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THE IMPACT OF RACIAL-ETHNIC IDENTITY ON ACADEMIC MOTIVATION OF
AFRICAN AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS
By
Meliane C. Hackett
Liberty University
A Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment
Of the Requirements for the Degree
Doctor of Education
Liberty University
2017
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THE IMPACT OF RACIAL-ETHNIC IDENTITY ON ACADEMIC MOTIVATION OF
AFRICAN AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS
by
Meliane C. Hackett
A Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment
Of the Requirements for the Degree
Doctor of Education
Liberty University, Lynchburg, VA
2017
APPROVED BY:
Elgen Hillman, Ph.D, Committee Chair
Sally Childs, Ed.D., Committee Member
Larry Crites, Ph.D., Committee Member
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ABSTRACT
The purpose of this study was to determine if there is a relationship between racial-ethnic
identity and academic motivation of African American high school students. African Americans
have had a tumultuous history that has affected access to education. This study represents a
significant contribution to educational research by extending the understanding of policy makers
and curriculum developers to create meaningful curricula that support all students’ educational
growth. A bivariate regression analysis was used to determine whether there is a significant
relationship between African American students’ sense of connectedness, embedded
achievement, awareness of racism, and academic motivation. The sample included 84 high
school students enrolled in a southeastern Virginia high school; each participant completed the
Racial/Ethnic Identity Scale and the Academic Motivation Scale. A bivariate correlation found a
weak significant correlation between a sense of connectedness and academic motivation. There
was no significant relationship between embedded achievement or awareness of racism and
academic achievement. Recommendations for future research include examining participants’
socioeconomic status and conducting a qualitative study to examine racial/ethnic identity and
academic motivation of different demographic populations. This study will help curriculum
developers and policy makers support academic achievement of African American high school
students.
Keywords: African American culture, academic motivation, racial-ethnic identity
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Table of Contents
ABSTRACT .................................................................................................................................... 3
List of Abbreviations ...................................................................................................................... 7
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................... 10
Background ................................................................................................................................... 14
History of African American Education ....................................................................................... 17
Statement of the Problem .............................................................................................................. 20
Statement of Purpose .................................................................................................................... 21
Significance of the Study .............................................................................................................. 23
Research Questions ....................................................................................................................... 27
Null Hypotheses ............................................................................................................................ 28
Definitions..................................................................................................................................... 29
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW ............................................................................... 31
Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 31
Theoretical Framework ................................................................................................................. 32
Self-Determination Theory ........................................................................................................ 34
Cognitive Evaluation Theory (CET) .......................................................................................... 38
Basic Needs Theory (BNT) ....................................................................................................... 39
Organismic Integration Theory (OIT) ....................................................................................... 40
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Causality Orientations Theory (COT) ....................................................................................... 41
Summary ....................................................................................................................................... 42
Factors That Affect African American Motivation ...................................................................... 43
Racial-Ethnic Identity of African Americans ............................................................................... 45
Connectedness of African Americans ........................................................................................ 47
Family Practices and Values ...................................................................................................... 52
Awareness of Racism ................................................................................................................. 53
Embedded Achievement of African Americans ........................................................................ 55
Factors That Affect African American Motivation Summary ................................................... 57
Summary ....................................................................................................................................... 59
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY ..................................................................................... 60
Purpose of the Study ..................................................................................................................... 60
Research Design ............................................................................................................................ 61
Research Questions ....................................................................................................................... 61
Null Hypotheses ............................................................................................................................ 62
Participants .................................................................................................................................... 62
Setting ........................................................................................................................................... 63
Instrumentation ............................................................................................................................. 64
Academic Motivation Scale (AMS) ........................................................................................... 64
Racial Ethnic Identity Scale (REIS) .......................................................................................... 68
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Summary ....................................................................................................................................... 69
Procedures ..................................................................................................................................... 70
Data Analysis ................................................................................................................................ 71
CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS .................................................................................................... 73
Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 73
Research Questions ....................................................................................................................... 74
Null Hypotheses ............................................................................................................................ 74
Descriptive Statistics ..................................................................................................................... 75
Results for Research Question One .............................................................................................. 76
Assumption Testing ................................................................................................................... 76
Results for Research Question Two .............................................................................................. 80
Assumption Testing ................................................................................................................... 80
Null Hypothesis Two Testing .................................................................................................... 81
Results for Research Question Three ............................................................................................ 83
Assumption Testing ................................................................................................................... 83
Hypothesis Three Testing .......................................................................................................... 85
Summary ....................................................................................................................................... 86
CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................. 88
Discussion ..................................................................................................................................... 88
Hypothesis One ............................................................................................................................. 88
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Hypothesis Two ............................................................................................................................ 89
Hypothesis Three .......................................................................................................................... 90
Conclusion .................................................................................................................................... 91
Implications ................................................................................................................................... 94
Limitations .................................................................................................................................... 95
Recommendations for Future Research ........................................................................................ 96
REFERENCES ............................................................................................................................. 98
Appendix A ................................................................................................................................. 115
Appendix B ................................................................................................................................. 116
Appendix C ................................................................................................................................. 117
Appendix D ................................................................................................................................. 118
Appendix E ................................................................................................................................. 120
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List of Abbreviations
Academic Motivation Scale (AMS)
Basic Need Theory (BNT)
Causality Orientations Theory (COT)
Cognitive Evaluation Theory (CET)
Organismic Integration Theory (OIT)
Racial Ethnic-Identity Scale (REIS)
Self-Determination Theory (SDT)
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List of Figures
Figure 1- Scatterplot of independent variable and dependent variable ........................................ 77
Figure 2 - Scatterplot of independent variable and dependent variable ....................................... 80
Figure 3 - Scatterplot of independent variable and dependent variable ....................................... 84
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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
Academic success is one of the most widely assessed and evaluated constructs in the field
of educational research. According to Griffin, Mackewn, Moser & VanVuren (2013), academic
motivation is one of the most important factors that contribute to a student’s academic success.
However, personal beliefs of motivation and self-efficacy also influence a student's ability to
perform educational tasks (Griffin et al., 2013). African Americans may have different personal
beliefs than European Americans regarding motivation and racial ethnic identity, which may
impact academic motivation and achievement. Currently, there is concern that African American
students are not performing at the same rate as European American students.
In school year 2013-14, fewer African American secondary students (73%) graduated
than European Americans (87%), Hispanic Americans (76%), or Asian Americans (89%)
(NCES, 2015). Additionally, according to the U.S. Department of Education (2014), African
American students are suspended 3 times more often than European American students. On
average, European American students were suspended at a rate of 5% compared to 16% of
African American students in a school year. Of the students who entered high school in 2013,
87.2% of white students graduated on time, compared to 72.5% of African Americans (National
Center of Education Statistics, 2015). The 2015 National Assessment of Educational Progress
(NAEP) reading assessment found that 46% of 4th grade and 44% of 8th grade European
American students scored as “proficient or above,” while among African American students,
only 18% of 4th graders and 16% of 8th graders scored as “proficient or above.” These findings
were strengthened by similar findings in mathematics: on the 2015 NAEP, 51% of 4th grade and
43% of 8th grade European American students scored as proficient or above, while among
African American students, 19% of 4th grade students 13% of 8th grade students scored as
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proficient or above. Since African American students are not always as academically successful
as European Americans, it is important to examine factors that are potentially related to this
disparity, such as academic motivation.
When looking at academic achievement among African Americans, low academic
achievement may be related to different values and motivations. African American high school
students are experiencing lower graduation rates and lower college enrollment (Aud et al., 2010,
US Department of Education, n.d.). African American students graduate from high school at a
rate of 60% compared to 80% of European Americans (Aud, et al., 2010; US Department of
Education, n.d). Although high school dropout rates have decreased and college enrollment has
increased among African American students, in 2008, only 32% of African Americans between
the ages of 18 and 24 were enrolled in colleges and universities, compared to 44% of European
Americans (Aud, et al., 2010, US Department of Education n.d.). These statistics begin to reveal
the significant education gap between African American and European American high school
students, which may be partially due to racial-ethnic values, as well as to cultural variables that
are promoted in the school system (Robinson & Biran, 2006). As stated above, African
Americans are experiencing lowered graduation rates and high school completion which may be
impacted by demographic variables such as racial-ethnic identity and motivational factors.
Researchers have examined many reasons for the education gap between African
Americans and European Americans, including racial identity, socioeconomic status, family
structure, and genetics (McKown, & Strambler, 2008). NAEP (2015) data shows that between
1992 and 2015, the achievement gap in reading between African American and European
American 12th grade students expanded, while the gap in mathematics remained the same. In
addition, researchers have examined differences between various racial-ethnic groups in
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motivation and psychological factors (Graham, 1994), conflict between school and home values
(Tyler et al., 2010), lack of quality instruction in poor areas (McLaren, 2007), lack of educational
value (Cokely, 2002), and racial identity (Fordham, 1988; Fordham & Ogbu 1986). With
multiple factors contributing to achievement gaps between African and European Americans, it
is important to continue to explore possible reasons for disparities in achievement. Despite the
fact that there may be many variables that affect African Americans students’ academic
motivation, racial-ethnic identity has not been addressed in the United States school system as a
possible contributing factor.
Currently, schools in the United States reflect the cultural and racial-ethnic norms and
values of middle-class European Americans, emphasizing competition and individualism
(Maryshow et al., 2005), while the racial-ethnic norms of African American culture value
collectivism and community. The racial disparity in academic achievement may be attributed to a
lack of understanding among African American students of the European American racial-ethnic
value system (Good, Dweck and Aronson, 2007; Maryshow, Hurley, Allen, Tyler & Boykin,
2005). Oyserman, Brickman and Rhodes (2007) have found that a strong racial identity is
connected to higher academic performance. For African American students to thrive in academic
settings, it is important that they feel connected to their school communities (Oyserman,
Brickman & Rhodes, 2007; Good Dweck & Aronson, 2007). African Americans’ racial-ethnic
identities should be represented in their school environments. This research is supported by
developmental research showing that students’ engagement and motivation is connected their
values and beliefs (Wigfield & Eccles, 1992; Pintrich, Roeser & DeGroot, 1994).
Overall, African American academic differences relate to racial-ethnic schemas and their
impact on academic motivation. Without education, opportunities for African American students
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may decline. African American students may not be accessing education in the same ways as
European Americans. All students deserve opportunities to be academically successful.
Determining how racial-ethnic identity impacts academic motivation can help educators develop
tools needed to assist African American students by providing the resources, support, and
motivation needed to learn and understand academic content in the same manner as European
Americans. This research may help identify academic values related to racial-ethnic identity and
how they impact academic motivation, African American students will be able to achieve
academically in the same manner as European American students in the public school system.
Teachers and administrators can also find way to promote academic engagement and hopefully
increase academic outcomes.
Racial-ethnic identity may also play a role in how African Americans access education.
To address how the achievement gap is impacted by racial-ethnic identity it is important to
research these factors. This research investigates how racial-ethnic identity predicts academic
achievement of African American students. Oyserman, Grant and Ager (1995) investigated how
racial-ethnic identity has an impact on how African Americans view themselves, but there are
limited quantitative studies on how racial-ethnic identity impact academic achievement of
African American high school students.
This chapter will outline academic challenges that have affected African Americans over
time, as well as the theoretical underpinnings of academic motivation; outline the significance of
the study, research questions, and hypotheses; and identify the key variables used in the study.
This study will use a simple linear regression to determine how racial-ethnic identity predicts
academic motivation of African American high school students.
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While African Americans lag behind their European American counterparts, American
students also lag behind other students worldwide. Globally, students in United States rank 62nd
in math proficiency and 17th in reading proficiency (Peterson, Woessmann, Hanushek & Lastra-
Anadon, 2011). According to Peterson et al. (2011), the U.S reading proficiency rate is 31%,
compared to other countries such as Korea (47%), Singapore and New Zealand (42%), Japan and
Canada (41%), Australia (38%) and Belgium (37%). These numbers indicate a larger problem
with academic achievement in the United States. Students sit in the same classes, learning the
same curriculum from the same teacher, and yet disparities in achievement are evident. To give
all students the education they deserve, it is important to determine what factors contribute to
these disparities.
In an effort to determine ways to reduce racial disparities in academic achievement, this
paper will examine how African American racial-ethnic schemas predict academic motivation.
By doing so, this research will help teachers, policymakers, and school administrators to more
effectively meet the needs of African American high school students; it may also help to
motivate African American students to perform academically, increasing their access to
educational opportunities, and ultimately reducing academic disparities between African and
European American students.
Background
Throughout history, African Americans have had a difficult time accessing education in
the United States. During slavery, they were not allowed to receive an education; after slaves
were freed, African Americans developed their own schools and, for the first time, were allowed
to be educated. African American schools did not have many resources and were not comparable
to European American schools; students often had to commute significant distances as schools
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were not located near their homes. African Americans had their own traditions, beliefs, and
attitudes that were not reflected in integrated schools. After desegregation, school reform began,
changing how education was provided to all students, but integrated schools often reflected the
ideals of middle-class European Americans (Maryshow et al. 2005; Payne, 2005). The Supreme
Court’s landmark ruling in Brown v. Board of Education was a turning point for the African
American community, and many hoped it would provide equal opportunity and quality education
to all students.
After Brown v. Board of Education, the educational system changed for African
Americans. Racial-ethnic schemas or organized generalizations about African Americans were
not taken into account when desegregating schools. Advocates of desegregation strived for
equality and made significant strides; however, African American communities continue to face
significant problems in attaining education. Public schools in the United States have adopted
European American cultural values despite diverse school populations (Maryshow et al. 2005;
Payne, 2005)
African American students typically attend schools where people of color comprise the
majority of the student body, and are not performing at the same rate as their European American
peers (NCES, 2007). According to the US Department of Education (n.d), 63.6% of African
American students graduate in four years, while for European American students, that rate is
80.6%. There is still a disparity between African American and European American test scores
(US Department of Education, n.d). Although African American students are not graduating at
the same rate as European Americans, African Americans are capable of performing
academically and can be academically successful.
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African Americans hold education in high regard, despite academic performance records
that sometimes seem to indicate otherwise. Generally, African American students value
education, but perceptions regarding the value of education drive student success. For example,
Irving and Hudley (2008) found that negative attitudes toward education were predictive of
lower achievement for African American students. Ogbu (2004) found that African American
students who experienced racial barriers were likely to devalue the relevance of school, while
those who valued reading and math were more likely to achieve in school (Eccleston, Smyth, &
Lopoo, 2010). Overall, African American students who can see the personal value and benefits
of education, and whose psychological needs are being met, are more likely to be academically
motivated (Chavous, et al., 2003).
In order to meet the needs of African American students, it is important to learn about
African American academic motivations. Despite a long history of adversity, African Americans
have been self-determined, motivated and successful. African Americans’ motivation in
particular is based on autonomy, competence and relatedness, which are also the basis of Deci
and Ryan’s (1985) Self Determination Theory (SDT). SDT provides a framework for
understanding how people become intrinsically motivated, extrinsically motivated, or amotivated
based on the basic human needs for autonomy, competence, and connectedness (relatedness to
others).
African Americans may have experienced autonomy, competence, and relatedness to
others differently from European Americans, which may have impacted how African American
are motivated to learn. Historically, African American students have underachieved in public
education. There are many social justice issues affecting African American communities, which
may also contribute to high dropout rates and lower standardized test scores, exacerbating the
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educational gap between European Americans and minorities. According to Caldwell and Obasi
(2010), the segregation that African Americans have experienced has perpetuated the
achievement gap. Despite their emancipation from slavery, African Americans are still not
afforded the same liberties as European Americans. Due to these challenges, it is important to
increase understanding of the different factors that contribute to African American academic
outcomes. For educators to understand how to promote academic engagement and motivation
among African American students, it is important to examine African American educational
history, which may affect academic motivation. The following section will examine how
African Americans have experienced education throughout history.
History of African American Education
Historically, African Americans were not allowed to be educated. During slavery, fewer
than 5% of African Americans attended school and 90% were considered illiterate (Span, 2009).
In 1740, South Carolina was the first state to enact a law prohibiting African Americans from
learning to read (Span, 2009); Georgia enacted a similar law in 1770. The Southern states
continued to implement restrictions preventing African Americans from learning to read, out of
fear that literacy would lead to freedom or escape (Span, 2009; Anderson, 2002; Margo, 1990).
By 1840, there were punishments and fines for anyone caught teaching African Americans to
read. Although not all of the colonies enacted such laws, community sentiment in the South
opposed educating African Americans (Span, 2009; Anderson, 2002; Margo, 1990).
Span (2009) found that proponents of slavery voiced their opinions within the community
to ensure that European Americans would not want to teach slaves to read, or associate with
literate, free African Americans, and as a result, the only education most African Americans
were permitted to receive was instruction in the area in which they worked. This mindset was
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infused throughout the South, perpetuating and legally enshrining the ideology that African
Americans were substandard and incompetent (Span, 2009, Anderson, 2002; Margo, 1990).
Despite the threat of serious consequences, many African Americans continued to teach
themselves to read and write in secret, and after emancipation, many sought educational
opportunities in order to compete in the free world (Johnson-Blake, 2010). Slaves were punished
severely for showing an interest in education: for example, one slave had his thumb removed and
was beaten for learning to read and write (Reuf and Fletcher, 2003). Many other slaves gave
similar accounts of being severely punished and disfigured for attempting to learn (Span, 2009).
Approximately 5-10% of African Americans did learn some literacy skills from slaves who
learned to read early in life, or from slave owners’ children who were not aware of the anti-
literacy sentiment (Span, 2009). After the Civil War, those African Americans who possessed
literacy skills were the first to teach newly emancipated slaves, as anti-literacy laws became
invalid. However, although African Americans were legally allowed to learn to read and write,
there were still barriers that prevented them from accessing education.
After 1863 and the ratification of the Emancipation Proclamation, free African
Americans began to develop and attend schools and churches. According to Buchard (2010), in
the mid-1860s, African Americans had a difficult time receiving education due to attacks on
African American teachers, schools, and students. Booker T. Washington wrote in his
autobiography about the surge of African Americans who yearned for education: “Few people
who were not right in the midst of the scenes can form any exact idea of the intense desire which
the people of my race showed for education…. It was a whole race trying to go to school. Few
were too young, and none too old, to make the attempt to learn” (Cited in Span, 2010. p.30–31).
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During this period, a number of grassroots efforts emerged to help educate former slaves.
By 1870, almost 10,000 teachers from the North had migrated south to assist at the Bureau of
Refugees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands, where they taught a quarter of a million African
Americans in 4,300 schools (Span, 2009). These “Freedom Schools” were self-governing
schools, paid for and implemented by former slaves that assisted free African Americans.
According to Span (2009), by the end of the 1800s almost 60% of African Americans were
literate. The improvement in African American literacy led to improved opportunities but there
continued to be obstacles that prevented African Americans from being educated in the same
manner as European Americans.
Despite these hardships and obstacles, African Americans continued to educate
themselves. Schools, however, were segregated, and in 1896, the Supreme Court in Plessy v.
Ferguson, which found that educational facilities for African Americans could be “separate but
equal”, upheld segregation This ruling allowed African American schools to remain in poor
condition and without the necessary resources and materials (Moore-Thomas, 2009). During
segregation, African Americans were able to achieve their goals in lesser conditions, but the
injustices and inequalities they endured could not be ignored, and change did not occur for
decades until the Civil Rights Movement. Overall, African Americans were not afforded the
same opportunities as European Americans, leading to resentment and rejection towards the
dominant European American culture (Moore-Thomas, 2009).
Slavery caused cultural genocide among African Americans. African Americans’
ancestral African culture was destroyed, yet the desire for education remained. African
Americans were viewed as unequal and often internalized this belief due to the dominant
culture’s beliefs. McSwine (2010) posits that implementing desegregation after Brown v. Board
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of Education was not beneficial for African American students when the knowledge of culture,
resilience, and racism are considered. He indicates that idea behind Brown v. Board of
Education was wrong because the court’s decision did not account for the cultural background of
African Americans, which is the contributes to academic achievement. Although the court
recognized the impact that feelings of inferiority might have on student motivation, they failed to
examine the culture implications of the curriculum and teaching strategies used within
segregated schools, or to address issues of cultural identity for African American students based
on their own traditions and cultural values (McSwine, 2010). This would lead one to conclude
that racial identity may have an impact on academic motivation. Therefore, it is important for
educators to understand how African American culture impacts educational outcomes.
Overall, African Americans have had a tumultuous history and have not always had
opportunities to be academically successful, given the realities of anti-literacy laws and slavery,
which forced them to hide their desire for education. Eventually, anti-literacy laws were
eliminated, but the lingering effects of mistreatment, as well as segregation by the dominate
white culture, has impacted how African Americans students are affected by the European
American cultural value educational system (Maryshow et al. 2005).
Statement of the Problem
Today, African American students face many hardships in society. While in high school,
African American students are flooded with social obstacles that affect them both in school and
within the community. As a result, African Americans are often academically disadvantaged due
to a lack of resources, lower socioeconomic status, and less family support.
Several studies indicate that a strong racial identity or sense of belonging to a racial
group positively predicts academic achievement or motivation (Oyserman et al., 2003; Seller,
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Chavous & Cook, 1998; Spencer, Noll, Stoltzfus & Harpalina, 2001). Conversely, however,
other researchers have found a negative relationship between racial identity and self-concept
(Worrell, 2007; Harper & Tucker, 2006), or no relationship or a minimal relationship between
racial identity and academic achievement (Awad, 2007; Lockett & Harrell, 2003). While
extensive research has been conducted on how racial identity impacts academic motivation, the
current literature examining how African American racial identity impacts academic motivation
of African American high school students is inconsistent and inconclusive (Oyserman et al.,
2003; Seller, Chavous & Cook, 1998; Spencer, Noll, Stoltzfus & Harpalina, 2001, Worrell, 2007;
Harper & Tucker, 2006; Awad, 2007; Lockett & Harrell, 2003). It is important to examine
African American racial-ethnic schemas to determine which factors of African American culture
predict academic motivation.
Additionally, a large body of research has been conducted focusing on self-efficacy, self-
concept, social support, and self-esteem of college students (Martin, 2013; Rodger & Summers,
2008; Turner, Chandler & Heffer, 2009; Somers, Owens & Piliawsky, 2008). However, there are
limited studies examining African American high school students’ racial-ethnic identities and
academic motivation.
Statement of Purpose
The purpose of this study is to determine how racial-ethnic identity of African American
students impacts their academic motivation based on the Racial-Ethnic Identity Scale (REIS)
(Oyserman, Grant & Ager, 1995; Oyserman, Brickman & Rhodes, 2007) and the Academic
Motivation Scale (AMS) (Vallerand et al., 1992). A correlational analysis will be used to test the
theory of self-determination in regards to the racial-ethnic identity of African American high
school students and academic motivation at one southeastern Virginia high school. This study
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will help address the gap in the literature concerning how African American high school
student’s racial ethnic schemas impact academic motivation. By examining racial-ethnic identity
and academic motivation, teachers, policy makers and school leaders can possibly incorporate
culturally relevant educational practices within the school and in turn, increase academic success
of African American students.
The criterion variable in this study is academic motivation. Academic motivation is
defined by Vellarand et al. (1992) as intrinsic motivation—to know, towards accomplishment,
and to experience stimulation; extrinsic motivation – external regulation, introjected regulation
and identified regulation; and lastly, amotivation. The Academic Motivation Scale (AMS)
developed by Vellarand et al (1992) will measure academic motivation.
The predictor variables were selected based on the research throughout the literature
review (Young, Johnson, Hawthorne & Pugh, 2011; Rust et al. 2011; Coker, 2003; Caldwell &
Obasi, 2010; Butler-Barnse, Williams & Chavous, 2011; Byrd & Chavous, 2011; Robinson &
Biran, 2006; Oyserman et al. 2003). This study will use the predictor variables of connectedness,
awareness of racism, and embedded achievement. These variables were shown to be influential
to African American motivation. The REIS was selected because it most closely measures the
aspects of African American culture reflected in the literature (Young, Johnson, Hawthorne &
Pugh, 2011; Rust et al. 2011; Coker, 2003; Caldwell & Obasi, 2010; Butler-Barnse, Williams &
Chavous, 2011; Byrd & Chavous, 2011; Robinson & Biran, 2006). The REIS allows the
participants to express generalizations about their racial identity and culture. The questions will
be used to determine the relationship between racial-ethnic identity and academic motivation.
Understanding how racial-ethnic identity impact academic motivation can potentially help
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educators develop educational programs that will promote academic success among African
American high school students in a culturally relevant way.
Significance of the Study
Educational outcomes are often linked to a person’s core value system (Lent & Brown,
2006). Kao and Thompson (2003) found that when socioeconomic status is controlled, African
American students still performed significantly less than European American students.
According to Fryer and Levitt (2004), African American children are approximately 1.5 standard
deviations behind European American students on standardized math and reading tests. In
addition, Peterson et al. (2011) showed that in math proficiency, European Americans scored
42%, while African Americans scored 11%. Math is not the only area that African Americans
are scoring below European Americans on proficiency exams (Peterson et al., 2011). African
Americans scored 13% in reading proficiency when compared to 40% by European Americans.
These statistics support the fact that there is a gap in academic performance between the two
groups. These studies support why identifying variables that will improve educational outcomes
for African American is significant because educators need to determine if culture does affects
academic motivation and if so, to what extent. In addition to gaining an understanding about
improving academic achievement for African American students, research shows that there is a
positive link between racial identity and academic motivation (Lent et al., 1993; Wolters,
Denton, York & Francis, 2013). It would logically be expected based on this research that it is
important for educators to increase African American student motivation by maintaining positive
racial identity. There are several studies that argue that motivation is directly related to student
attendance, student effort, discipline and time spent on homework (Bishop et al. 2003; Betts,
1996). When students increase academic motivation, students are more likely to perform better
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in school. By examining how racial-ethnic identity plays a role in motivation, African American
students can achieve at the same levels as European American students.
Understanding what factors contribute to African American student motivation may help
educators reduce under achievement. It is important to identify the unique needs of African
American high school students and how culture plays a role in African American student
motivation. According to Johnson and Biran (2006), African American students with a high
level of African self-consciousness have a higher level of intrinsic motivation and feelings of
responsibility for the African American community. This study supports that African Americans
value connectedness to the community. In addition to academically self-consciousness, African
Americans are more motivated in school when there is a sense of community (Johnson & Biran,
2006). This is further supported by Oyserman, Grant and Ager (1995) study, which examined
racial identity and school persistence. The study found that a balance of racial-ethnic variables
of connectedness, embedded achievement and awareness of racism predicted academic
achievement. Stinson (2011) also found that schools that adopt group centered ethos for African
American students are motivated in school. Following the research in this area, schools are not
meeting the psychological needs of African American students to be successful in school.
Research implies that African American students may have different needs because of their
history of slavery and history of perceived inferiority that continues to impact African American
students. When student basic needs are not met, academic motivation and interest diminish
(Wang & Eccles, 2013).
Many times educational institutions do not take African American racial-identity and
motivational factors into consideration when helping African American students succeed
academically. Ultimately, racial integrity should not have to be sacrificed in order for African
25
American students to be successful. By developing an educational environment that promotes
African American racial-ethnic identity, schools may be able to help increase academic
achievement of African American high school students.
It is unclear if African American racial-ethnic identity has an impact on academic
motivation. The research does not explain if or how racial-ethnic identity impacts student
academic motivation. There is a considerable need for research to determine if African
American racial-ethnic identity impacts academic motivation. Researchers have found that there
are different reasons why African American students lack motivation. One reason according to
Fordham (1988) is that students have a difficult time balancing the dual relationship between
African American racial-ethnic identity and the dominant society’s cultural system because the
dominant society promotes individualism while the African American racial-ethnic identity
promotes collectivism. African American students are forced to adopt the racial-ethnic identities
of European American students. This may or may not impact African American ability to be
motivated academically, which in turn may cause the achievement gap
More information is needed to determine the cause of the lack of motivation. It is
important to understand how academic motivation of African Americans is possibly linked to
positive ethnic-racial identity. Determining what variables promote academic motivation may
help educators and policy makers develop curriculum and supports to help African American
students achieve in the same manner as European American students. More research on African
American racial-ethnic identity can provide insight into academic motivation in ways traditional
methods of educating African American students cannot (Caldwell & Obasi, 2010).
The research focuses on African American college students and how self-concept, self-
esteem, self-efficacy, and social factors impact academic motivation. Building on Caldwell and
26
Obasi’s (2010) findings, the current study will examine African American high school students
to determine how racial-ethnic identity impacts academic motivation. Additional information is
critical to determine the possible impact of African American racial-ethnic identity on academic
motivation. This possible link between African American racial-ethnic identity and academic
motivation is just beginning to be explored through research and has not been clearly defined.
Since the impact of racial-ethnic identity on academic motivation of African American is not
clearly defined, it is important to examine these factors.
Recent research focuses on the differences in African American racial-ethnic identity
and the school environment. For example, two studies (Brown-Wright & Tyler, 2010; Tyler,
Brown-Wright, Stevens-Watkins, Thomas et al. 2010) found perceived differences between the
values and operations in the school environment did not exist in the home environment of
African American students. This is further explored through limited quantitative studies that
examine how cultural values predict academic motivation. These studies begin to reveal that
African American students experience school home dissonance.
Home and school dissonance may attribute to a lack of academic motivation among
African American students. Many times, in addition to a lack of connection to the values shared
in the home, African American students have had unequal opportunities in the United States and
devalue the benefits of academic achievement, which leads to lower educational outcome
expectancy (Caldwell & Obasi, 2010). Despite social, economic and racial discrimination, some
African Americans have responded to adversity by developing strong racial identity and
commitment to academic success (Sanders, 1997). In 2003, Ogbu conducted a study that
analyzed the phenomenon of African American disengagement within an affluent suburb. Ogbu
found that African American students were disengaged from academics due to societal problems,
27
school dissonance and community influences. Further factors consisted of race relations,
internalized white beliefs, collective identity, culture, and language and peer pressure. By
examining how racial-ethnic identity impacts academic motivation, educators can possibility
increase educational outcomes of African American students and provide a solution to increase
academic engagement in schools.
Based on this research, it is clear that African American students face larger issues that
are not being addressed in the academic setting. This pitfall in the American educational system
may cause African American students to fail at a rate that is not equal to European American
students in the same schools. This study will examine whether African American racial-ethnic
identity may impact academic motivation. Educators will be able to use this research to develop
culturally relevant curriculum and educational strategies to improve educational outcomes for
African Americans.
Research Questions
The research objective for this study is to determine how racial-ethnic identity impacts
the academic motivation in African American high school students. Racial-ethnic identity is
defined as a social construction that “refers to a sense of group or collective identity based on
one’s perception that he or she shares a common heritage with a particular racial group” (Helms,
1993, p. 3). African Americans motivation varies based on African self-consciousness
(Robinson & Biran, 2006) perceived social support (connectedness to the community) (Young et
al., 2011), and the impact of specialized school’s culture, neighborhoods and racism (Fraizer,
2012). The related research questions are shown below:
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RQ1: What impact does the racial-ethnic identity component of connectedness have on
academic motivation as measured by the AMS?
RQ2: What impact does the racial-ethnic identity component awareness of racism have on
academic motivation as measured by the AMS?
RQ3: What impact does the racial-ethnic identity component of embedded achievement have on
academic motivation as measured by the AMS?
Null Hypotheses
H01 There is no statistically significant predictive relationship between the racial-ethnic identity
component of connectedness and academic motivation, as measured by the AMS.
H02 There is no statistically significant predictive relationship between the racial-ethnic identity
component of awareness of racism and academic motivation, as measured by the AMS.
H03 There is no statistically significant predictive relationship between the racial-ethnic identity
component of embedded achievement and academic motivation, as measured by the
AMS.
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Definitions
Academic achievement: When a student meets the educational outcomes outlined by the
school or district.
Academic Motivation: The amount of intrinsic motivation or extrinsic motivation a
person has to perform academically (Vallerand et al., 1992).
Amotivation: When a person is neither intrinsically or extrinsically motivated. A person
does not perceive exigencies between the effects of their own actions (Vellarand et al., 1992).
Extrinsic motivation – external regulation: A person’s behavior is guided by external
rewards and punishments (Vellarand et al., 1992).
Extrinsic motivation – identified regulation: When a person internalizes their chosen
actions and it is deemed as valuable, it is internalized as important by the individual (Vellarand
et al., 1992).
Extrinsic motivation – introjected regulation: A person who begins to internalize the
reasons for their actions and this is based on experiences (Vellarand et al., 1992).
Intrinsic motivation – stimulation: A person who engages in an action based on sensory
pleasure and fun and excitement from an activity (Vellarand et al., 1992).
Intrinsic motivation – to accomplish: Participating in an activity for pleasure and
satisfaction of attempting to accomplish or creating something (Vellarand et al., 1992).
Intrinsic motivation – to know: Performing an activity for the pleasure that a person
derives from learning and exploring new things (Vellarand et al., 1992).
Racial Ethnic Identity -– “refers to a sense of group or collective identity based on one’s
perception that he or she shares a common heritage with a particular racial group” (Helms, 1993,
p. 3).
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Values: “Standards that not only guide the behavior of the individuals who hold them, but
serve as their basis for judging the behavior of others” (Rokeach, 1973).
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CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
Introduction
The purpose of this chapter is to provide a comprehensive literature review of racial
ethnic identity and academic motivation. African American students may be at an increased risk
of being less successful in school than European American students. Researchers have found that
different cultural values may contribute to the success of African American students (Caldwell &
Obasi, 2010).
Motivation is one of the most important factors in a student’s academic performance
(Griffin, Mackewn, Moser & VanVuren, 2012). School climate, educators, beliefs and
perceptions, family, and social values all influence motivation (Rowell & Hong, 2012). Lack of
motivation can cause students to underachieve and increases students’ chances of dropping out
of school (Rowell & Hong, 2012). African American students with a strong racial identity, who
are aware of discrimination and who understand the contributions that their race will possess
positive academic values and demonstrate higher academic motivation and achievement (Smalls,
White, Chavous & Sellers, 2007; Kunjufu, 1995; Spencer et al, 2002). The purpose of this study
is to determine the relationship between racial-ethnic identity and academic motivation. This
study uses a correlational analysis through a convenience sample from a school in the
southeastern region of Virginia. This research will provide more insight into how racial ethnic
identity of African American high school student’s impacts academic motivation. This chapter
contains precedent literature and research organized to examine the theoretical framework of
Self-Determination Theory (SDT) by exploring intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. The latter part
of the literature review will analyze racial-ethnic identity of African American students through
the components of connectedness, awareness of racism, and embedded achievement.
32
An exhaustive review was conducted on this topic, using keywords such as African
American motivation; racial identity; African American culture and academic achievement. The
literature is centered on the following topics: motivation, culture of African Americans and
racial-ethnic identity of African Americans, self-determination theory, and academic motivation.
Literature related to each of these topics will be discussed and summarized, with strengths and
weaknesses identified in an effort to provide an understanding of what variables serve as the best
predictors of academic achievement of African Americans. The purpose of this study is to
determine how racial-ethnic identity of African American students based on the REIS (Oyserman
et al, 1995; Oyserman et al, 2007) impacts academic motivation of African American high
school students as measured by the AMS (Vallenrand et al, 1992).
Theoretical Framework
Student motivation has been consistently researched throughout the history of education.
Within the last twenty years, motivation of students from different cultures has been explored.
African American student motivation, in particular, has been studied using self-determination
theory to explain academic motivation, but to date, the focus has been on African American
college students (Martin, 2013; Rodgers & Summers, 2008; Turner, Chandler & Heffer, 2009;
Somers, Owens & Pilliawsky, 2008). African American student motivation can be explored by
examining Self-Determination Theory (SDT). SDT is the study of motivation, which can be
intrinsic or extrinsic, and holds that intrinsic and extrinsic motivational factors stem from how
social and cultural development affect individual differences (Deci & Ryan, 2008). According to
Deci and Ryan (2008), the conditions that best support individual differences are autonomy,
defined as perception of independence despite external factors; competence, defined as control of
an outcome and achieving mastery; and relatedness, defined as being connected with others.
33
SDT implies that if these basic psychological needs are met, then an individual will be
considered self-determined and will be able to reach their goals (Deci & Ryan, 2008). In order to
understand African American student motivation, it is important to examine SDT and how it
impacts African American students.
Numerous studies have examined academic motivation using self-determination theory,
but the results are inconsistent. For example, Othman and Leng (2011) found a weak relationship
between self-concept, intrinsic motivation, self-determination, and academic achievement for
students who attended a Chinese Primary School. Byrd & Chavous (2011) found that African
American students who received positive messages about race from teachers reported higher
rates of intrinsic motivation. Another study examined valuing achievement and behavioral
engagement and found that achievement values do not have a significant influence on
achievement (Darensbourg & Blake, 2013). Socioeconomic status, college experience in
previous family generations, and perceived social support predicted intrinsic and extrinsic
motivation for African American students in accordance with self-determination theory (Young,
Johnson, Hawthorne & Pugh, 2011). Gamboa, Rodriguez and Garcia (2013) found that self-
motivation in any capacity determine academic outcomes. Finally, Ryan and Deci (2000) include
connectedness to others as a source of motivation. The goal of relating or feeling connected
stems from a person’s cultural values. In summary, the ways Africans Americans feel self-
determined varies; however, it is important to determine how African American students
experience autonomy, competence, and connectedness in order to understand how their racial-
ethnic identity may impact their academic achievement.
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Self-Determination Theory
SDT offers a way to understand academic motivation. After reviewing the literature, it
became apparent that academic motivation could be explained by self-determination. This link is
critical, because motivational skills stemming from self-determination correlate with, and may be
causal factors in, achievement. SDT rests on an organismic view of human nature, which
indicates a natural inclination to act and grow developmentally (Ryan & Deci, 2008). The
organismic view of human nature suggests that a person will seek out challenges and attempt to
make discoveries within their environment. Rigby et al. (1992) indicates that humans have an
innate tendency to integrate their own experiences, knowledge, and personality into a sense of
self, as well as to integrate with other individuals. Deci and Ryan (2002) argues that external
factors can either inhibit or promote the integration process of developing psychological
wellbeing. SDT reveals interactions between the natural tendency to interact, develop and
external factors that suggests three basic psychological needs of all individuals: autonomy,
competence and relatedness. If all these needs are met, then most individuals will be able to
integrate and develop. While it is true that SDT is critical to motivation, it is import to see how
African American students experience autonomy, competence, and relatedness.
Autonomy is defined as the perception of a person’s ability to have control over one’s
own behavior. Although external forces can influence independence, individuals have the ability
to act on their own will because of the values that are integrated within ones self (Deci & Ryan,
2002). Competence is best defined as a person’s perception of their ability to feel successful in
their own environment. The need for competence is what drives a person to seek out challenges
within their own environment, maintaining their ability levels and in turn, increasing their sense
of competence (Deci & Ryan, 2002). Relatedness is defined as the predisposition for people to
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want to be and feel connected to others. Individuals want to feel as if they belong to a
community (Deci & Ryan, 2002).
Deci and Ryan (2000) describe intrinsic motivation as “the inherent tendency to seek out
novelty and challenges, to extend and exercise one’s capacities to explore and learn” (p. 70).
Turner, Chandler and Heffer (2009) used SDT to determine how parental styles, motivation to
achieve, and self-efficacy influence academic performance in college students, but did not focus
on racial or ethnical differences. Another study used SDT as one of the theoretical frameworks to
explain African American students academic success at predominately white institutions and
motivational factors of college students (Rodgers & Summers, 2008). Additionally, Wang and
Eccles (2013) also used SDT to explain school context, motivation to achieve, and academic
engagement among ethnically diverse students to measure academic motivation.
In contrast to intrinsic motivation, extrinsic motivation “refers to the performance of an
activity in order to attain some separable outcome and, thus, contrasts with intrinsic motivation
which refers to doing an activity for the inherent satisfaction of the activity itself” (Ryan & Deci,
2000, p. 72). Cokley found that African American college students had higher levels of extrinsic
motivation when attending predominately white institutions, but had lower grade point averages.
Cokley (2003) also noted that African American students who attended historically black
colleges/universities reported higher levels of intrinsic motivation and higher academic self-
concept. This is important because it suggests that African American students may be
academically motivated in different ways than European American students. Overall, the
differences in intrinsic motivation and extrinsic motivation imply that African Americans
motivational needs are different, and that gaining an understanding of academic motivation may
reduce academic disparities (Allen, 1988; Ford, 1996).
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Behavior is regulated by either internal or external factors: a student’s behavior can be
controlled, or self-determined. Self-determined behavior is considered internally regulated, and
behavior that is controlled is externally regulated. Meeting the psychological needs identified by
SDT improves self-determination. Students who have their basic needs met are more likely to be
motivated to perform. In academic settings, teachers, peers, and family members can promote or
hinder self-determination. When a student’s needs for autonomy, relatedness and competence are
supported, students are likely to succeed academically. When students are only focused on
external factors, such as earning grades or approval, the student will be less self-determined.
While intrinsically motivated students exhibit greater self-determination, both factors are
important. Cokely (2003) used the Academic Motivation Scale (AMS) to measure academic
motivation, using the Academic Self-Concept Scale and the Roseburg Self-Esteem Scale in a
structural equation model to analyze the data. Cokely (2003) found that African American
students had significantly higher levels of intrinsic motivation in academic self-concept, self-
esteem, and academic performance when attending historically Black colleges/universities than
did African American students attending predominately white institutions. This suggests that
African Americans basic needs are being met in a different manner at historically Black
colleges/universities, and that racial-ethnic identity may play a role in motivation. However,
another study from Cokely, Bernard, Cunningham and Montoike (2001) found no difference in
intrinsic and extrinsic motivation in African American students. The researchers used the AMS
and the Academic Self-Concept Scale in a structural equation model to analyze the data. These
mixed results indicate more research is needed related to racial-ethnic identity and academic
motivation of African American students.
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In another study, Brown (2002) posits that when researchers control for socioeconomic
status, level of parental education, and a variety of other factors that contribute to achievement, a
racial gap in academic achievement persists. This supports the idea that the current educational
practices exhibited by schools and teachers are counterproductive to academic success of African
American students.
Intrinsic motivation. Motivation is based on three basic psychological needs being met,
autonomy, competence and relatedness. Although people have intrinsic motivational
characteristics, evidence suggests that if a person is not in an environment that supports intrinsic
motivation, these can be easily thwarted. Vansteenkiste, Lens and Deci (2006) determined that
there are additional ways to be intrinsically motivated, and that autonomous motivation involves
a person’s ability to make choices. “Intrinsic motivation and well-internalized forms of extrinsic
motivation are considered autonomous, whereas poorly internalized forms of extrinsic
motivation are considered controlled” (Vansteenkiste et al, 2006 p. 19). Supporting and
developing teaching practices that satisfy the three basic needs (autonomy, competence and
relatedness) will help develop students who are self-determined and motivated (Kusharkar,
Croset, Ten & Cate, 2011).
According to Deci and Ryan (2000), students who are intrinsically motivated are more
likely to pursue a college education in a field that they are passionate about. This is primarily
true for European Americans. Cokely (2003) found that African American students who attended
historically Black colleges or universities were more intrinsically motivated because of culturally
relevant experiences. SDT can provide some insight on self-determined behavior, but there is
limited research on how SDT applies to African American high school students.
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Extrinsic motivation. Vansteenkiste et al. (2006) discussed two forms of extrinsic
motivation: external regulation and introjected regulation. The least autonomous form of
extrinsic motivation, external regulation is motivation by rewards, punishments, and deadlines,
none of which are internalized. Introjected regulation is a form of extrinsic motivation that is
only partially internalized, whereby a person may comply with something because of internal
pressure to avoid feelings of guilt and shame. The person does not accept the motivation
internally as they would with intrinsic motivation.
In order for students to abide by school rules and regulations, they must be presented in a
way that enhances students’ relatedness, competence, and autonomy “with respect to relevant
behaviors” of the people involved (Vansteenkiste et al, 2006, p 21). African American students
may feel they are unable to achieve a desired outcome or feel that they cannot complete an
activity effectively and thus may become demotivated (Vansteenkiste et al, 2006). According to
Assor, Kaplan and Roth (2002), students have a need to feel autonomous and when students do
not feel autonomy they will see schoolwork as irrelevant to their goals or expectations.
Although, Ryan and Deci coined SDT in the 1970s, it has progressed to incorporate
several mini-theories to explain motivation based on the three fundamental psychological needs
(competence, autonomy, and relatedness). These four variations of SDT theory include:
Cognitive Evaluation Theory (CET), Causality Orientations Theory (COT), Basic Needs Theory
(BNT), and Organismic Integration Theory (OIT). Each mini-theory will be addressed in the
context of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation.
Cognitive Evaluation Theory (CET)
CET focuses on intrinsic theory and how environmental factors affect it. Intrinsic
motivations are behaviors that are done willingly because there is pleasure in simply doing the
39
behavior or activity (Deci & Ryan, 2000). DeCharms (1968) found that it is important for people
to believe that they are in control of their own actions and behaviors. Intrinsic and extrinsic
motivation negate each other. According to CET, the need for autonomy and competence are
linked to intrinsic motivation; therefore, if internal forces drive a person, that person’s behavior
will also feel controlled and autonomous (Deci & Ryan, 2002). If a person is competent, intrinsic
motivation will increase because the individual is able to effectively manage his or her
environment (Deci & Ryan, 2002).
Intrinsic motivation can increase autonomy and competence. Unlike autonomy and
competence, relatedness is indirectly influenced by intrinsic motivation. Deci and Ryan (2002)
claim that a child’s attachment to their primary caregiver increases exploring behavior, which
indicates that relatedness is intrinsically motivated. This occurs because children tend to be
naturally curious about their environment when in the company of their primary caregiver as
opposed to a stranger. Although relatedness is not directly affected by intrinsic motivation, it is
an intrinsically motivating factor.
Basic Needs Theory (BNT)
BNT focuses on the basic needs of autonomy, competence and relatedness as they pertain
to well-being and mental health. This theory asserts that if a person’s psychological needs are
met, they will have improved well-being and psychological health. Deci and Ryan (2001) state
that when a person’s needs are satisfied, that person has greater well-being. They also argue that
people experience negative consequences when their basic needs are not met. The researchers
hypothesized that basic needs are universal across cultures, ages and genders, but that how those
basic needs are met varies across demographics. Due to these differences, Deci and Ryan (2002)
40
posits that motivation that satisfies one group may inhibit another group, but that the process in
which basic needs are met remains the same.
Research on BNT falls into three categories. The first one examines how people
experience well-being over time with other people. The second category explores how people
pursue and attain personal goals and obtain well-being. The third category examines satisfaction
of basic needs across cultures, suggesting that such satisfaction relates to well-being regardless
of cultural differences.
In addition to these research categories, BNT also explores the relationship between
aspirations and well-being. Kasser and Ryan (1996) suggest that there are two types of
aspirations: intrinsic and extrinsic. Intrinsic aspirations are personal goals, while extrinsic
aspirations are external factors, such as wealth and fame. Aspirations that are extrinsic do not
satisfy the basic needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Extrinsic aspirations may lead
to depression and anxiety (Deci & Ryan 2002).
Organismic Integration Theory (OIT)
OIT examines motivation and focuses on extrinsic motivation, which is when a person
engages in a behavior or activity based on external factors. This mini theory views extrinsic
motivation as a continuum varying of self-determination. OIT argues that people may exhibit
behavior that is prompted by external factors, but may become intrinsically controlled over time.
The degree of that integration of control occurs leads to self-determination (Deci & Ryan, 2002).
There are four motivational OIT categories positioned on the continuum, ranging from high self-
determination to low self-determination respectively: integrated regulation, identified regulation,
introjected regulation, and external regulation. The continuum does not contain intrinsic
motivation. On the other end of the spectrum, amotivation is the absence of self-determination.
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Integrated regulation is defined as the most self-determined form of extrinsic motivation.
Integrated regulation is when a person’s values are integrated in themselves or comes from
within. This regulation allows a person to achieve outcomes that may not be inherent or natural
actions despite being integrated within the self (Deci et al., 1996). Identified regulation is the act
of knowing that there is value in a goal and accepting that value, but the integration is not a core
value; therefore, it cannot be considered completely self-determined (Deci & Ryan, 2002).
Introjected regulation incorporates some regulation, but there is a significant level of control
present to protect the ego from things such as shame or guilt (Rigby et al., 1992). Finally,
external regulation is the least self-determined form of regulation, satisfying an external source
to avoid punishment or receive a reward (Deci & Ryan, 2002).
Deci and Ryan (2002) argue that relatedness plays a critical role in regulation.
Regulation may develop from an external reward, but the outcome is achieved by a person’s
need to feel connected with others. However, competence also plays an important role in
regulation. If an individual does not feel that the action or behavior can be done successfully the
person will not perform the act. Relatedness and competence both must be present for
integration and autonomy to occur (Deci & Ryan, 2002).
Causality Orientations Theory (COT)
COT focuses on individual differences of one’s positioning on being self-determined.
There are three main causal orientations that develop based on how a person interacts with their
environment. According to Deci and Ryan (1985), autonomous orientations are persons that
tend to be intrinsically motivation and integrated or extrinsically motivated. An individual’s
behaviors are regulated based on one’s own sense of self. The majority of people’s behavior
stems from internally regulated factors. Unlike autonomous orientation, controlled orientations
42
are dictated by external pressure, by status, success or to seek approval from others. Controlled
orientation occurs from excessive involvement in controlling environments. This leads to
impersonal orientation, which is the absence of self-determination that develops from feelings of
inability and powerlessness to deal with the environment (Deci & Ryan, 1985).
Vallerand (2002) expanded COT into levels of generality: global, contextual and
situational. The global level is stable motivation that is based on how the individual perceives
motivation throughout one’s life. It is mainly intrinsic, extrinsic or amotivated. The contextual
level is based on interactions and relationships in life and is somewhat stable despite being based
on social factors. Lastly, the situational level examines why people are motivated in specific
situations at specific times. The situational level is unstable because it is dependent upon
environmental factors. The motivational orientations affect each other. A person’s global level
motivation orientation has an impact on the contextual level, which also influences the
situational level. The vice versa is also true. If a person at the situational level has positive
experiences this encourages a person to have more intrinsic motivation at the contextual level
and ultimately the global level (Vallerand, 2002).
Summary
Overall, SDT examines motivation and the factors that nurture or hinder its development.
The current school environment is not conducive to African American motivation because
African American student’s basic psychological needs are not being met. SDT can be attributed
to a student’s motivation in education. Students have become increasingly less motivated and
SDT may help provide some context to the lack of motivation. CET argues that people have an
innate need to explore their environment. OIT implies that students may integrate their
experiences and social environment and become self-determined. COT argues that a person’s
43
experiences affect their motivational orientation. Lastly, BNT states that basic needs are deeply
rooted in physical and emotional wellbeing. SDT implies that there may be many factors that
affect self-determination. The different ways that people are motivated vary based on cultural or
individual factors. African Americans have experienced motivational barriers and in order to
determine how self-determination is affected by African American culture. It is important to
understand African American culture by analyzing the natural factors and external factors that
affect the psychological needs essential for self-determination. African American culture will be
analyzed by examining autonomy (perception of control from external factors), competence
(perception of success) and relatedness (connectedness to the community) in education.
Factors That Affect African American Motivation
Post desegregation, African Americans have struggled academically when compared to
European Americans (Peterson et al., 2010). In 2001, the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB)
was enacted by the US Department of Education to address the achievement gap and required
that all schools make adequate yearly progress (AYP) towards academic growth (Department of
Education, n.d.). Many African Americans continue to fail despite these government initiatives.
Consequently, many African Americans have not had successful academic experiences. It is
important to identify why many African American students are not succeeding at the same rate
as European Americans.
African American students should be able to achieve academically in the same manner as
European Americans in public schools, but the research states that this is not happening for all
students. According to Kunjufu (2010), approximately 100,000 African American males drop
out of school each year. He also reports that these students often have poor attendance,
excessive absences and lack of motivation due to lack of parental involvement. According to the
44
National Center for Educational Statistic’s 2009, graduation rates were severely disproportionate
among European American and African American students. European Americans are graduating
at rate of 80.3% while African Americans are graduating at a rate of 60.3% (Stillwell, 2009).
Overall, the high school dropout rate leads to underachievement and lack of success, which
affects the student’s capacity for success. According to the Alliance for Excellent Education
(2007) high school dropout in (2005) was earning $17,299, while high school graduates’
earnings was $26,933 (Baker, 2012).
Despite these statistics, there are African Americans students who are academically
successful. Although African American students are not performing at the same rates
academically as European Americans, African Americans value success (Coker, 2003). One
study found that achieving educational goals was a function of African American culture and
lives (Coker, 2003). There is not enough information to determine what aspects of African
American cultural values support African Americans desire to be academically motivated. The
current literature focuses on college student’s academic motivation (Young, Hawthorne, & Pugh,
2011). More research is needed to determine how African American high school students are
motivated and if culture or racial-ethnic identity plays a role in their academic motivation (Rust
et al. 2011; Caldwell & Obasi, 2010). The present literature focuses on academic motivation of
African American college students using the variables of academic self-concept (Martin, 2013;
Cokley, 2002), self-esteem (Rust et al. 2011; Cokely, 2002), grade point average (Cokely, 2002;
Rust et al., 2011), family and community (Coker, 2003; Caldwell & Obasi, 2010), cultural
mistrust (Caldwell & Obasi, 2010), cultural difference (Young, Johnson, Hawthorne, & Pugh,
2011; Rust et al., 2011) and religiosity (Butler-Barnse, Williams & Chavous, 2011), and racial
identity (Byrd & Chavous, 2011; Robinson & Biran, 2006). Many variables have been
45
researched and racial-ethnic identity appears to be the most influential factor in academic
motivation. This study will utilize two instruments to determine the impact of racial-ethnic
identity on academic motivation. One instrument, the REIS contains 3 subscales that measure
Connectedness, Awareness of Racism and Embedded Achievement. The second instrument is
the AMS – High School version that measures a student’s motivation to learn. The AMS
measures intrinsic motivation, extrinsic motivation and amotivation. This study will determine
the impact of racial-ethnic identity on academic motivation of African American students. The
next section will outline African American racial-ethnic variables and as it pertains to embedded
achievement, community and family.
Racial-Ethnic Identity of African Americans
Racial-ethnic identity is social construction that “refers to a sense of group or collective
identity based on one’s perception that he or she shares a common heritage with a particular
racial group” (Helms, 1993, p. 3). There are multiple studies that examine the effects of racial-
ethnic identity and academic outcomes (Oyserman, Grant & Ager, 1995; Oyserman,
Kemmelmeir, Fryberg, Brosh, & Hart-Johnson, 2003; Altschul, Oyserman & Bybee, 2006;
Oyserman, Harrison & Bybee, 2001; Oysersman, Bybee & Terry, 2003: Cokley, 2005).
Oyserman, Brickman and Rhodes (2007) used the structure that racial-ethnic identity is linked to
self-concept and self-schemas that affect the cognitive structures that are associated with
motivation and behavior. The researchers above argue that schools have social contexts that
cause students to create a separate person outside of the family structure. African American
students often have a difficult time developing a positive academic concept due to negative
academic stereotypes (Oyserman et al., 1995).
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Oyserman et al., 1995 suggests that there are three components, connectedness, and
awareness of racism and embedded achievement of racial-ethnic identity that impact academic
outcomes of African American students. Connectedness is the “extent to which individuals feel
a positive sense of connections to their racial-ethnic group” (Oyserman et al., 2007 p. 96).
Awareness of racism is the second component of racial-ethnic identity, which is defined as how a
person responds to prejudice or racism (Oyserman et al., 2007). Lastly embedded achievement
“which comprises beliefs that achievement is a goal that is valued by the in-group and therefore
provides a specific goal (such as doing well in school) for motivation derived from the desire to
enact group identity” (Oyserman et al., 2007, p. 98). The three components of racial-ethnic
identity act together to promote well-being and academic achievement (Oyserman, 1995).
The three components together promote success in school and the components for
student’s overtime (Oyserman et al., 2007). The three components of racial-ethnic identity were
tested with several studies. One study (Oyserman et al., 1995) asked 7th and 8th grade African
American students in to answer questions open-ended question about what it means to be African
American before and after completing a math task or after completing a math task. The study
found that students who described their racial-ethnic identity in terms of all three components,
connectedness, awareness of racism and embedded achievement before the math task performed
better on the math tasks than all other conditions. None of the racial-ethnic identity components
alone had a significant effect on the math task.
In addition to using an open-ended racial-ethnic identity scale and Oyserman, Bybee and
Terry (2003) found in a yearlong longitudinal study that African American middle school
students that scored high in all areas – connectedness, awareness of racism and embedded
achievement overtime became more concerned with school. This study used the REIS and found
47
similar results to Oyserman et al., 2001 study using the closed-ended racial-ethnic scale that
found that African American students did not have a decline in self-efficacy. In addition to the
researcher’s results, Altschul, Oyserman and Bybee (2006) found that the relationships between
the components were stable across gender, race-ethnicity and time. Overall, several studies have
shown how racial-ethnic identity impacts academic outcomes. The next sections will outline
how connectedness, awareness of racism and embedded achievement affects African American.
Connectedness of African Americans
Connectedness is defined as how an individual positively feels about a sense of
connection to one’s racial-ethnic group (Oyserman et al., 2007). This includes a sense of
membership in the African American community, traditions of familialism, kin support and a
worldview focused on spiritualism (Oyserman et al., 2007). This aspect of the scale is tied to
student’s self-esteem (Oyserman et al., 2007). According to Snowden and Hines (2000), media
preferences, key group relationships, comfort with and immersion in African American
socializations and settings and African American styles of thinking and patterns of behavior
convey African American culture. African American culture is different than other American
subcultures because it is the only culture that is rooted in slavery. Slavery has shaped African
Americans social, psychological, economic, educational, and political development. European
Americans worked to eradicate education from African American culture and superimpose the
message that education was only for European Americans (Davis, 2005). African American
education was purged during the acculturation process and stripped African Americans of
African identity which is still prevalent in African American culture (Davis, 2005). African
Americans become disengaged in the educational process that results in a lack of motivation
(Rocques & Paternoster, 2011). It is important for educators to use culturally responsive
48
teaching to develop academic motivation (Davis, 2005). Notwithstanding this best practice,
many educators fail to understand African American culture and ultimately fail to successfully
motivate African American students.
Culture of community. This next section will examine the culture of community and
how spirituality impacts African American culture. Carson (2009) argued that collectivism or a
culture of community has taken place throughout history for African Americans in the pursuit of
education in order to improve academically by educating each other within the community. The
African American community came together to dispel myths that they were inferior (Perry,
2003a, b). One study showed that African Americans felt responsible for encouraging academic
achievement for their college community and collectivism developed these beliefs, although they
did not feel connected to the larger university (Carson, 2009).
African Americans value collectivism or community and cooperation whereas
mainstream American culture places emphasis on individualism and competition (Maryshow et
al., 2005). Schools typically focus on middle class European American values that can vary
from the learning style and values exhibited by African American students. The academic
disparities among African Americans and European American students may arise by the discord
in cultural norms and values of African American students compared to European American
students. African American students often feel there is not a link between the values and
operations present in home and outside of the home environment (Brown-Wright & Tyler, 2010).
African Americans are connected in their own communities, but often experience
difficulty connecting to the dominant society. Oftentimes, African American students have
different principles, vernacular, patterns of communication and other factors that are different
then the dominant culture (Cokely & Chapman, 2008). American society has many stereotypes
49
about African Americans, one, is a lack of intelligence. This stereotype may make African
Americans susceptible to internalizing stereotypes because they are perceived by the dominant
culture (Reyna, 2000). According to Cokley and Chapman (2008), stereotypes about minorities
affect student goals and inhibit the student’s ability to be successful in school. Academic under
achievement may be intensified by negative experiences in school due to teacher bias, lack of
appropriate resources and culturally relevant instruction (Cokely & Chapman, 2008). African
Americans are unable to escape race relations. Strmic-Pawl and Leffler (2011) indicated that
racial socialization was a prevalent theme in their study. Racial socialization was described as
messages provided about racial identity. In the African American community, there are direct
and indirect messages about race and African American families pass on to their children.
African American students may be impacted by difficulties experienced within the
community or within school. Many African American students drop out of school for many
reasons including past school experiences, personal characteristics, familial responsibilities and
family background (Schargel, Thacker & Bell, 2007). African American students indicated that
the decision to drop out of high school was a gradual process that occurred through repeated
negative experiences that lead to feeling unmotivated (Bridgland, Dilulio, & Morrison, 2006). In
a recent study, it was cited that students dropped out of high school because there was no
connection between the student’s lives and goals for the future (Bridgeland, Balfanz, Moore &
Friant, 2010). African American students do not have control over the external life factors, but
with improved leadership, instructional practices that relate to the student’s lives and data driven
instruction may improve student dropouts despite the ability to control external factors (Baker,
2012). Overall, this lack of autonomy for African Americans has had a negative effect on
academic outcomes. According to the US Census Bureau (2006), over 50% of the US population
50
will comprise of African-Americans, Hispanics or Asians (Li, 2012). In addition to expected
census results, Scheuermann (2000) found that non-cognitive factors such as personality traits,
emotional stability, experience, agreeableness and conscientiousness are equally important in the
academic success of students. The previous study is particularly important because there must be
a balance between academic and social characteristics, in conjunction with a supportive
environment to increase intrinsic motivation and develop goals (Li, 2012). With the lack of
balance experienced by African American high school students within the school community and
socially has led to differing attitudes about academic success.
Robinson and Biran (2006) posit that African American culture of community consists of
spiritualism and collective responsibility. The school system fails to provide African American
students with a cultural base. Without a cultural base, African American students are unable to
maintain a focus on academic success. Although the current educational system does not
promote intrinsic motivation among African American students, many excel academically.
When African American students are academically successful it is because they care about their
environment and strive for harmony and spiritualty in the community. Having a high level of
African American self-consciousness provides intrinsic motivation and feelings of responsibility
for the African American community. The study also found a positive link between self-reported
GPA and African American identity. There was also a positive link between self-reported SAT
score and feeling connected to other African Americans (Robinson & Biran, 2006). The culture
perpetuated by the school system determines a student’s self-concept (Robinson & Biran, 2006).
Self-concept of an African American student is determined by how well an African American
student behaves in comparison to values, beliefs and practices set by the culture within the
school (Robinson & Biran, 2006; Oyserman et al., 2001). Schools are utilizing different rewards
51
and punishments that are not representative of African American culture; therefore, diminishing
a student’s ability to be self-determined. Robinson and Biran (2006), Oyserman et al., (2007)
found that African American students are struggling academically because of conflicting
culturally based expectations within school and the community such as negative stereotypes of
African Americans, lack of African American role models, and limited emphasis on African
American contributions and lack of positive societal depictions of African Americans. These
attributes hinder intrinsic motivation among African American youth. Despite these conflicts,
many African Americans develop a sense of purpose and excel academically. Examining which
cultural or racial-ethnic factors increase intrinsic motivation and extrinsic motivation among
African American students will improve academic outcomes for African American students.
Spirituality. Throughout history African Americans have had a firm faith-based belief.
Sabbath schools were developed in the South after the Civil War to increase spirituality and
improve education (Span & Benson, 2009). These schools were operated by former African
American slaves and were developed to teach basic literacy skills and religion education (Span &
Benson, 2009). According to Mitchell (2010), history has maintained that European American
northerners developed schools for African Americans, but in fact, there were a large number of
schools developed by African Americans that had a significant role in improving the literacy
rate. Anderson (1988), indicated that the African American churches had a great influence in
improving the literacy rate of the community from 6% at the end of the Civil War to 77% in
1930. The role of the church in the African American community produced remarkable
educational results (Mitchell, 2010). The African American community ties to the church also
extended to higher institutions including multiple faith based universities in the late 1880s
(Mitchell, 2010).
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African Americans have thrived in the community with the use of the church. According
to Butler-Barnes, Williams, & Chavous (2012), found that African American students who had
lower academic motivation and lower religious importance were at the highest risk for low grade
point averages. Overall, African Americans made a large contribution after emancipation without
wealth and political power with the leadership of the African American church (Mitchell, 2010).
African Americans rely heavily on spirituality to deal with adversity.
In summary, African Americans have a culture of competence despite hardships. African
Americans have countered segregation by building a strong sense of collectivism and
belongingness within the community. African Americans have embraced a strong religious
foundation that has provided the African American culture and community with access to
education and the ability to provide wealth and political power within the community. African
American culture has also extended to different family practices and values that have affected
African Americans.
Family Practices and Values
Various experiences in the African American community such as slavery and segregation
have affected how African Americans families function. The core of African American family
values stem from collectivism and spirituality (Shorter-Gooden, 2004). African American
families have dealt with external factors by adopting Afrocentric values including social support
developing a family cohesiveness to address social injustices. When compared to European
American families, African American families are often viewed as dysfunctional, but despite the
stereotype African American families have significant strengths (Strmic-Pawl & Leffler, 2011).
Strmic-Pawl and Leffler (2011) found three themes that are essential to African American
families, extended and fictive kinship, racial socialization and education. Regardless of
53
socioeconomic status African American families are still influenced by racism and maintain a
sense of African American identity. The participants in the study identified how aunts, uncles
and grandparents played a significant role in raising them. There were also members of the
community who were not related to the family but were active in the participant’s life. These
relationships provided a flexible familial unit. Nobles (2007) noted that African American
families value these types of relationships because of the extended relationships that developed
during slavery and when family members were bought and sold. African American families also
place value on the elders in the community because their strength and dealing with the hardships
they had to endure. Boyd-Franklin (2003) also noted that African American families have
family members and close friends that take an active role in the home. In a study conducted by
Hill (1999) identified strong kinships, strong achievement motivation, and strong religious and
spiritual and strong work orientation as characteristics of African American families. These
characteristics have allowed African Americans to strive in difficult circumstances despite a non-
traditional family structure.
Awareness of Racism
Awareness of racism is defined as understanding negative responses to African
Americans and having awareness of racism and others prejudice (Oyserman et al., 2007).
According to a study conducted by McSwine (2010), African American cultural hegemony
(negation of one culture by another) has caused African Americans to experience complex
psychological factors such as delineation, color prejudice and xenophobia, implicit and explicit
European American supremacy ideology has been the sabotaging force of academic achievement
among African American. Therefore, African American students need to be grounded in their
culture before they can function in the larger American society. Without a connection to the
54
African American culture, African American students will continue to internalize the values of
the oppressors and in turn maintain their oppression (Freire, 1972).
African American students have dealt with acculturation in various ways. Thomas and
Columbus (2009) found that there were three types of culture identification, oppositional identity
raceless identity and primary cultural identity. Oppositional identity is a person who does not
identify with the dominant culture. Raceless identity is a person who feels they can be
successful despite negative stereotypes because if they work hard they can achieve their goals.
Primary cultural identity maintains that a person will work hard in school for the good of their
culture and value school and education for the good of themselves and the good of the group.
Overall, the study found that African American students who maintained an oppositional identity
were less successful academically.
After segregation, African American student’s cultural experiences were not considered
in educational experiences and were expected to excel academically. The oversight of African
American acculturation after educational segregation of African American students has suffered.
African American students need to feel connected to their histories by utilizing an Afrocentric
approach to education (Shockley & Frederick, 2010). Educating Americans should take on a
different process that reflects the individual needs of all races and ethnicities within American
culture. Shockley and Frederick (2010) posit that Afrocentric private schools may offer a
solution to the achievement gap.
In order for African American students to value education, ethnic identity should be
stressed in academics. African American students need to explore ethnic identity, which will
develop internally and ethnically grounded reasons to achieve academically despite negative
stereotypes and messages (Pizzaloato, Podobnik, Chaudhari, Schaeffer & Murrell, 2008).
55
Maintaining ethnic identity will promote psychosocial well-being. Mandara (2006) found that
African American students that exhibited racial pride performed better academically. These
students also spend a large amount of time in school and involved in school related activities.
Schools have the propensity to either affirm or deteriorate racial identity and racial stereotypes.
Schools can serve as a racial socialization hub by providing positive messages of race and
academic achievement (DeCuir-Gimby, Martin & Cooper, 2012). One study showed that
parents who developed their child’s African American identity by encouraging African
American cultural activities and having African American playmates and involvement in African
American churches increased educational outcomes (DeCuir-Gimby, Martin & Cooper, 2012).
The study also found that these African American students that have a firm grasp on their
African American identity because they felt distinctive due to a lack of diversity. It was
important to the students to maintain their identity. The adversity experienced by the
participants in the group caused students to develop a sense of African American pride and
develop their sense as an African American. The student’s connection to the African American
community despite negative experiences in the schools helped students to be successful
academically (DeCuir-Gimby, Martin & Cooper, 2012).
Embedded Achievement of African Americans
Embedded achievement is described as the beliefs that African Americans value
achievement and that motivation is derived from being part of the racial-ethnic group (Oyserman
et al., 2007). Despite the achievement gap between African American and European American
students, there are many high achieving African American students. African Americans have
been able to overcome adversity throughout history. African American students who are
academically successful appear to have strong connections. According to Williams and Bryan’s
56
(2013) study they found that African American students who are connected to the school and
community are more academically successful. The students that were interviewed indicated how
they were involved in extracurricular activities such as church, clubs or organizations. Williams
and Bryan (2013) also found that student’s parents had high academic expectation for their
children. In addition to this study, The Kinder Institute of Urban Research at Rice University
(2013) conducted a survey and found that 90% of the African Americans surveyed indicated that
success in life required post-secondary education. This was higher than any other racial group.
This further proves that African Americans understand the value of academic achievement. In
addition to this study, other studies have found that school belongingness predicts student
success (Buote, 2001; Anderman 2002). Sense of school belonging within school has a
significant effect on student achievement. Previous studies have used existing elements to
determine student success such as grades and time spent on homework (Taylor et al., 1994).
According to a study conducted by Taylor (1999), student’s perceptions of school belonging of
African American adolescents had direct effect on student grade point average.
Despite the myth that African Americans do not value education, Strmic-Pawl and
Leffler (2011) found that African Americans do value family and education. According to
Benjamin (2007), African Americans embrace the fact that the education is the primary route to
increasing economic status. The participants in that study explained how messages from elders
and fictive kinships stressed the importance of education. African American families
emphasized education as a cultural value by teaching the importance of overcoming oppression.
Even with the knowledge that in order to be successful you have to go to school, African
American students may be impacted by negative factors. There are variables that promote or
hinder academic achievement and motivation among African American students. According to
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Kao and Thompson (2003), there are cultural orientations that promote/discourage academic
achievement. In conjunction to cultural orientations, structural positions of ethnic groups affect
children's environment including parent, peer and school. “Ethnic groups have cultural
orientations, which can benefit or hurt their odds of economic (and in this study, educational)
success relative to other groups” (Kao & Thompson, 2003, p. 419). Along with these variables
that may promote or hinder academic motivation of African American students, variations in
grades or achievement can be attributed to parental background, student characteristics and
behavior. Several studies also found that grade variation is similar to test scores. Kao and
Thompson (2003) found that grades are highly correlated to parental socio economic status.
Differences in academic achievement among African Americans and European Americans were
further supported in a study conducted by Kao, Tienda and Schneider (1996). The mean grade
point average (GPA) for African American students remained statistically significantly lower
than European American students when parental socio economic (SES) status was controlled.
Unfortunately stereotypes about African American students reinforce low ability grouping
among African American students in schools. African American students are more likely to be
placed in low ability groups and vocational curricular then affluent European American peers.
When students are placed in low ability groups, students develop negative attitudes and
behaviors related to learning (Kao & Tienda, 1996). This decreases African American student’s
competence in education leading to decreased self-determination and motivation.
Factors That Affect African American Motivation Summary
Overall, African Americans have may have differing cultural or racial-ethnic experiences
that lead to academic success or failure. The current research does not fully cover how to
improve academic outcomes of African American students. The research indicates various
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reasons why African Americans educational experiences vary (Martin, 2013; Cokley 2003; Rust
et al., 2011; Coker, 2003; Caldwell & Obasi, 2010; Young et al., 2011; Byrd & Chavous, 2011;
Robinson & Biran, 2006). It is important to determine what educators can do to improve
academic outcomes for African American students.
The research outlined highlights the hardships that African American students face in the
current educational structures and academically successful African Americans. The studies
suggest that African American students are most successful when they are connected to the
community through clubs, organizations or church (Robinson & Biran, 2006; Butler-Barnes et
al., 2012). According to the research, it is important to understand the complexity of racial-
ethnic identity of African American and how the construct of racial-ethnic identity motivates
students (Wright, 2009). African Americans have the ability to be successful in the academic
setting. Oftentimes African Americans are not successful because there is school home
dissonance, lack of connection to the school community, and lack of control over external life
factors. When African Americans have their basic psychological needs met, they will be
motivated and academically successful.
Overall, African Americans have had a tumultuous history in education and many
African Americans have had both positive and negative experiences. African American students
face continued sociocultural obstacles. The research shows that African Americans have
experienced the basic psychological needs of self-determination (autonomy, competence, and
relatedness) in a variety of ways. Some may have had negative experiences in education due to
internal or external factors while others may have had positive internal and external experiences
in education. There are a variety of way racial-ethnic identity impacts African Americans that
may cause African Americans to experience self-determination differently than European
59
Americans. It is important to understand the impact of racial-ethnic identity on academic
motivation of African American high school students to improve academic outcomes. It is
unclear how SDT contributes to the academic success of African American students. It is clear
that African American students’ basic psychological needs of autonomy, competence and
relatedness are not being met in the current academic setting.
Summary
The purpose of this chapter was to provide background and support for how racial-ethnic
identity impacts African American academic motivation. Overall, based on the literature
reviewed it can be predicted that racial-ethnic identity can have a positive (Mandura, 2006;
Decuir et al, 2012) or negative affect (Worrell, 2007; Harper & Tucker, 2006) on academic
motivation of African American students. Embedded achievement (Strmic et al, 2011) and
connectedness (Buote 2002; Anderman 2002) are likely to increase academic motivation. In
addition, awareness of racism such as interracial attitudes and segregation are more likely to
decrease academic motivation. According to the research, African American students thrive in
environments where they feel connected and can see the usefulness education (Buote 2002;
Anderman 2002). This study will examine how racial-ethnic identity impacts academic
motivation.
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CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
This chapter outlines the methodology for the exploration of academic motivation and
African American racial-ethnic identity. Participants will complete two surveys, the REIS
questions and the AMS. A simple linear regression analysis will be used to determine the impact
of racial-ethnic identity on academic motivation of African American high school students. This
chapter will discuss the purpose of this study and outline the research design, research questions,
hypothesis, participant demographics, setting, instrumentation, procedures, and data analysis.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to determine whether racial-ethnic identity impacts academic
motivation in African American high school students, and if so, what aspects of racial-ethnic
identity best predict academic motivation in African American high school students. Ideally, this
research will provide a foundation to develop racially relevant strategies to motivate African
American high school students and subsequently improve their academic performance. By
examining the possible impact of racial-ethnic identity on academic motivation, this study will
begin to establish evidence that could inspire changes to existing curricula and learning
strategies.
As previously noted, as a group, African American students consistently lag behind their
European American counterparts (US Department of Education, n.d.). With increased academic
motivation, academic outcomes may improve for African-American students, helping to close
racial achievement gaps. By identifying how racial-ethnic identity affects academic motivation,
teachers can implement more effective teaching strategies that address the unique racial-ethnic
needs of African American high school students. This research may help African American
students increase their motivation and in turn, better relate to instruction and understand its value
61
in their lives (Bridgeland, Balfanz, Moore & Friant, 2010). In addition, other studies have
examined racial factors for various ethnic groups and determined that self-determined behavior
varies across cultures (Leake & Boone, 2007; Shogren, 2012; Trainor, 2005; Zhang, 2005).
Research Design
This study will utilize a correlational research design to determine the extent of the
relationship between the AMS and REIS variables. A linear regression analysis will be used with
the REIS components (connectedness, embedded achievement and awareness of racism) and the
AMS. A correlational design is “used to determine the correlation between criterion variable and
a combination of two or more predictor variables” (Gall, Gall & Borg, 2007, p. 353). This design
allows the researcher to investigate the relationship between academic motivation and racial-
ethnic identity components (connectedness, embedded achievement and awareness of racism) of
African American high school students.
Research Questions
The research objective for this study is to determine which racial-ethnic variables best
predict academic motivation in African American high school students. The related research
questions are shown below:
RQ1: What impact does the racial-ethnic identity component of connectedness have on
academic motivation as measured by the AMS?
RQ2: What impact does the racial-ethnic identity component awareness of racism have on
academic motivation as measured by the AMS?
RQ3: What impact does the racial-ethnic identity component of embedded achievement have on
academic motivation as measured by the AMS?
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Null Hypotheses
H01 There is no statistically significant predictive relationship between the racial-ethnic identity
component of connectedness and academic motivation.
H02 There is no statistically significant predictive relationship between the racial-ethnic identity
component of awareness of racism and academic motivation.
H03 There is no statistically significant predictive relationship between the racial-ethnic identity
component of embedded achievement and academic motivation.
Participants
A convenience sample was taken from African American students in grades 9-12 enrolled
in the 2015-2016 summer school program at a high school in southeastern Virginia. The school’s
student body was predominantly African American (85.13%); out of a total 962 African
American students, 504 were male (52.39% of the African American student body) and 458 were
females (47.61% of the African American student body). A minimum of 74 participants was
needed to perform a simple linear regression analysis according to Green’s (1991) formula of 50
+ 8k, where k is the number of predictor variables.
The students in this study were enrolled in the summer program, which required payment
for participation, to obtain course credits for high school graduation. The school district was
located in a suburban district with a population of 242,803 residents, where incomes ranged from
high to very low; the poverty rate was 17.9%. 75% of students at the high school are eligible for
free and reduced priced meals. Participant ages ranged from 14-20 years, and students were
enrolled in grades 9-12. All participants who completed the survey (n = 84) self-identified as
African American (Virginia Department of Education, 2016); 44 were male, and 40 female
(Table 1).
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Setting
The setting for the study was an urban high school in the southeastern area of Virginia,
referred to here as “ABC High School”. During the 2015-2016 academic year, the student body
of ABC High School was 85.13% African American, 6.19% European American, 3.36%
Hispanic, 3.10% multiracial, and 2.22% from various other racial groups (Table 2). A total of
962 African Americans students are enrolled in the school across grades 9-12, 77% of who are
economically disadvantaged.
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Instrumentation
Demographic data was collected using a questionnaire in conjunction with two
instruments. Academic motivation was assessed using the AMS, and African American identity
was measured using the REIS. According to George and Mallery (2003), Cronbach’s alpha
scores that are closer to one have more internal consistency and a score of .80 will be used for
overall scores. In addition, Nunnally and Bernstein (1994) recommend that Cronbach alpha
scores between 0.6 and 0.7 are acceptable for subscales of instruments assessing performance on
clinical and psychoeducational tasks. Validity was determined through confirmatory factor
analyses and construct validity through multiple group differences (Vallerand, Pelletier, Blais,
Brierre, Senecal & Vallieres, 1992).
Academic Motivation Scale (AMS)
The AMS (Vallerand, et al., 1992) was developed to measure intrinsic motivation,
extrinsic motivation, and amotivation for academic achievement. The scale is comprised of three
different subscales (intrinsic motivation, extrinsic motivation and amotivation). The intrinsic
65
scale contains three components that measure intrinsic motivation: knowledge, accomplishment,
and stimulation. The extrinsic motivation subscale is also comprised of three components:
identified, introjected and external regulation. Overall, the AMS consists of a total of 28
questions asking students to determine why they attend school using a seven-point Likert scale
ranging from “corresponds exactly” to “does not correspond at all.” The AMS produces an
overall Self-Determination Index (SDI) based on components of intrinsic motivation, extrinsic
motivation, and amotivation. Possible SDI scores range from -18 to + 18. Students with higher
scores are considered more intrinsically motivated.
Intrinsic motivation sub-scale. This scale examines three types of intrinsic motivation:
intrinsic motivation to know, intrinsic motivation toward accomplishments, and intrinsic
motivation to experience stimulation. Each type of intrinsic motivation is assessed with four
questions (for a total of twelve), and one total score is formed from the three subscores. “Intrinsic
motivation to know” is defined as performing an act for the pleasure and satisfaction of learning
and experiencing something new (Vellarand et al., 1992). “Intrinsic motivation toward
accomplishment” focuses on satisfaction gained from attempting to accomplish a goal. For
example, if a student completes additional work for an assignment in order to outshine himself or
herself, that student is intrinsically motivated toward accomplishment. Finally, “intrinsic
motivation to experience stimulation” is the pursuit of sensory pleasure, aesthetic experiences,
and excitement. For example, a student who attends class to experience stimulating class
discussion might be described as intrinsically motivated to experience stimulation (Vellarand et
al., 1992).
Reliability and validity of intrinsic motivation subscales. Vallerand et al. (1992)
conducted reliability tests utilizing Cronbach’s alpha test retest (Table 3). The Cronbach’s alphas
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are as follows: external regulation (0.83), interjected regulation (0.73), and identified regulation
(0.71). The reliability exceeds the benchmark. A confirmatory factor analysis confirmed a 7-
factor structure to show validity. The confirmatory factor analysis showed the researcher found
the same 7 factors (amotivation, external regulation, introjected regulation, identified regulation,
intrinsic motivation to know, intrinsic motivation towards accomplishment and intrinsic
motivation to experience stimulation) after re-testing the results, including gender differences
(Table 4). This is in agreement with the validity requirements stated above.
Extrinsic motivation subscale. This scale measures three types of extrinsic motivation:
identified, introjected, and external regulation. Each type of extrinsic motivation is assessed
using four questions (for a total of twelve) and one total score is calculated from the three
subscores. Extrinsic motivation is defined as behavior that is motivated by external rewards.
Identified regulation is the act of knowing that there is value in a goal and accepting its value,
but the integration is not a core value; therefore, it cannot be considered completely self-
determined (Deci & Ryan, 2002). Introjected regulation incorporates some regulation, but there a
significant level of control is needed to protect a person’s ego from things such as shame or guilt
(Rigby et al., 1992). Finally, external regulation is the least self-determined form of regulation,
and is defined as satisfying an external source to avoid punishment or receive a reward (Deci &
Ryan, 2002).
Reliability and validity of extrinsic motivation subscales. Vallerand et al. (1992)
conducted reliability tests utilizing Cronbach’s alpha test retest (Table 3). The Cronbach’s alphas
are as follows: intrinsic motivation to know (0.79), intrinsic motivation towards accomplishment
(0.83), and intrinsic motivation to experience stimulation (0.80) that exceeds George and Mallery
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(2003) established criteria. As stated above, the factor analysis confirmed a 7-factor structure to
indicate validity, which included gender differences.
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Racial Ethnic Identity Scale (REIS)
Oyserman et al. (2001) developed the REIS, which includes 3 sub-scales: connectedness,
awareness of racism, and embedded achievement. There a total of 12 items, scored based on a 5
point Likert scale ranging from “strongly disagree” to “strongly agree.” Each of the sub-scales
contains 4 items. The scale was developed from an open-ended scale used by Oyserman et al.
(1995) to measure racial-ethnic identity quantitatively.
Connectedness. Connectedness is defined as an individual’s positive feelings about a
sense of connection to their racial-ethnic group (Oyserman et al., 2007). This includes a sense of
membership in the African American community, familial traditions, support of kin, and a
worldview focused on spiritualism. This aspect of the scale is tied to student self-esteem
(Oyserman et al., 2007). One total score is used for Connectedness. A sample item from the
connectedness sub scale is, “It is important to me to think of myself as an African American.”
Reliability and validity of connectedness. Oyserman et al. (2007) conducted reliability
and validity testing on connectedness. Test-retest reliability used Cronbach’s alpha’s test and the
sub-scale connectedness was a 0.78, which meets reliability requirements (George and Mallery,
2003). To determine structural validity, a confirmatory factor analysis was conducted to
determine whether the scale structure is similar across groups. The scale was reliable across
races, genders, and age groups (Oyserman et al., 2007).
Awareness of racism. Awareness of racism is defined as understanding negative
responses to African Americans and having awareness of racism and others’ prejudices
(Oyserman et al., 2007). One total score is calculated for the subscale Awareness of Racism. An
example of an awareness of racism question is, “Some people will treat me differently because I
am African American.”
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Reliability and validity of awareness of racism. The awareness of racism subscale has
a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.81, indicating the test is reliable (George and Mallery, 2003). A
confirmatory factor analysis was conducted across races, gender, and age groups and determined
the test is valid.
Embedded achievement. Embedded achievement is described as beliefs that African
Americans value achievement, and that motivation is derived from being part of a racial-ethnic
group (Oyserman et al., 2007). A sample item from this subscale is, “If I am successful it will
help the African American community.”
Reliability and validity of embedded achievement. The Embedded Achievement
subscale was found reliable based on its Cronbach’s alpha score of 0.65. According to Nunnally
and Bernstein (1994), this score is acceptable for a subscale. The scale was determined to be
structurally valid based on gender, age group, and race using a confirmatory factor analysis.
Summary
Overall, the AMS measures intrinsic motivation, extrinsic motivation, and amotivation.
The REIS measures connectedness, awareness of racism, and embedded achievement. All
subscales meet validity and reliability criteria according either to George and Mallery’s (2003)
decision rule of .80, or Nunnally and Bernstein’s (1994) recommendation that acceptable
Cronbach’s alphas between 0.6 and 0.7 are acceptable for subscales on tests of clinical and
psychoeducational tasks.
The Cronbach’s alpha scores for the AMS range from 0.71 (identified regulation) and
0.83 (external regulation and intrinsic motivation – accomplishment) (Table 3). The Cronbach
alpha scores for the REIS range from 0.65 (embedded achievement) to 0.81 (awareness of
racism).
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Procedures
Approval from the Liberty University Institutional Review Board (IRB) was acquired
before research began. The researcher contacted the district research evaluator to obtain approval
to conduct the study in the school district, and the district granted permission pending principal
approval. The researcher sent a copy of IRB approval to the school district’s research department
and the school principal. The school and district’s individual needs were accounted for to ensure
that the research process will minimally affect school procedures.
The building principal determined that the best time to conduct the study was during
summer school, which had a total enrollment of 213 students. The researcher sent a letter to the
teachers to explain how to conduct and return the survey (Appendix B). The survey includes
instructions for the students, demographic data, the AMS, and REIS.
One week prior to administering the survey, the teachers were provided with copies of
the opt-out permission form (Appendix A) to distribute to the students, who brought them home
to give parents and families the opportunity to opt out of participating in the study. Students who
did not opt out were asked to complete the survey; however, student participation was voluntary
for all students whether or not the opt-out form was returned. Teachers collected the opt-out
forms until the day the survey was administered. Five students returned the opt-out form.
Teachers received a handout with step-by-step standardized directions for survey
administration (Appendix C). Before the survey was administered, the teachers reviewed the
directions. On the day of survey, the teachers read the following statement from the researcher:
“Today you will be taking a survey. This survey will look at academic motivation and racial
ethnic identity. Your participation is appreciated if you did not return the opt out form. The
survey should take approximately 20 minutes. Your answers are important and will be used to
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make educational decisions. It is important to try to answer all of the questions. Does anyone
have any questions? If you have questions during the survey raise your hand. Thank you for your
participation. The researcher appreciates your participation in the survey. You may begin your
survey now.” After 20 minutes, the teacher thanked the students for participating and returned
the completed surveys in the self-addressed envelope.
The teachers were able to answer questions and contact the researcher at any time during
the survey. The researcher did not receive any calls from teachers administering the survey. The
researcher received the completed surveys four weeks after the surveys were mailed to the
school. The researcher then converted the data into Statistical Package for the Social Sciences
(SPSS) format.
Data Analysis
A linear regression analysis was used to determine whether racial-ethnic identity
components predicted academic motivation of African American high school students. This
study utilized a predictive regression analysis to examine how racial-ethnic identity
(connectedness, awareness of racism, and embedded achievement) predicts academic motivation.
A linear regression analysis was an appropriate choice for this type of data analysis: according to
Gall, Gall and Borg (2007), standard regression analysis requires at least 74 participants, using
the 50 + 8k formula where k is the number of predictor variables. This study will examine how
the three racial identity subscales best predicts intrinsic motivation and extrinsic motivation
academic motivation sub-scales. A significance value of p < .02 was used based on multiple
bivariate regression using a Bonferroni-adjusted alpha level of .0167 per test (.05/3) to determine
whether to reject or accept the null hypothesis (Warner, 2013). Assumption testing was
performed to test for linearity, extreme outliners, and normality. A simple linear regression
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model was used to describe the linear dependence of one variable on another. This model also
predicts values of one variable from values of another, and corrects for the linear dependence of
one variable on another using variability features.
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CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS
Introduction
The purpose of this chapter is report the findings of the current study. This study
examined the relationship between academic motivation and racial ethnic identity of African
American high school students using a correlational design. The correlational design was
appropriate because the study involved a relationship between, rather than a manipulation of, two
variables. The independent variables were the racial/ethnic identity components of
connectedness, awareness of racism, and embedded achievement; the dependent variables were
self-reported academic motivation.
To attempt to address the racial education gap in the United States, this study will help
teachers understand what factors contribute to African American students’ educational needs.
Stinson (2011) found African American students are more motivated in schools that adopt a
group-centered ethos. Additionally, identifying variables that promote academic motivation may
help educators and policy makers develop curricular support to help African American students
achieve at the same rate as their European American counterparts. More research on African
American racial-ethnic identity can provide insight into academic motivation in ways that
traditional methods of educating African American students cannot (Caldwell & Obasi, 2010).
The link between African American racial-ethnic identity and academic motivation is just
beginning to be explored through research, and has not been clearly defined. Therefore, it is
important to examine these factors.
This chapter provides an overview of the descriptive data, followed by more specific
analysis of each null hypothesis and the related findings. Results are organized in three sections.
First, the study research questions and hypotheses are restated. Next, descriptive statistics are
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discussed. The results section is organized by hypothesis. Assumption testing for each statistical
test follows. The assumption data is explained and reviewed. Tables and charts are presented
confirming the assumptions. Next, data for each hypothesis was analyzed to either accept or
reject the null hypothesis. The results of each hypothesis are stated.
The three null hypotheses were evaluated using three bivariate regressions. To reduce
family-wise error and decrease the possibility of type I error, a Bonferroni correction was used,
α/n = (.05/3) to set a more conservative p value α = .02 (Warner, 2013).
Research Questions
The research questions used in the study are outlined below:
RQ1: What impact does the racial-ethnic identity component of connectedness have on
academic motivation as measured by the AMS?
RQ2: What impact does the racial-ethnic identity component awareness of racism have on
academic motivation as measured by the AMS?
RQ3: What impact does the racial-ethnic identity component of embedded achievement have on
academic motivation as measured by the AMS?
Null Hypotheses
H01 There is no statistically significant predictive relationship between the connectedness
component of racial-ethnic identity and academic motivation.
H02 There is no statistically significant predictive relationship between the awareness of racism
component of racial-ethnic identity and academic motivation.
H03 There is no statistically significant predictive relationship between the embedded
achievement component of racial-ethnic identity and academic motivation.
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Descriptive Statistics
A total of 84 participants participated in the study after eliminating participants who did
not identify themselves as African American, and those whose surveys were incomplete. The
means and standard deviations for each of the predictor variables (n = 84) of connectedness,
embedded achievement and awareness of racism are displayed in Table 5.
The participants’ survey responses from the Academic Motivation Scale (AMS) and the
Racial Ethnic Identity Scale (REIS) were analyzed. The REIS was used to measure the racial-
ethnic identity predictor variable using items that measured what it means to be African
American. This scale used a 5-point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree)
measuring racial ethnic identity using the components embedded achievement, connectedness
and awareness of racism. The embedded achievement scale yielded a mean score of 3.185 (SD =
.903); the connectedness subscale yielded a mean score of 3.9554 (SD = .90361); and the
awareness of racism scale yielded a mean score of 3.6786 (SD = .91964). Each subscale of the
REIS impacts academic success (Oyserman, 2007).
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The AMS was used to generate an SDI score measuring academic motivation. The AMS
used a 7-point Likert scale (1 = Does not correspond at all to 7 = corresponds exactly); the SDI
scores yielded a mean score of 2.86 (SD = 4.001). Table 1 displays the descriptive statistics for
three predictor variables and the criterion variable for this study.
Results for Research Question One
Null hypothesis one states that there is no statistically significant predictive relationship
between the racial-ethnic identity component of connectedness and academic motivation as
measured by the AMS. A bivariate regression was conducted to test this null hypothesis. Since
three bivariate regressions were conducted, a Bonferroni-corrected alpha level of α = .02 was
used to determine significance (Warner, 2013; Rovai, Baker, & Ponton, 2013).
Assumption Testing
A simple linear regression analysis was conducted to determine whether academic
motivation could be predicted from the connectedness component of racial-ethnic identity. The
null hypothesis tested that the regression coefficient (slope) was equal to 0. The data was
screened to for violations of assumption prior to analysis.
Linearity. The scatterplot (Figure 1) of the connectedness component of racial-ethnic
identity and academic motivation indicates that the assumption of linearity is reasonable. As the
racial-ethnic component of connectedness increases, academic motivation generally slightly
increases.
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Figure 1- Scatterplot of independent variable and dependent variable
Normality. The assumption of normality was tested via an examination of the scatterplot
of the REIS connectedness and AMS (Figure 1). The scatterplot data appears to be normally
distributed.
No significant outliers. There are no significant outliers (Figure 1).
Results summary assumption testing. Overall, the connectedness component of racial-
ethnic identity has met all of the assumption testing. See Table 6 for the results of the
assumption testing for research question one.
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Hypothesis One Testing
Descriptive statistics. Descriptive statistics for the simple linear regression are presented
in Table 5. Descriptive statistics was collected for the simple linear regression for 84 participants
after eliminating 9 surveys from students who did not identify themselves as African American
and 3 surveys from students who did not complete the entire survey. There were no significant
outliers.
Analysis. A simple linear regression was carried out to ascertain the extent to which the
connectedness component of racial-ethnic identity can predict academic motivation. A very weak
but still-significant positive correlation was found between the connectedness component of
racial-ethnic identity and academic motivation scores (r = .278), and the regression model
predicted 8% of the variance. The regression equation for predicting the dependent variable of
academic motivation is y = 1.23xconnectedness – 2.01. The 95% confidence interval for the slope,
.295 to 2.163, does not contain the value of zero, and therefore overall connectedness is
significantly related to overall academic motivation. There was sufficient evidence to reject the
null hypothesis and conclude that perceived connectedness to other African American high
school students (M = 3.9554, SD = .904) significantly predicted those students’ academic
motivation (M = 2.850, SD = 4.014), F(1, 82) = 6.853, p = .011. Table 7 provides a summary of
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the regression analysis for the variable predicting academic motivation. Accuracy in predicting
academic motivation is weak.
Results of null hypothesis one. H01 stated that there is no statistically significant
predictive relationship between the connectedness component of racial-ethnic identity and
academic motivation. The first null hypothesis was rejected. Tests of three-priori hypothesis
were conducted using Bonferroni adjusted alpha level of .017 per test (.05/3); inspection of the
simple linear regression indicated that the connectedness component of racial-ethnic identity was
a significant positive predictor of academic motivation. F(1, 82) = 6.853, β = .278, R2 = .077, p =
.011. This indicates that the self-reported racial-ethnic component of connectedness as measured
by the REIS increased African American high school students self-reported academic motivation
as measured by the AMS. Specifically, this indicates that African American high school students
were academically motivated when they felt connected to other African Americans and the
school community. The regression equation is indicative of a weak positive relationship.
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Results for Research Question Two
Null hypothesis two states that there is no statistically significant predictive relationship
between the racial-ethnic identity component of awareness of racism and academic motivation as
measured by the AMS. Since three bivariate correlations were conducted, a Bonferroni-corrected
alpha level of α = .017 was used to determine significance.
Assumption Testing
A simple linear regression analysis was conducted to determine to whether academic
motivation could be predicted from the awareness of racism component of racial-ethnic identity.
Testing the null hypothesis revealed that the regression coefficient (slope) was equal to 0. The
data was screened for violations of assumption prior to analysis.
Linearity. The scatterplot (Figure 2) of the awareness of racism component of racial-
ethnic identity and academic motivation indicates that the assumption of linearity is not tenable.
Figure 2 - Scatterplot of independent variable and dependent variable
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Normality. The assumption of normality was tested via an examination of the scatterplot
of the REIS awareness of racism and AMS (Figure 2). The scatterplot data appears to be
normally distributed.
No significant outliers. There are no significant outliers (Figure 2).
Results summary assumption testing. The awareness of racism component of racial-
ethnic identity has met all of the assumption testing. See Table 8 for the results of the assumption
testing for research question two.
Null Hypothesis Two Testing
Descriptive statistics. Descriptive statistics for the simple linear regression are presented
in Table 5. Descriptive statistics was collected for the simple linear regression for 84 participants
after removing surveys from 9 students who did not identify themselves as African American
and from 3 students who did not complete the entire survey. There were no significant outliers.
Analysis. A simple linear regression was carried out to ascertain the extent to which
scores for the awareness of racism component of racial-ethnic identity can predict academic
motivation. No relationship was found between the awareness of racism component of racial-
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ethnic identity and academic motivation scores (r = .005), and the regression model predicted 0%
of the variance. A regression equation for predicting the dependent variable of academic
motivation could not be created. The 95% confidence interval for the slope, -.933 to .978 does
contain the value of zero, and therefore awareness of racism is unrelated to academic motivation,
as measured in this study. The researcher failed to reject the null hypothesis and concluded that
awareness of racism (M = 3.679, SD = .9197) did not significantly predict academic achievement
(M = 2.85, SD = 4), F(1, 82) = .002, p =.962. Table 9 provides a summary of the regression
analysis for the variable that was unable to predict academic motivation. Accuracy in predicting
academic motivation could not be determined. There was no accuracy in predicting the
dependent variable.
Results of null hypothesis two. The second null hypothesis stated that there was no
statistically significant predictive relationship between the awareness of racism component of
racial-ethnic identity and academic motivation as measured by the AMS. Results of this study
indicate failure to reject the null hypothesis. Tests of three-priori hypothesis were conducted
using a Bonferroni-adjusted alpha level of .0167 per test (.05/3). Inspection of the simple linear
regression indicated that the awareness of racism component of racial-ethnic was not a
significant positive predictor of academic motivation F(1, 82) = .002, β = .005, R2 = .000, p =
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.962. This indicates that the self-reported racial-ethnic component of awareness of racism, as
measured by the REIS, does not accurately predict African American high school students’ self-
reported academic motivation, as measured by the AMS. Specifically, this indicates that African
American high school students may or may not be academically motivated when they are aware
of racism. The scatterplot confirms the null hypothesis shows no relationship.
Results for Research Question Three
Null hypothesis three states there is no statistically significant predictive relationship
between the embedded achievement component of racial-ethnic identity and academic
motivation, as measured by the AMS. Since three bivariate correlations were conducted, a
Bonferroni-corrected alpha level of α = .017 was used to determine significance.
Assumption Testing
A simple linear regression analysis was conducted to determine whether academic
motivation could be predicted from the embedded achievement component of racial-ethnic
identity. The null hypothesis testing showed that the regression coefficient (slope) was equal to
0. The data was screened to for violations of assumption prior to analysis.
Linearity. The scatterplot (Figure 3) of the embedded awareness component of racial-
ethnic identity and academic motivation indicates that the assumption of linearity is not tenable.
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Figure 3 - Scatterplot of independent variable and dependent variable
Normality. The assumption of normality was tested via an examination of the scatterplot
of the REIS embedded ahievement and AMS (Figure 3). The scatterplot data appears to be
normally distributed
No significant outliers. There are no significant outliers (Figure 3).
Results summary assumption testing. The embedded achievement component of
racial-ethnic identity has not met all assumption testing. See Table 10 for the results of the
assumption testing for research question three.
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Hypothesis Three Testing
Descriptive statistics. Descriptive statistics for the simple linear regression are presented
in Table 5. Descriptive statistics was collected for the simple linear regression for 84
participants after removing surveys from 9 students who did not identify themselves as African
American and from 3 students who did not complete the entire survey. There were no significant
outliers.
Analysis. A simple linear regression was carried out to ascertain the extent to which the
embedded achievement component of racial ethnic identity can predict academic motivation. No
correlation was found between the embedded achievement component of racial-ethnic identity
and academic motivation scores (r = .241). The regression equation for predicting the dependent
variable of academic motivation could not be created. There was sufficient evidence to fail to
reject the null hypothesis and conclude that the embedded achievement component of racial-
ethnic identity (M = 3.812; SD = .894) does not significantly predict academic motivation (M =
2.85, SD = 4), F(1, 83) = 5.070, p =.027. Table 4 provides a summary of the regression analysis
for the variable predicting academic achievement. Accuracy in predicting academic motivation
could not be determined.
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Results of hypothesis three. The third hypothesis stated that there is no statistically
significant predictive relationship between the embedded achievement component of racial-
ethnic identity and academic motivation, as measured by the AMS. Results of this study indicate
a failure to reject the third null hypothesis. Tests of three-priori hypothesis were conducted using
a Bonferroni-adjusted alpha level of .0167 per test (.05/3). Inspection of the simple linear
regression indicated that the embedded achievement component of racial-ethnic identity was a
not significant positive predictor of academic motivation F(1, 82) = 5.070, β = .241, R2 = .058, p
= .027. This indicates that the self-reported embedded achievement component of racial-ethnic
identity, as measured by the REIS, does not significantly predict African American high school
students’ self-reported academic motivation, as measured by the AMS.
Summary
Overall, the racial ethnic components of connectedness and embedded achievement were
found to be weak predictors of African American high school students’ academic motivation.
Assumption testing was conducted for each of the three variables. The assumptions of linearity
and normally distributed values were violated for the awareness of racism component of racial-
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ethnic identity, and linearity was violated with the embedded achievement component. The
conclusions and implications of the study are discussed next.
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CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Discussion
The purpose of this correlational study was to determine if racial-ethnic identity
components of connectedness, embedded achievement and awareness of racism had a linear
relationship with academic motivation in African American high school students. Racial-ethnic
identity was measured using the REIS and the AMS was used to measure academic motivation.
The disparity in academic motivation between African American and European American
students continues to be a problem (NAEP, 2015, Rocques & Paternoster, 2011). Oyserman et
al. (2007) found that African American students that were highly connected to their racial-ethnic
group better perceived the value of their education, and the student was then more likely to have
positive academic experiences. Unfortunately, a gap still persists between African American and
European American students. This study examines which components of racial-ethnic identity
correlate with academic motivation of African American high school students using three
bivariate correlations.
Hypothesis One
A bivariate correlation was used to evaluate the first research question of this study,
which concerned the relationship between the connectedness component of racial-ethnic identity
and academic motivation. Connectedness was found to be a significant predictor of academic
motivation for African American students. A weak but significant relationship was found among
the variables (r = .278). Results from the study support the hypothesis that African American
high school students were more likely to possess academic motivation if the student was
identified as being connected to their African American racial-ethnic identity (p = .011).
Previous work by Bridgeland et al. (2010) supports this finding by confirming that some students
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dropped out of high school because there was not a connection between the student’s life and
their goals for the future. This provided evidence that African American students need to feel a
strong connection to the school community and feel that what they are learning has value.
Carson (2009) further explores connectedness among African American students, noting
that African Americans felt responsible for encouraging academic achievement for their college
community and feelings of collectivism helped to develop these beliefs. African American
students are motivated to learn, but this motivation is often negated by negative messages
perpetuated by the school system, media, and society. Li (2012) extended these findings by
confirming that there must be a balance between academic and social characteristics in
conjunction with a supportive environment in order to increase intrinsic motivation and develop
goals. This finding further supports the self-determination theory of motivation. Deci and Ryan
(2002) argue that for a person to be motivated, their three basic psychological needs (autonomy,
competence, and relatedness) must be met. Results of hypothesis one found that meeting the
basic psychological need of relatedness helps African American high school students to feel
motivated academically.
Hypothesis Two
An additional bivariate regression was used to analyze the second hypothesis, which
tested the relationship between the awareness of racism component of racial-ethnic identity and
academic motivation. However, no relationship was found between these variables (p = 0.962).
Conflicting research in this area suggests that this finding may be incorrect. Research supports
the literature that awareness of racism predicts academic motivation (McSwine, 2010; Pizzaloato
et al 2008; Mandura, 2008; Shockley & Frederick, 2010; Decuir-Gimby et al. 2012). This study
found that the awareness of racism component of African American racial-ethnic identity is not a
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significant predictor of academic motivation. Nevertheless, Pizzaloato et al. (2008) noted the
importance for African Americans to develop an internally and ethnically grounded self to
despite negative stereotypes. This also supports Deci and Ryan’s (2002) SDT, which indicates
that when a student feels competent in conjunction with autonomy and relatedness, they will be
academically motivated. SDT can support the assumption that when African American students
are aware of racism and yet feel competent despite social barriers, they will be more
academically motivated. Although this study does not support the current research, teachers and
curriculum developers can help support an awareness of racism by using culturally relevant
curriculum and make sure that the history of African Americans is well represented in the
education of all students to increase academic motivation and ultimately support African
American students’ feelings of competence.
Hypothesis Three
A final bivariate correlation was used to evaluate a third hypothesis, which examined
how the embedded achievement component of racial-ethnic identity predicts academic
motivation. There was no significant relationship between the embedded achievement
component of racial-ethnic identity on academic motivation (p = .027). Although this study did
not find a significant relationship between the two variables, the research shows that there is
sufficient evidence suggesting that embedded achievement positively correlates to academic
motivation (Strimc-Pawl & Leffer, 2011; Benjamin, 2007; Williams & Byran, 2013). African
Americans have a tumultuous history, but have been able to strive and be academically
successful. Strimc-Pawl and Leffer (2011) found that African Americans value family and
education. The value of education shows that African Americans have embedded achievement.
Embedded achievement may be hindered because of the lack of connection that African
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American students have in the current academic educational structure (Maryshow et al. 2005;
Cokley & Chapman, 2008). The presence of embedded achievement among African American
students is further supported by the findings of Benjamin (2007), who found that African
Americans embrace the fact that education is the primary route to increasing economic status. In
conjunction with the previous study, William and Byran (2013) found that African American
parents have high academic expectations for their children, which supports a value of embedded
achievement. According to the Kinder Institute of Urban Education at Rice University (2013),
90% of African Americans surveyed indicated that success in life required post-secondary
education, which was higher than any other racial group. This study clearly supports the finding
that African Americans value education. Despite the fact that this study did not support the
research, the literature supports that African American students have embedded achievement.
Conclusion
There is a significant education disparity between African American and European
American high school students (NAEP, 2015). The research shows that there is a relationship
between racial ethnic identity and academic motivation (Oyserman et al., 2003; Seller, Chavous
& Cook, 1998; Spencer, Noll, Stolzfus & Harpalina, 2001). The results of this study indicated a
weak significant positive relationship between connectedness and academic motivation. A study
conducted by Whales and Noel (2011) supports this finding, as they found substantial empirical
evidence that identification with African American racial-ethnic identity promotes academic
motivation. The research suggests that despite negative stereotypes, African American students
have that ability to be academically successful when their basic needs are met, in accordance
with self-determination theory (Moore-Thomas, 2009; McSwine, 2010; Maryshow et al. 2005).
Historically, African Americans have used education to respond to oppressive circumstances
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(Johnson-Blake, 2010; Buchard, 2010). This supports the idea that a strong racial-ethnic identity
encourages academic motivation. Additionally, the African American community possesses
strong educational achievement orientation (Perry, Steele, Hilliard, 2003; Sanders, 1997).
Overall, African American racial-ethnic identity can promote academic achievement and
motivation (Oyserman et al 1995; Spencer 1999; Whaley, 2003).
In addition to African American racial-ethnic identity predicting academic motivation,
SDT posits that in order to be academically successful, students must have their basic
psychological needs for competence, autonomy, and relatedness met (Deci & Ryan, 1985). The
researcher proposes that teachers can promote racial-ethnic identity of African American
students in order to increase academic motivation. Promoting racial-ethnic identity would ensure
that African American students have their basic psychological needs met, and subsequently
promote academic motivation. Studies support the idea that when students’ racial-ethnic
identities are embraced, it is supportive of academic motivation (Oyserman et al 1995; Spencer
1999; Whaley, 2003). In addition, African Americans who are academically successful have
developed a sense of community that supports African Americans to be academically motivated
despite negative stereotypes. Along with community, Spencer et al. 2001, found that when
students had a positive sense of self (racial-ethnic identity as an African American), they
achieved more academically. This negates Ogbu’s (2003) theory of academic disengagement of
African American students due to the burden of “acting white.” Academic disidentification or
lack of academic motivation is not a racial-ethnic norm in the African American community
(Spencer et al. 2001). In order for African American students to have their basic psychological
needs met in accordance with SDT, it is clear that Afrocentric education and socialization should
play a significant role in the education system. Whaley and McQueen (2004) found that an
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Afrocentric socialization program improved academic performance of African American
students. These researchers (2010) extended their findings by conducting another study that
discovered that when African Americans were provided with explicit, culturally based
interventions, students had positive views of African American identity.
Due to the fact that African American students may need to feel connected to their
communities and schools, African American students make a distinction between learning and
performing (Cokely, 2003). In other words, African American students may not perceive school
as a place for learning, and disidentification may stem from lack of connection to African
American racial ethnic identity.
In addition to the African American racial-ethnic identity supporting academic
motivation, research has also shown that African American students still had high educational
expectations regardless of their neighborhood environment (Chavous et al. 2003; Chavous et al.
2008; Cunningham, 1999). This is not to say that teachers and the school environment do not
play a role in the academic success of African American students. It is important that teachers
work to reduce and ameliorate the prejudice and discrimination that African American students
experience, because this likely contributes to those students performing poorly or dropping out of
school (Mattison & Aber, 2007). African American students need to perceive their school
environments as fair in order for them to believe that education will pay off in the future (Brown
& Jones, 2004). This further supports the importance of teachers’ roles in the academic outcomes
of African American students.
Overall, the research shows that supporting students’ racial-ethnic identity positively
impacts academic achievement (Chavous et al., 2003; Oyserman et al., 2001, 2003; Spencer et
al., 1997, 2001). These findings have considerable implications for school policy and pedagogy.
94
African American students need to feel connected, which will provide them with a sense of
community that will in turn influence academic motivation (Oyserman et al. 1995). Embedded
community must also include skills to successfully navigate European American society without
destroying African American values to sustain academic success (Carter, 2006). In conjunction
with explicit in-school interventions, African American students’ awareness of racism should
continue to be developed through family socialization in order to continue to develop academic
motivation. To eliminate the achievement gap, racial socialization interventions that promote
academic excellence of African racial-ethnic identity should be implemented within the school
system (Whaley & McQueen, 2004). Positive teacher relationships and high expectations are
additional factors that further support academic motivation (Cokley, 2003; Spencer et al., 1997).
Implications
Studies have shown that racial ethnic identity positively impacts academic achievement
and motivation (Chavous et al., 2003; Oyserman et al., 2001, 2003; Spencer et al., 1997, 2001).
Dominant social perceptions of African Americans, as well as racism in schools, adversely affect
students’ academic motivation (Brown & Jones, 2004; Mattison & Aber, 2007). This study has
added to the body of literature showing how racial-ethnic identity positively impacts academic
motivation or achievement by examining the relationship between racial-ethnic identity and
academic motivation. Teachers and policy makers must support African American students by
understanding biases that exist in pedagogy, as well as in school policy. Teachers must also
examine their own prejudices and receive culturally relevant training and support to help African
American students feel connected. This may help eliminate disengagement from school and
learning, as African American students will experience less dissonance between values at home
and at school. In addition, African American students will be better able to develop a healthy
95
sense of self when curricula are culturally relevant. Overall, African American students will feel
more connected to their schools and communities when their culture and racial-ethnic identity is
represented in the educational system.
Limitations
The first limitation involves a possible threat to the reliability of the dependent variable,
the embedded achievement component of the REIS. The embedded achievement subscale meets
reliability requirements for a subscale, with a Cronbach’s alpha score of 0.65 (Nunnally &
Bernstein, 1994). However, the Cronbach’s alpha score is lower than typically preferred for
instruments (George & Mallery, 2003). The lower Cronbach’s alpha score for this variable may
account for the lack of a statistically significant relationship between the embedded achievement
component of racial-ethnic identity and academic motivation as predicted by the literature.
Another limitation of this study involves a threat to external validity. This study did not
control for gender, socioeconomic status, or high school grade level. Some of the literature refers
to gender differences regarding academic motivation among African American students (Cokely
et al., 2011). Also, this study did not address socioeconomic status, since 85% of the students at
this school receive free and reduced lunch.
Finally, another threat to external validity may be present. This study included a limited
convenience sample of 84 students, which satisfied the minimum requirements (Green, 1991).
This study might have yielded stronger correlations using a larger sample. The sample also was a
homogeneous convenience sample, which may have impacted the results. The findings of this
study are limited based on the lack of randomization. The results of the study cannot be
generalized to larger groups due to the use of a population of students enrolled in a summer
96
school program. Additionally, the data was collected during a short academic window and did
not capture all students at the school.
Recommendations for Future Research
Although many studies have previously examined the effects of racial-ethnic identity and
academic achievement or motivation, more information is needed to address the achievement
gap between African Americans and European Americans. Additional studies are needed to
examine African American racial-ethnic identity, and specifically how it contributes to academic
achievement and motivation. Further studies are also needed to explore the opposing view that
African American culture negatively impacts academic achievement and adversely affect African
American student motivation.
This study also used a correlational analysis, which examines relationships among
variables. Future research should examine the cause and effect interactions between racial-
ethnic identity and academic motivation in conjunction with predictive relationships. Such future
research would help to determine why African American students are not as academically
successful as European American students in the traditional school setting.
This sample was also limited to high school students in one area of the country. Future
research should be regionally diverse and focus on different age ranges in order to explore how
racial-ethnic identity impacts different age groups. Additionally,, longitudinal studies should be
conducted to see how African American racial-ethnic identity grows over time and how that
affects academic achievement and motivation based on academic experiences. This study could
also be replicated in different regions of the United States to see if the study would yield similar
results. Finally, future research could also focus on the development of a measure to assess
97
traditional school structures and how effective these structures are at meeting the needs of
diverse learners.
98
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Appendix A
Opt-Out Parent Letter Student Survey
July 2016
Dear Parent/Guardian:
Your son/daughter, along with other high school students enrolled in your child’s school, has been invited to participate in an educational research study about academic motivation and ethnic identity development. As part of the study, students will take a 20-minute survey during the school day. Your student's responses will be anonymous; meaning, your student will not include his or her name on the survey.
The Institutional Review Board at Liberty University has approved the study. The results will be used by Meliane Hackett, a student at Liberty University, to write her doctoral dissertation.
Participation is voluntary and will not affect your son's/daughter's grades. If you decide that you do not want your student to take the survey, please sign and date this letter and have your child return to their teacher or your son or daughter may just leave the survey blank on the day it is administered.
If you have any questions about the research study or wish to review the questionnaire, please contact Meliane Hackett at 857-400-7786 (text or call).
Thank you for helping us learn more about students’ educational experience.
Sincerely,
Meliane Hackett M.Ed Doctoral Candidate, Administrative Leadership Liberty University
I DO NOT WANT MY CHILD TO PARTICIPATE IN THE SURVEY: _____________________________________ __________________________ Sign Date
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Appendix B
Dear Teachers,
Please let me begin by thanking you in advance for taking the time from your extremely
busy schedule to administer this survey to your students. My name is Meliane Hackett and I am
working on my doctoral dissertation in administrative leadership. I am conducting a study to
determine how racial-ethnic identity impacts academic motivation of African American high
school students. This study could possibly provide government agencies and school districts with
data to develop culturally relevant teaching practices. I anticipate this research may provide
educators with academic motivators of African American students that could possibly increase
student achievement.
One week prior to taking the survey, you will receive copies of the opt-out letter to
distribute to the students (see attached). This is a voluntary study and students who return the
opt-out letter may not participate in the study. Please encourage students to take the survey
seriously and to answer all of the questions.
Please provide students with the surveys and demographic questions and return the
surveys in the self-addressed envelope provided once students completed the survey.
Please call, text or email me with any questions or concerns. Again, thank you so very much for
your time.
Thank you
Meliane Hackett
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Appendix C
Directions
Today you will be participating in a survey. This survey will look at academic
motivation and racial ethnic identity. The information you provide will be confidential. This
means your information and answers will not be shared with anyone. The answers on this survey
will have no effect on your grade in this class. You may participate if you did not return your
opt out form. The survey should take approximately 20 minutes. Your answers are important
and will be used to make educational decisions. It is important to try to answer all of the
questions. There are demographic questions and two surveys that you will be asked to complete.
On both surveys, the higher numbers indicate you agree with the statement and the lower
numbers indicate you do not agree with the statement. Does anyone have any questions? If you
have questions during the survey raise your hand and ask your teacher. Thank you for your
participation. The researcher appreciates you. You may begin your survey now.
Thank you,
Mrs. Hackett
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Appendix D
SCORING THE AMS
Key for AMS High School version -28 items
Item Type/domain/orientation of motivation
2, 9, 16, 23 Intrinsic motivation – to know
6, 13, 20, 27 Intrinsic motivation - toward accomplishment
4, 11, 18, 25 Intrinsic motivation - to experience stimulation
3, 10, 17, 24 Extrinsic motivation - identified
7, 14, 21, 28 Extrinsic motivation - introjected
1, 8, 15, 22 Extrinsic motivation - external regulation
5, 12, 19, 26 Amotivation
Calculations
To calculate a participant’s score on the AMS, the mean response for each of the sub-scales was
found. These means varied between 1 and 7. The means were then inserted in the following
formula, which was used to calculate a self-determination index, which was taken as the
participant’s academic motivation score. The formula had been adapted from Vallerand,
Pelletier, Blais, Briere, Senecal, and Vallieres (1992).
2{(know+acc+stim/3)} + iden – {(intro+reg/2) + 2amo}= Academic Motivation. know =
intrinsic motivation to know; acc = intrinsic motivation to accomplishments; stim = intrinsic
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motivation to experience stimulation; iden = identification; intro = introjected regulation;
external regulation; amo = amotivation.
This formula gives scores ranging from -18 (very little self-determination/ academic motivation)
to +18 (extreme self-determination/ high academic motivation). Highest level of self-
determination: 2((7+7+7/3)) + 7 - ((1+1/2) + 2*1)
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Appendix E
