socw 6446

www.elsevier.com/locate/bodyimage

Body Image 1 (2004) 351–361

Idealized media images and adolescent body image:

‘‘comparing’’ boys and girls

Duane A. Hargreaves*, Marika Tiggemann

School of Psychology, Flinders University of South Australia,

G.P.O. Box 2100, Adelaide 5001, South Australia

Received 25 February 2004; received in revised form 6 October 2004; accepted 10 October 2004

Abstract

Sociocultural theories of body image suggest that body dissatisfaction results from unrealistic societal beauty ideals, and one

way of transmitting these ideals is through the mass media. The present research aimed to examine the effect of exposure to

images of idealized beauty in the media on adolescent girls’ and boys’ body image. The participants (595 adolescents) viewed

television commercials containing either images of the thin ideal for women, images of the muscular ideal for men, or non-

appearance television commercials. Body dissatisfaction was measured before and after commercial viewing. It was found that

exposure to idealized commercials led to increased body dissatisfaction for girls but not for boys. Idealized commercials led to

increased negative mood and appearance comparison for girls and boys, although the effect on appearance comparison was

stronger for girls. Further, participants high on appearance investment reported greater appearance comparison after viewing

idealized commercials than those less strongly invested in their appearance. The results suggest the immediate impact

of the media on body image is both stronger and more normative for girls than for boys, but that some boys may also be

affected.

# 2004 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Body dissatisfaction; Mass media; Thin ideal; Muscular ideal; Social comparison

Introduction

Body dissatisfaction, which is common among

women of all ages, is especially prevalent during

adolescence when body image is ‘‘the most important

component’’ of adolescent girls’ self-esteem (Levine

* Corresponding author. Fax: +61 8 8201 3877.

E-mail address: [email protected]

(D.A. Hargreaves).

1740-1445/$ – see front matter # 2004 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved

doi:10.1016/j.bodyim.2004.10.002

& Smolak, 2002a, p. 77). Arguably the most likely

cause of body dissatisfaction among adolescent girls is

the current unrealistic standard of female beauty

which places an inordinate emphasis on thinness

(Fallon, 1990; Heinberg, 1996; Rodin, Silberstein, &

Striegel-Moore, 1985), and which is unattainable for

most girls (Ackard & Peterson, 2001; Rosenblum &

Lewis, 1999). This ideal standard of beauty is

conveyed to individuals via a number of sources

including family, peers and the mass media (van den

.

D.A. Hargreaves, M. Tiggemann / Body Image 1 (2004) 351–361352

Berg, Thompson, Obremski-Brandon, & Coovert,

2002). The mass media, which include magazines and

television, are often regarded as the single strongest

influencing factor on adolescent body image (e.g.,

Irving, 1990, p. 239; Levine & Smolak, 1996, p. 238;

Mazur, 1986; Raphael & Lacey, 1992; Silverstein,

Perdue, Peterson, & Kelly, 1986).

A small number of studies have examined the

impact of media images on the body image of

adolescents. Correlational studies show that adoles-

cent girls who read more magazines and watch more

television report greater body dissatisfaction (Ander-

son, Huston, Schmitt, Linebarger, & Wright, 2001;

Botta, 1999; Field et al., 1999; Harrison, 2000, 2001;

Hofchire & Greenberg, 2002; Levine, Smolak, &

Hayden, 1994). Experimental studies show that

exposure to idealised media images leads to increased

state body dissatisfaction for girls (Durkin & Paxton,

2002; Groesz, Levine, & Murnen, 2002; Hargreaves &

Tiggemann, 2002, 2003; Stice, Spangler, & Agras,

2001). To date, however, only a few correlational

studies have included boys (Anderson et al., 2001;

Botta, 2003; Harrison, 2000, 2001; Morry & Staska,

2001). While a small number of experimental studies

have found a negative impact of muscular-ideal

magazine images on college-aged men (Grogan,

Williams, & Connor, 1996; Leit, Pope, & Gray,

2002; Ogden & Mundray, 1996, but see Kalodner,

1997), no experimental studies of the media’s

immediate impact on the body image of adolescent

boys have been conducted. Although boys’ body

dissatisfaction is typically less severe than for girls

(e.g., Feingold & Mazzella, 1998; Field, Colditz, &

Peterson, 1997; Muth & Cash, 1997; Thomas,

Ricciardelli, & Williams, 2000), they too express

dissatisfaction with their body weight and appearance

(Cohane & Pope, 2001; Levine & Smolak, 2002a;

Ricciardelli & McCabe, 2001). Such dissatisfaction

has been linked to a number of negative consequences

including the development of dieting, excessive

exercise, and low self-esteem (Olivardia, 2002).

Like girls, the most likely cause of body

dissatisfaction among boys is an unrealistic appear-

ance ideal (Mishkind, Rodin, Silberstein, & Striegel-

Moore, 1986; Westmoreland-Corson & Andersen,

2002). The current ideal male body is lean but highly

muscular, characterised by a ‘‘well-developed chest

and arms, with wide shoulders tapering down to a

narrow waist’’ (Pope et al., 2000, p. 30). Images of this

ideal have become increasingly common in the media

(Pope et al., 2000). For example, compared to 25 years

ago, men are now more often bare chested in

magazines (Pope, Olivardia, Borowiecki, & Cohane,

2001), in accord with increased sexual objectification

of male bodies in mainstream advertising (Rohlinger,

2002). Repeated exposure to images of unrealistically

muscular male ideals may cause men to feel insecure

about their own bodies, parallel to the way in which

exposure to images of unrealistically thin models

promotes body dissatisfaction among girls.

The purpose of the present experiment was to

examine the impact of televised images of idealised

male attractiveness, in addition to female attractive-

ness, on adolescent body image. Effects on the

underlying process, and individual differences in

reaction, were also examined. Social comparison

theory (Festinger, 1954; Suls & Wheeler, 2002; Wood,

1989) would suggest that the mechanism by which

media exposure influences body image is appearance-

related social comparison. Specifically, a number of

authors (Cattarin et al., 2000; Durkin & Paxton, 2002;

Martin & Kennedy, 1993; Richins, 1991; Tiggemann

& McGill, 2004) reason that viewing television, or

reading magazines, prompts individuals to evaluate

their own appearance by comparison to the salient and

highly attractive models who pervade such media.

Because this process leads most individuals to find

themselves wanting, such upward social comparison

produces a negative evaluation of one’s own physical

appearance, resulting in a state-like increase in body

dissatisfaction.

In addition there are likely to be stable individual

differences in comparison tendency relating to

appearance (Wood, 1989). Such differences might

predict who engages in ‘‘state’’ appearance-related

social comparison to media images, and is therefore

most vulnerable to the media’s effect on body image.

Recent evidence suggests girls are more likely to

engage in appearance-related social comparison than

boys (Jones, 2001). Moreover, individuals who have a

trait-like tendency to engage in appearance-related

social comparison (Thompson, Heinberg, & Tantleff,

1991), or who are more strongly invested in their

appearance, sometimes referred to as appearance

schematics (Cash & Labarge, 1996), may be

particularly likely to engage in appearance compar-

D.A. Hargreaves, M. Tiggemann / Body Image 1 (2004) 351–361 353

ison to media images. We propose that these stable

individual difference variables (e.g., trait social

comparison, appearance schematicity, and gender)

interact with characteristics of the media image (e.g.,

salience of the model’s attractiveness) to predict when

media exposure will prompt appearance-related

comparison and increased body dissatisfaction.

To date this perspective has been investigated only

for women and girls. In a recent study, Tiggemann and

McGill (2004) showed that both the experimental

variable of media type (thin-ideal or control) and the

stable individual difference variable of trait social

comparison predicted actual comparison to media

images and increased body dissatisfaction. We believe

this perspective is equally applicable to an under-

standing of men’s and boys’ body image. The present

study used a 2 � 2 between subjects experimental design to investigate the effects of commercial

condition (thin ideal, muscular ideal, non-appearance

control) and instructional set (appearance-focus,

distracter) on boys’ and girls’ appearance-related

social comparison and state body dissatisfaction. Trait

social comparison and appearance schematicity were

assessed as possible moderating variables. It was

predicted that boys (girls) would report greater body

dissatisfaction and appearance comparison after

viewing muscular-ideal (thin-ideal) commercials than

non-appearance commercials, and that adolescents

high on trait social comparison and appearance

schematicity would be most strongly affected.

1 Although some girls (n = 128) viewed the muscular-ideal

commercials, and some boys (n = 125) viewed thin-ideal commer-

cials, the results for these participants are not reported.

Method

Participants

The participants were 595 adolescent students (310

girls, 285 boys) from two South Australian metropo-

litan coeducation public high schools of medium

socio-economic status. Students were in years 8–12

and with a mean age of 14.3 years (SD = 1.4).

Participants were allocated to the thin-ideal, muscular-

ideal, or non-appearance commercial condition by

random allocation of class group (n = 42), and were

randomly allocated to the instructional set conditions

on an individual basis. This procedure resulted in a

total of 153 girls in the thin-ideal commercial

condition, 157 girls in the non-appearance commercial

condition, 146 boys in the muscular-ideal commercial

condition, and 139 boys in the non-appearance

commercial condition 1 .

Materials

State mood and body dissatisfaction

A number of visual analogue scales (VAS) were

used as measures of body dissatisfaction and mood.

Participants were asked to indicate how they feel

‘‘right now’’ on a series of four mood dimensions:

‘‘Happy’’; ‘‘Worried’’; ‘‘Confident’’; and ‘‘Angry’’;

and four dimensions of body satisfaction: ‘‘Fat’’;

‘‘Strong’’; ‘‘Dissatisfied (unhappy) with weight and

shape’’ and ‘‘Dissatisfied (unhappy) with overall

appearance’’. Each participant completed the VAS on

two occasions: 5 min before commercial viewing and

immediately after commercial viewing. VAS scores,

which are measured to the nearest mm, have been

previously shown to correlate significantly with longer

measures of mood and body dissatisfaction (Heinberg

& Thompson, 1995).

Three of the four body dissatisfaction VAS were

significantly intercorrelated (rs > 0.52, p < 0.001) and so were combined to form a composite state

body dissatisfaction variable. The three-item scale

(weight dissatisfaction, appearance dissatisfaction,

fat) displayed very good internal consistency for the

present sample, a = 0.85. Intercorrelations between

the four mood VAS were also significant (rs > 0.24, p < 0.001), and so were combined to form a composite mood variable (happy and confident were

reverse coded, such that higher scores reflect greater

negative affect). The four-item negative-mood scale

showed acceptable internal consistency for the present

sample, a = 0.66. The composite state body dissa-

tisfaction and negative mood variables were signifi-

cantly positively correlated, r = 0.42, p < 0.001.

State appearance comparison

A series of self-report items, based on Tiggemann

and McGill (2004), assessed appearance-related social

comparison during commercial viewing. Participants

were asked to use a Likert scale ranging from 1 = not

D.A. Hargreaves, M. Tiggemann / Body Image 1 (2004) 351–361354

at all to 7 = very much to indicate what they had

thought about while viewing the commercials. The

five items assessed how much they: (1) thought about

the qualities of the commercials; (2) thought about the

effectiveness of the commercials; (3) thought about

the attractiveness of the people in the commercials; (4)

compared their own appearance to the actors in the

commercials; and (5) wanted to be like the actors in

the commercials. Questions 2 and 3 served as a

manipulation check of the instructional set which

asked participants to rate the ‘‘effectiveness of the

commercials’’ (Question 2) or the ‘‘attractiveness of

actors in the commercials’’ (Question 3). Responses to

Question 4 formed the single-item state appearance

comparison variable.

Appearance schematicity

The Appearance Schemas Inventory (ASI) (Cash &

Labarge, 1996) was used to measure appearance

schematicity. Using a five-point Likert scale ranging

from 1 = strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree,

respondents indicate their level of agreement with 14

statements (e.g., ‘‘What I look like is an important part

of who I am’’, ‘‘Attractive people have it all’’), such

that high scores reflect higher appearance schemati-

city. Tests of internal consistency for the present

sample showed good reliability for both girls

(a = 0.86) and boys (a = 0.81).

Trait social comparison

The Physical Appearance Comparison Scale

(PACS) (Thompson et al., 1991) measures the degree

to which individuals tend to compare their appearance

with others. Participants indicate their agreement with

five statements (e.g., ‘‘In social situations, I compare

my figure to the figure of other people’’) using a five-

point scale ranging from 1 = never to 5 = always.

Tests of internal consistency for the present sample

showed good reliability for both girls (a = 0.84) and

boys (a = 0.79). Both trait social comparison and

appearance schematicity were measured approxi-

mately 15 min after participants completed the

dependent measures.

Experimental manipulation: videotape stimulus

Three sets of video stimulus materials were compiled,

each containing 18 television commercials. In the first

set, referred to as thin-ideal commercials, 15 of the 18

commercials contained female actors who ‘‘epitomise

societal ideals of thinness and attractiveness’’ for women

(Heinberg & Thompson, 1995, p. 331). The actors were

typically well-toned, tanned, free of body hair, well-

groomed, youthful, large-breasted and, most impor-

tantly, thin. The second set of television commercials,

referred to as muscular-ideal commercials, was similar

to the first in terms of product category and judged

effectiveness, but contained images of men who

epitomise societal ideals of muscularity and attractive-

ness. The men typically had well-built, tanned, and toned

upper bodies. The men were also bare-chested for all or

part of the commercial in the majority of selected

commercials (11 out of 15). The third set of commercials

contained no actors who epitomised either the

thin ideal for women or the muscular ideal for men.

To ensure that these commercials (control condition)

were of equal interest to viewers, they were matched to

the first two sets on both effectiveness and product

category.

The commercials were collected from Australian

prime-time television. A pilot tape of 145 commer-

cials (grouped into nine product categories: clothing;

food and drink; music; movies and television;

cosmetics and health; cars; communications and

electronics; finance, banking, and insurance; other)

was shown to 12 (six female and six male) under-

graduates (M age = 19.3, SD = 1.7). The students rated

each commercial on three seven-point scales accord-

ing to the following criteria: (1) ‘‘to what extent do the

actors epitomise the current thin ideal for women?’’

(2) ‘‘to what extent do the actors epitomise the current

muscular-attractiveness ideal for men?’’ and (3) ‘‘how

effective is the commercial?’’ Using these ratings, the

15 commercials that most epitomised the muscular

ideal for men were chosen first (due to their lower

availability). The 15 commercials that most epito-

mised the thin ideal for women, and were of

comparable effectiveness and product type, were then

matched to these commercials and, finally 15

commercials that contained women and men of

‘‘normal’’ appearance were matched to these com-

mercial sets. The product categories were also

matched where possible. A further three non-

appearance commercials were selected and included

in all three commercial sets to help disguise the

purpose of the study.

D.A. Hargreaves, M. Tiggemann / Body Image 1 (2004) 351–361 355

Experimental manipulation: instructional set

Instructions for viewing the commercials were

manipulated using a commercial rating task. Half the

participants were asked to rate the attractiveness of the

actors (appearance focus condition) in each commer-

cial using a five-point scale ranging from 1 = not at all

attractive to 5 = extremely attractive. This instruction

was designed to explicitly focus participants’ attention

on appearance-related aspects of the commercials. In

contrast, the other half of participants (distracter

condition) were asked to rate the overall effectiveness

of each commercial (1 = not at all effective, 5 = extre-

mely effective), and as such were explicitly asked to

focus on non-appearance-related content of the

commercials.

Results

The effect of television commercials on girls’ and

boys’ body dissatisfaction

The adjusted means (controlling for pre-commer-

cial state) for girls and boys after commercial viewing

on the body dissatisfaction outcome variable (average

of fat, weight dissatisfaction, appearance dissatis-

faction) are presented in Table 1. A 2 (Gender) � 2 (commercial condition) � 2 (Instructional set) ANCOVA (controlling for the pre-commercial vari-

Table 1

Adjusted mean (standard errors in parentheses) body dissatisfaction

among girls and boys after commercial viewing

Variable Non-App Ideal Total

Girls

Distracter 26.6 (1.18) 31.6 (1.21) 29.1 (0.85)

Appearance focus 28.8 (1.20) 33.7 (1.20 31.3 (0.86)

Total 27.7 (0.84) 32.7 (0.86) 30.2 (0.61)

Boys

Distracter 25.1 (1.25) 22.4 (1.26) 23.8 (0.90)

Appearance focus 27.2 (1.28) 27.8 (1.20) 27.5 (0.88)

Total 26.1 (0.91) 25.1 (0.87) 25.6 (0.64)

Combined

Distracter 25.8 (0.86) 27.0 (0.87) 26.4 (0.61)

Appearance focus 28.0 (0.87) 30.8 (0.84) 29.4 (0.60)

Total 26.9 (0.61) 28.9 (0.61) 27.9 (0.43)

able) was conducted to test the prediction that viewing

thin/muscular-ideal commercials would lead to

greater body dissatisfaction than viewing non-appear-

ance-related commercials. The results show signifi-

cant main effects of gender, F(1, 586) = 25.20,

p < 0.001, eta2 = 0.04, commercial condition, F(1, 586) = 5.34, p < 0.05, eta2 = 0.01, and instructional set, F(1, 586) = 11.87, p < 0.05, eta2 = 0.02. The appearance focus instructions produced more body

dissatisfaction than the distracter instructions. The

main effects of gender and commercial condition were

modified by a significant Gender � Commercial condition interaction, F(1, 586) = 12.26, p < 0.001, eta

2 = 0.02. As predicted, girls viewing thin-ideal

commercials had significantly greater body dissatis-

faction (M = 32.7) than those viewing the non-

appearance commercials (M = 27.7), F(1, 307) =

16.08, p < 0.001, eta2 = 0.05. In contrast, boys in the muscular-ideal condition did not report greater

body dissatisfaction (M = 25.1) than boys in the non-

appearance condition (M = 26.1), F(1, 282) < 1, p > 0.05. There were no further significant two- or three-way interactions, Fs < 1.04, p > 0.05.

The effect of television commercials on girls’ and

boys’ state mood

Table 2 presents the adjusted means (controlling for

pre-commercial state) for girls and boys after

commercial viewing on the negative mood outcome

Table 2

Adjusted mean (standard errors in parentheses) negative mood

among girls and boys after commercial viewing

Variable Non-App Ideal Total

Girls

Distracter 21.7 (1.05) 23.6 (1.08) 22.6 (0.76)

Appearance focus 22.4 (1.07) 26.1 (1.06) 24.3 (0.75)

Total 22.1 (0.75) 24.8 (0.76) 23.5 (0.53)

Boys

Distracter 19.6 (1.11) 21.3 (1.13) 20.5 (0.79)

Appearance focus 19.0 (1.15) 21.4 (1.07) 20.2 (0.79)

Total 19.3 (0.80) 21.4 (0.78) 20.3 (0.56)

Combined

Distracter 20.7 (0.77) 22.5 (0.78) 21.6 (0.55)

Appearance focus 20.7 (0.78) 23.8 (0.75) 22.2 (0.54)

Total 20.7 (0.55) 23.1 (0.54) 21.9 (0.39)

D.A. Hargreaves, M. Tiggemann / Body Image 1 (2004) 351–361356

variable (average of happy, worried, confident, angry).

The results of a 2 (Gender) � 2 (Commercial condition) � 2 (Instructional set) ANCOVA (control- ling for the pre-commercial variable) show that girls

(M = 23.5) reported greater negative mood than boys

(M = 20.3), F(1, 586) = 16.46, p < 0.001, eta2 = 0.03, and that girls and boys in the ideal appearance

condition reported significantly greater negative mood

(M = 23.1) than girls and boys in the non-appearance

condition (M = 20.7), F(1, 586) = 9.98, p < 0.01, eta

2 = 0.02. There were no further significant effects,

Fs < 1.50.

The effect of television commercials on girls’ and

boys’ appearance comparison

The processing measure of appearance comparison

was assessed only after commercial exposure. Mean

appearance comparison scores for girls and boys are

presented in Table 3. A 2 (Gender) � 2 (Commercial condition) � 2 (Instructional set) ANOVA revealed a main effect of gender whereby, irrespective of

experimental condition, girls engaged in greater

appearance comparison (M = 2.51, SD = 1.70) than

boys (M = 2.07, SD = 1.35), F(1, 583) = 14.38,

p < .001, eta2 = 0.02. There was also a significant main effect of commercial condition whereby

participants in the ideal appearance condition engaged

in greater appearance comparison (M = 2.72) than

participants in the non-appearance condition

Table 3

Mean (standard deviations in parentheses) self-reported state

appearance comparison with commercials by girls and boys

Variable Non-App Ideal Total

Girls

Distracter 1.97 (1.18) 2.99 (1.89) 2.47 (1.64)

Appearance focus 1.87 (1.06) 3.24 (2.04) 2.56 (1.76)

Total 1.92 (1.12) 3.12 (1.97) 2.51 (1.70)

Boys

Distracter 1.66 (1.18) 2.10 (1.20) 1.88 (1.21)

Appearance focus 2.00 (1.41) 2.47 (1.47) 2.25 (1.46)

Total 1.83 (1.31) 2.30 (1.36) 2.07 (1.35)

Combined

Distracter 1.83 (1.18) 2.57 (1.66) 2.19 (1.48)

Appearance focus 1.93 (1.24) 2.86 (1.82) 2.41 (1.63)

Total 1.88 (1.21) 2.72 (1.75) 2.30 (1.56)

(M = 1.88), F(1, 583) = 45.81, p < 0.001, eta2 = 0.07. But the main effects of gender and commercial

condition should be interpreted in light of a significant

Gender � Commercial condition interaction, F(1, 183) = 9.20, p < 0.01, eta2 = 0.02. It can be seen in Table 3 that idealized appearance commercials led to

greater appearance comparison for girls than for boys,

F(1, 296) = 17.39, p < 0.001, eta2 = 0.06, but that girls and boys did not differ in the non-appearance

condition, F(1, 291) < 1, p > 0.05. There was no significant main effect of instructional set, F(1,

583) = 3.10, p > 0.05, nor significant interaction of instructional set with either gender or commercial

condition, Fs < 1.27.

Trait social comparison and appearance schematicity

as moderating variables

Appearance schematicity and trait social compar-

ison were highly correlated for both girls, r = 0.68,

p < 0.001, and boys, r = 0.60, p < 0.001. Thus, the two scales were averaged to form a single appearance

investment variable. An independent samples t-test

showed that girls reported greater appearance invest-

ment (M = 2.63, SD = 0.74) than boys (M = 2.33,

SD = 0.63), t(589) = 5.28, p < .001, eta2 = 0.05. As is often done (e.g., Lavin & Cash, 2001) participants

were then divided into tertiles based on their

appearance investment score. Participants in the low

appearance investment group (102 girls and 125 boys)

scored between 1 and 2.24, participants in the medium

group scored (98 girls and 101 boys) between 2.25 and

2.99, and participants in the high investment group

(103 girls and 54 boys) scored between 3.00 and 5.00.

A series of 2 (Gender) � 2 (Commercial con- dition) � 3 (Appearance investment) ANCOVAs was conducted to examine the hypothesis that participants

higher on appearance schematicity and trait social

comparison would be most negatively affected by

thin-ideal/muscular-ideal commercials. The results for

body dissatisfaction show a significant main effect of

gender, F(1, 570) = 22.19, p < 0.001, eta2 = 0.04, commercial condition, F(1, 570) = 6.33, p < 0.05, eta

2 = 0.01, and appearance investment, F(2,

570) = 9.07, p < 0.001, eta2 = 0.03, and a significant Gender � Commercial condition interaction, F(2, 570) = 7.65, p < 0.01, eta2 = 0.01. There were no other significant 2-way or 3-way interaction, F(2,

D.A. Hargreaves, M. Tiggemann / Body Image 1 (2004) 351–361 357

570) = 2.27, p > 0.05. A second ANCOVA for mood showed a significant main effect of gender, F(1,

570) = 10.84, p < 0.001, eta2 = 0.02, and commercial condition, F(1, 570) = 8.09, p < 0.01, eta

2 = 0.01, but

not appearance investment, F(2, 570) = 1.59,

p > 0.05, eta2 = 0.01. No two- or three-way interac- tion was significant, F(2, 570) < 1.13, p > 0.05.

Lastly, a 2 (Gender) � 2 (Commercial con- dition) � 3 (Appearance investment) ANOVA was conducted to examine the moderating role of

appearance investment on the level of appearance

comparison. The results show a significant main effect

of gender, F(1, 567) = 6.36, p < 0.05, eta2 = 0.01, commercial condition, F(1, 567) = 53.32, p < 0.001, eta

2 = 0.09, and appearance investment, F(2,

567) = 50.10, p < 0.001, eta2 = 0.15, and significant two-way interactions between Gender and Commer-

cial condition, F(2, 567) = 6.41, p < 0.05, eta2 = 0.01, and Appearance investment and Commercial condi-

tion, F(2, 567) = 7.24, p < 0.001, eta 2

= 0.03. Fig. 1

shows that participants high on appearance investment

reported greater appearance-related social comparison

with the commercials than participants in the medium

and low appearance investment groups, and that

this effect was larger in the ideal condition, F(2,

Fig. 1. Effect of commercials on appearance comparison for girls

291) = 49.05, p < 0.001, eta2 = 0.25, than in the non- appearance condition, F(2, 282) = 14.86, p < 0.001, eta

2 = 0.10.

Discussion

The present study has replicated the results of

previous research for adolescent girls (Durkin &

Paxton, 2002; Groesz et al., 2002; Hargreaves &

Tiggemann, 2002, 2003; Stice et al., 2001). As

predicted, exposure to thin-ideal commercials led to

significantly greater body dissatisfaction and negative

affect among girls than non-appearance commercials.

Although the effect sizes were only small, the results

are consistent with the conclusion that exposure to

thin-ideal media has a small and reliable negative

effect on girls (Groesz et al., 2002).

But the main purpose of the study was to examine

the effect of idealized images of male attractiveness on

adolescent boys, which has been largely neglected in

previous research. The results show that muscular-

ideal television commercials had only a limited impact

on boys’ body image, and on average, exposure to

muscular-ideal commercials did not lead to increased

and boys low, medium, and high on appearance investment.

D.A. Hargreaves, M. Tiggemann / Body Image 1 (2004) 351–361358

body dissatisfaction. This finding was in contrast to

some previous studies that found a negative impact of

muscular-ideal magazine images on college-aged men

(Grogan et al., 1996; Leit et al., 2002; Ogden &

Mundray, 1996, but see Kalodner, 1997) 2 . It could be

that males do not develop a vulnerability to muscular-

ideal media images until late adolescence or early

adulthood, perhaps due to developmental changes in

the salience of muscularity concerns.

A second important purpose of the study was to

examine the role of social comparison processes for

understanding the media’s impact. While exposure to

thin-ideal and muscular-ideal commercials did lead

to increased appearance comparison, this effect was

stronger for girls. These results suggest that, in

general, girls seem to process self-related appearance

information more deeply and more automatically than

boys. Interestingly, however, it was both girls and boys

high on appearance investment who were most likely

to engage in appearance comparison to the commer-

cials, and to the idealized commercials in particular.

Thus, it is important to recognise the role of both

gender and appearance investment in understanding

the process of social comparison to media images.

Overall the results suggest that the media’s

immediate impact on body image is both stronger

and more normative for girls than boys. This pattern of

results reflects the general pattern of gender differ-

ences in the body image literature (see Levine &

Smolak, 2002a), suggesting that boys’ body image

experiences mirror those of girls but are typically less

prevalent, and when present, less severe. However,

some methodological limitations of the current

research need to be acknowledged. First, the

comparison of the media’s effect on girls’ and boys’

body dissatisfaction is limited by the content of the

experimental stimuli. Because the media’s portrayal of

the thin ideal is likely stronger and more prevalent

than the muscular ideal, it was not possible to perfectly

match the actors in the thin-ideal and muscular-ideal

commercial tapes. Although the difference between

experimental conditions reflects an actual difference

2 Interestingly, the same set of 15 muscular-ideal commercials

led to increased muscle dissatisfaction and decreased self-perceived

‘‘physical attractiveness’’ for college-aged men (Hargreaves &

Tiggemann, submitted for publication). Taken together, the results

suggest males might not develop a vulnerability to muscular-ideal

media images until later adolescence or early adulthood.

in the prevalence of female and male beauty ideals

(Andersen & DiDomenico, 1992), it is possible that

the effect of idealised commercials on boys would be

stronger if the muscular ideal were more salient. As

the media’s portrayal of the muscular ideal becomes

increasingly pervasive (Pope et al., 2001), it is possible

that boys and men will become increasingly vulner-

able to the impact of idealised images on their body

image. Second, the measurement of boys’ body image

remains a challenge. Although some boys are willing

to acknowledge body image concerns, many boys feel

uncomfortable expressing feelings of dissatisfaction

about their appearance (Pope et al., 2000). Thus,

future research with boys should seek to overcome this

social inhibition. Future studies should also use the

revised ASI (Cash, Melnyk, & Hrabosky, 2004),

published after the completion of this study, for an

improved assessment of appearance investment.

The results of the present research converge with

findings of previous correlational and experimental

research to suggest that mass media contribute to the

development of adolescent girls’ body image. Accord-

ingly, attempts to prevent or reduce body dissatisfac-

tion among adolescents might usefully focus on the

role of the mass media. To date, such programs have

typically targeted girls’ body image (for a review, see

Levine & Piran, 2001). Based on the results presented

here, it is not clear that a similar intervention to target

boys’ body image and the portrayal of the male

muscular ideal is needed. It is also not at all clear

whether current strategies used to combat the media’s

impact on girls (for recent reviews see Levine &

Smolak, 2002b; Winzelberg, Abascal, & Taylor, 2002)

are appropriate for boys. As Winzelberg et al. note, ‘‘it

is likely that many of the programs would need

significant modification for boys [or men] to find them

acceptable’’ (p. 494). A modified mode of delivery, as

well as modified content, would be necessary, as many

boys are likely to resist participation making class-

room interventions difficult. Due to this likely

resistance from boys, an important step in designing

an intervention might be to ask boys about the type of

program in which they are willing to participate. For

example, in an attempt to improve the effectiveness of

body image programs for girls, Paxton, Wertheim,

Pilawski, Durkin, and Holt (2002) asked adolescent

girls which messages would be most acceptable (i.e.,

relevant, believable). Similar research with adolescent

D.A. Hargreaves, M. Tiggemann / Body Image 1 (2004) 351–361 359

boys is needed to ensure the development of

intervention programs that boys will find acceptable,

credible, and relevant.

In summary, the present results suggest that

unrealistic ideals of beauty in the media are an

important source of social comparison, and a possible

cause of body dissatisfaction among certain girls and

boys. It remains unclear how these short-lasting

effects might generalize to real world media exposure.

However, as a whole, the results support the usefulness

of social comparison theory, which proposes appear-

ance comparison as an underlying process by which

the media can increase body dissatisfaction, and

appearance schematicity/trait social comparison as

explanations as to why some adolescents are more

vulnerable than others to the media’s immediate

effect. Future investigations of gender differences in

response to media images will contribute to our

growing understanding of the development of ado-

lescent body image.

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