge is used.
• Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences has garnered widespread support among educators. It defines eight somewhat distinct areas of cognitive achievement.
• Although Sternberg and Gardner have perhaps broadened the way that educators look at learning, empirical evidence for the validity of their theories is still lacking.
• The lower end of the intelligence scale is defined by intellectual disability, whereas the upper end defines giftedness. Other developmental disabilities are not defined by intelligence.
• Autism spectrum disorders are characterized by various impairments in language, social skills, and idiosyncratic behaviors. The causes of its increased prevalence are as yet unknown.
• Learning disabilities include specific problems related to language and math. Federal guidelines require accommodations with the hope that otherwise capable students can receive educational assistance in specific areas.
• The causes of autism spectrum disorders and learning disabilities are largely unknown, though there is increasing evidence that points to neurobiological differ- ences in development.
Key Terms applied behavior analysis Psychothera- peutic intervention that focuses on system- atically changing specific behaviors.
autism spectrum disorder A continuum of conditions characterized by deficits in language and socialization, as well as idio- syncratic behaviors.
concordance rate Percentage of pairs that share a characteristic, behavior, or disorder.
deviation IQ A measure of intelligence based on a mathematically derived (stan- dard deviation) formula.
disorder of written expression See dysgraphia.
dyscalculia (also mathematics disability) A specific learning disability related to use and understanding of numbers.
Summary and Resources
dysgraphia (also disorder of written expression) A specific learning disability that results in slow or poor written output.
dyslexia An extreme form of reading disability.
g A quantifiable overall measure of “gen- eral” intelligence.
gifted Having an IQ of 130 or above on a standardized IQ test.
inclusion The process that permanently places special education students in regular classrooms.
Individualized Educational Plan (IEP) An explicit intervention plan for anyone identified by the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) as requiring special educational accommodations.
intellectual disability Traditionally refers to having an IQ of 70 or lower, but can include specific types of functional impairments.
intelligence A general term that refers to overall intellectual functioning.
intelligence quotient (IQ) Originally a mathematically derived ratio of mental age and chronological age. Now also constructed statistically from the standard deviation of an intelligence test. See also deviation IQ.
intelligence test A test designed to mea- sure overall intellectual functioning. See also Wechsler Intelligence Scales for Children and Stanford-Binet.
learning disability (LD) A condition whereby children do not meet state or
grade-level standards in prescribed instruc- tional areas. See also dyscalculia, reading disability, and dyslexia.
mainstreaming The process that places special education students in regular class- rooms for part of the school day.
mathematics disability See dyscalculia.
mental age (MA) A score representing age compared to others on a standardized intel- ligence test.
reading disability A specific learning dis- ability in which children are not reading at their expected developmental level.
Stanford-Binet The first intelligence test that was widely used. A revised version is still commonly employed, usually to test for giftedness and possible learning disabilities.
theory of multiple intelligences Howard Gardner’s theory that describes intelligence as consisting of a number of cognitive abili- ties rather than one quantifiable construct.
triarchic theory of intelligence Rob- ert Sternberg’s theory of intelligence that focuses on components of information processing. It includes analytical intelli- gence, creative intelligence, and practical intelligence.
Wechsler Intelligence Scales for Children (WISC) A widely used intelligence test that is most often used to test children who are thought to be gifted or to have learning disabilities.
WISC See Wechsler Intelligence Scales for Children.
Web Resources See links below for additional information on topics discussed in the chapter.
Alfred Binet
http://www.famousscientists.org/
Summary and Resources
Applied Behavior Analysis
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NbVG8lYEsNs
David Wechsler
http://www.intelltheory.com/
Group Homes
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Group_home
Individuals with Disabilities Education Act
http://idea.ed.gov/
Lewis Terman
http://www.nndb.com/
Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder
http://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/topics/obsessive-compulsive-disorder-ocd/index. shtml
Sir Francis Galton
http://galton.org/
Standard Deviation
http://www.wisegeek.com/what-is-standard-deviation.htm
